The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 8, 1929, Page 4

oy? ere OMPTOUANY PUbMAHME: Co Inc. York City, N. Y¥. Telephone dally, ex Stuyvesant 169 Union By SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8.00°a year; Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; $2.50 three months $4.50 six months; ; $2.00 three months $3.60 six monti PARTY LIFE Mepaaiate Dishonest Maneuvers of Lovestone| Renegades Cc. P. U.S. A. TO THE SECRETARIAT Dear Comrades:— It has come to my attention that the renegade Lew culating in America copies of his so-called Appeal to the Committee of the Communist International in which he a continue his use of my name in his disruptive and anti-C activities. He is trying to use the statement signed by the delegation in Moscow of May 18 for this purpose. It is necessary for me to de- nounce this dishonest maneuy Lovestene, When it become clear to that Lovestone, Git) and Wol: against the C. I.,and for an op the delegation began to break this course. Therefore, when a dered, it was proposed that the not to conti: the document together w: wrong things in the s was the pledge to cease th Lovestone, Gitlow and Wol not to end the fight but on , during work e delegation, > plunging u nto a struggle rtunist line, I and other members of line, and attempted to changé ays after the decision was ren- delegatio’ ment pledging wa d the f any ieance fev al political sigi truggle. “But now it has signed it merely a_dishone the contrayr, nue it in form in America. I hereby; again to dissosiate myself from any and all of Lovestone’s activities, and especially to denounce his dishonest use of my name in his latest campaigns. It has now become.clear beyond all doubt that all those former members o fthe delegation who continue their association with Lovestone, are ac going over into the camp of counter revolution. I appeal to all members of the Party to join wholeheartedly with the C. I. and the C. C. of the American Party, to completely liquidate this group of renegades, and to go fori the building up of a mass Party. actively leading the class stru the basis of the correct line which we have now finally secured with the help of the C. I. All events, the sharpening class struggles, the re- newed healthy growth of the Party, as well as the action of the rene- gades, have combined to prove conclusively that we are now on the correct Bolshevist course. ve With Communist greetings, Moscow, Sept. 15, 1929. ALEX NORAL. AGAINST COLONIAL OPPRESSION ‘An Appeal of the All-China Federation of Labor Regarding the Shooting cf Comrade Loo Yun-sun Fellow Workers! Since the Kuomintang, under the instructions of the imperialists, attacked the . S. S. R., class conflicts have been intensified throughout the whole world. Imperialism on the one hand, suppresses the revo- lutionary struggles, arrests members of the trade unions and kills revo- lutionary leaders in the West; and on the other hand, it cooperates with the Kuomintang militarists to use white terrorist tactics on a larger scale, to suppress the revolutionary leaders in China, etc. On the 26th of July, when the anti-imperialist mass demonstration p: d over the Bund bridge, the armed police of the imperialists fired on the unarmed masses without any reason or warning, with the consequence that » railwayman, the leader of the demonstration, Loo Yun-Sun, was ser- iously wounded. The police then took him to the Japanese police sta- tion and attempted to bury him in secret and up to the present no one knows where he is, The imperialists and the Kuomintang realize that although the Chinese Revolution suffered a defeat in 1927, it is again steadily grow- ing. They know that the Chinese masses are still an important factor in the anti-imperialist fight, and that the down trodden Chinese work- ing class is the main force of the wowrld revolution. Therefore, when the Chinese workers demonstrated to support the U. S. S. R., and against imperialist war, they (the imperialists and Kuomintang) were well prepared and adopted savage measures to suppress the demonstra- tion. This incident is another prominent fact of the guilt of imperial- ism, but they cannot hinder the development of the Chinese Revolution. On the contrary, they will rouse the revolutionary courage of the Chinese workers and make them fight more decisively to overthrow the ruling power of imperialism and the reactionary Kuomintang. The Chinese workers have actively participated in and are in the vanguard of the class struggle of the world. We must fight on without any retreat: our revolutionary fighting spirit must be so decisive that it cannot be defeated. We believe that the sacrifice of Comrade Loo Yun-Sen has the same value as the sacrifice made by the workers in Berlin, Warsaw and other countries during their brave fight against capitalism. The Chinese workers realize that during the long period of anti-capitalist struggle, the class united front of the world’s workers should be continuously extended and strengthened; the broad working masses in the whole world should be mobilized and fight for working class aims. The recent large strikes (including several ten thousand workers) in the Japanese textile mills and the Electricity Department in the Shanghai Municipal Council in China, are the result of*the cruel exploitation by the imperialists of the Chinese workers and the shame- ful part played by the Kuomintang on behalf of the imperialists to suppress the workers, These strikes are the expression of the brave fight of the Chinese workers. The Chinese workers are now in the front ranks for support of the U.S. S.R. Workers of the World! Fight and prepare the class strug- gle in answer to the attack on the U.S.S.R. and the Chinese Revolution by the imperialists and the Kuomintang. The Chinese workers hope to make a class united front with the workers in other countries on the Pacific ocean and also in Europe and America, in order to fight against imperialist war. We will advance along the line from supporting the victory of the Russian October revolution to the victory of the World October Revolution. veloped following the sacrifice of Comrade Loo Yun-Sun. Shanghai, July 27th, 1929, All China Federation of Labor. THE WAR MONGERS DISTRIBUTE THE ROLES It is hardly possible to conceive anything meaner and more dis- gusting than the tissue of lies and calumnies woven by the Chniese diplomats in connection with the annexation of the Chinese Eastern Railway. However, the deep dye of this lying attack grows paler alongside the reports of the terrible. cruelties practiced on Soviet citizens in the prisons of the Chinese satraps, of the sentences passed upon people whose only fault is that they are subjects of the Soviet Union, and finally, of the bandit attacks, undertaken by Chinese troops and Russian White Guards upon the peaceable population of the front- ier districts of the Soviet Union. However, we must concern our- selves with the lies of the Nanking commercial travellers, as these represent an important portion of the general plan of “action” of the ‘war mongers against the Soviet Union. elegrams from Tokio report a conversation of the Chinese Am- bassador in Japan Wan Yun Bao with the Japanese Minister for_ Foreign Affairs, Sidehara, concerning the Russo-Chinese conflict. Wan Yun Bao goes as far as to deny the facts mentioned in the note of Comrade Litvinov. These facts include the statement that the Chinese authorities not only “treat Soviet subjects badly,” as this is mildly expressed in Wan’s denial, but that they commit excessse, to which the imperialist powers would long ago have replied with punitive expeditions. It need hardly be proved that Wan’s “refuta- tion” is merely designed to hide the acts of violence enumerated in the note. The speech of the representative of the Nanking Government in the League of Nations, Mr. Wu, is worthy of still closer attention. A stlil more delicate and responsible mission was given to this youth. Like a well-trained lackey, Wu made wonderful bows to the Geneva assembly and started not only to whitewash the Chinese robbers but even to throw the blame onto the Soviet Union. He boasted of the “paramount love of peace(!) of China” and was impudent enough to accuse the Soviiet Union of provocation, etc. It is, of course, not an accident that the tongue of the Chinese diplomats have benome so loose. in 7% to work up public opinion, they know on whm they are re- When they resort to such, methods { We shall see that historical struggles will be de- | ~ ovr MARION MILLS MARION MFG, COMPA By Fred Ellis Sharp By BILL DUNNE, apidity with which the struggle of the southern work- ers against st rationalization _has taken on an open and sharp political ch. especially in the highly machinized indus (cot- ton spinning, rayon, etc.), shows the great need for corresponding rapidity in recruiting for and consolidating our Party—not only in the South but in the North, e the armed rai kidnappings and flog- gins by the black hundreds in the Gastonia region and the massacre of workers in Marion, both with the full support of the state, are not spe- cial southern phenomena but forerunners of wider development of fas- cist and semi-fascist methods in this pre-war period. Our Par required now to give direct and daily leadership to mass struggles of the most serious kind. In the South in recent weeks our Party has been forced to pass from a p ion of more or less open access to the masses to that of semi-legality. Not only has this been true of our Party, but it is also true cf the National Textile Workers’ Union in certain sections where the terror of the mill bosses was the best organized. Only Party organizations which have developed con- siderable stability and the Communist flexibility which grows out of conscious strength are able to make such rapid adjustments without serious losse In the North our Party has been establshed for ten years. In the South our Party began its serious mass activity only in March of this year. In some seven mont section of the working class most feared and hated by the bosses and their government before great masses of the most oppressed and ex- Negro and white—and to show to thousands of work- Members of our Party rhave taken and are taking a leading part in the biggest mass struggles in the section of the textile industry where the sharpest conflicts, developing into armed combats and at times taking on a revolutionary character, have developed. Pre- because our Party members in the South have, under the leader- ship of the Party and by carrying out its program, been able to secure wide mass influence, numbers of them have been singled out for special prosecution. (Gastonia murder trial, special terrorist activities, etc.) The sharpest drive of the southern capitalists and their various government agencies is directed against our Party as the revolutionary leadership of the masses in the tion and the political struggles developing out of it. Nowhere more than in the South is the ruling class proceeding openly and consciously against our Party, Our agitational and propaganda literature is widely read. In the last three months more than 200,000 copies of the Daily Worker‘ have been distributed. tributed to the amount of more than 1,500,000 pieces. that our Party is no longer a stranger in the South—especially in the two highly industrialized states of North and South Carolina. Our Party alone can give leadership to the rapidly developing | struggles of the new southern working class. It is only because our Party has won wide support among the most exploited workers that we have been able to maintain and extend our influence in the face of legal and extra-legal persecution of militant workers and our Party mem- bers that has had few precedents in the history of the American class struggle. But our Party has always been week in ability to increase its membership in proportion to its influence and this weakness has been shown in our work in the South. Such spokesmen of southern capitalism as Governor Gardner of North Carolina puts the issue squarely as one between the program of our Party for our class and the activity of our Party, and those who represent Wall Street imperialism. Governor Gardner, in a three- column statement issued October 1, singles out our Party for the target of attack. He says: “North Carolina is, by the very nature of its people, the most un- promising field in America for the propagation of Communism. If the Communists have selected North Carolina as an experiment station for the cultivation of their alien and un-American doctrines, they have made « fundamental mistake... . I am convinced that Communism has been a complete failure in North Carolina. Whatever merit any of the recent strikes in the textile centers may have had, they lost their case the day they accepted the leadership of the foreign Communist leaders.” The day following the publication of Governor Gardner’s statement five striking and unarmed workers were killed and twenty wounded at the Marion mill by sheriff’s deputies, These workers were not led by Communists. lying. A further proof of this is given by the sonorous declaration of the American adviser to the Nanking Government Mantel, who in his cynicism does not differ from his Chinese colleagues. The of- ficial refutation of the Washington Government, who tried to rep- resent Mantel as a “private person,” merely exposes the refuter him- self, This is best proved by Mantel’s fresh declaration. He wanted to get out of the uncomfortable position, and “explain” his state- ments by saying that the data given by him concerning the “Soviet- Russian robberies” on the Chinese Eastern Railway were taken from the reports made by the former manager of the Chinese Eastern Railway, the White Guardist Ostroumov. Thereby Mantel not only exposed himself but also his Washington abettors, The calumnies ofWu and other Chinese diplomats, the declara- tions of Mantel and of the other representatives of Washington diplo- macy—all this indicates the well thought out distribution of the roles in the play which is threatening to plunge the world into a fresh catastrophe of war, 4 an Mass Struggles in South Show | Need for Intensive Party Building it has been able to establish itself as that | itutes the most conscious and disciplined section of the | struggle against capitalist rationaliza- | Our literature of a more popular type has been dis- | It is easily seen | They were simply Carolina born workers fighting against the speed-up and stretch-out, waging a poorly organized but a militant struggle with a spirit so heroic that not even the surrender and deser- | tion of it by the UTW officials could destroy it. It is quite clear that Governor Gardner challenges the whole work- ing ‘s when he challenges our Party. Workers are shot down en masse when they answer the challenge. To rally the masses for such sharp struggles and give effective | revolutionary leadership to them_is the immediate task of our Party. | For such tasks our Party must be strengthened greatly. We have al- | ready drawn into our Party in the South the very best of the textile workers—the most conscious and active textile workers in the area of sharpest struggle. We have not yet made sufficient efforts in other ! industries (some progress has been made in coal mining) and this work must be carried on with the greatest energy. Likewise it is | necessary to broaden our recruiting work in the textile industry and | bring in workers in groups rather than by individual solicitation. i eg Among the Negro masses, especially in marine transport, lumber- ing, coal mining and on the railroads where Negro workers have a | monopoly of the lowest paid jobs in the South, there must be begun an | | intensive recruiting campaign. The native southern members of our Party must be especially active in this campaign. The young workers, who make up by. far the best and biggest reser- voir of material for our Party, can be recruited into the YCL much moreerapidly than adults can be brought into the Party since they are less burdened down by racial and religious prejudices., In some sec- tions the youth will have to form the immediate basis of the Party | organization. For the purpose of broadening the appeal of our Party and at the | same time basing it more solidly among the southern masses, a weekly paper must be launched—published in the South and specializing in connecting the program of our Party with the struggles of the southern masses in the most popular manner. The Party membership, now of a general character, must be defi- nitely organized on a Shop and mill unit basis. | Preparations must be made for publishing Party shop bulletins in | a number of decisive mills and factories. The forces now in the South must be strengthened at once. Espe- | cially is it necessary that at least one comrade who can devote his whole | time to actual Party organization be assigned to this work. The circula- { tion of the new weekly paper is another task which will require the full time of another comrade. The lack of a Negro organizer has been one of the most serious | organizational weaknesses—none has been in the South since June 8. | It is impossible to build the Party successfully among the Negro masses in the South unless one or more comrades can be made available for this work immediately. The line of the Party has been carried out in the South, in the sharp struggles which have aroused the sympathy and support of the | workers throughout the world, without serious political errors. All the strenuous efforts of the bosses, their press and their government have failed to drive a wedge between our Party and the masses, Since the last wave of terror the influence of the Party has increased. Work- ers defend our comrades against the terror. In two murder trials cen- tering around the clear class issue of self defense, all the non-Party wowrkers stood the terrific strain shoulder to shoulder with members of our Party. But the Party is too weak organizationally to carry out the work which the masses expect of it in the still wider and sharper struggles which are developing fast, The period is one of organization and action. Programs are no longer merely correct expressions of policy. They take on life at once through the very fact that the workers are fighting severe struggles daily, because the capitalists and their government and the working class are in open conflict. The Party must be built in the South with ten times the speed with which it has reached its present strength in the North, The “third period” does not wait. By carrying out the organizational proposals outlined in the ar- | ticle, and by utilizing to the utmost in Party building the new forces recruited and developed, the present weaknesses can be overcome and our Party strengthened to the point where, with the growing mass sup- port vident on every cide, we will be able to give a revolutionary Work- ing class answer to all challenges of capitalism whether made by Gov- ernor Gardner or by all spokesmen for the blogdy program of Wall Street imperialism. U. S. Workers to Visit.Soviet Union Through Friends of U.S. S. R. The Friends of the Soviet Union has undertaken to conduct a dele- gation of workers from America and European countries to visit the Soviet Union to celebrate the Twelfth Year of successful prole- tarian revolution. The workers will visit the most important centers—Leningrad, Mos- cow, Tiflis, Rostov, etc., and for six weeks will be the guests of the Soviet workers’ and peasants, with and transportation. SpecialEnglish- speaking guides to lead the delega- tion have been provided for. Workers are urged to select one or two delegates to participate. The only expense for such delegates will be the steamer fare, from New York to the U. S. 8S, R. border and re- turn, which will amount to $200. Additional details can be secured from the office of the Friends of the Soviet Union, Room 512, 176 Fifth Ave. New. York. / ais: ay ve SAW IT vm Sinnsee) meee NAY SELF. ermission, from “I Saw It Myself” by peer eee es Reprinted, by published and copyrighted by E. P, Dutton & Cow THE RED MAID (Continued) See escaped, then, but surrendered to the soldiers of Vercailles thae her mother might be released. And like so many of her com- patriots, she went through hell at Satory, the Communards’ slaughter- house. With the rest of the herd, she was driven in. In the cell where she lay awaiting death, vermin swarmed in such masses on the ground that they were audible there; and when thirst and fever tortured her, the only water that she had to drink came from a bloody pool in which the murderous soldiery washed their hands. Through a little window her eyes beheld the whole scene. Dimly through the darkness and streaming rain she could see little knots of men here and there, falling in answer to the flashes and detonations, to swell the heaps of corpses already bestrewing the ground. When she stood before the Summary Court of Versailles—a but- cher’s tribunal—she did her best to be conderned to death. This was her reasoning: I can still be of help to the Cause, but the Cause would be-helped yet more if they shot me; to execute a woman would bring Versailles into public discredit. HE made no loud-speaking speeches. Her declaration of faith was brief, admirably clear and self-contained; she ended with these words: “I have spoken; Condemn me to death if you are not cowards.” So impressive was this display of deliberate self-sacrifice that ex- clamations of astonishment and surprise burst from some lips, notably from Victor Hugo’s. To these men on the safe side of the barricades was revealed, as in a flash, the simple, the superhuman heroism and the wonder of revolt. But these few were quick to avert their faces. None the less, the officers djd not dare to condemn her to death and banished her instead to new Caledonia. Long years passed. It was a strange passage in her life, this captivity in forgotten isles of the Anipodes, where she proselytised the servile cannibal race of the Canaques, taught them to life their heads to a higher moral code of freedom, having taken the trouble to master the dialects of these ‘savages.’ In the intervals, during the dreadful hours of idleness enforced by deportation, she studied natural science, and even made some curious and remarkable discovreies. Then she came back to France. It was the time of the dawn of working-men’s socialism and class syndicalism. She joined forces with the anarchists, never, however, losing sight of the true needs of revo- lution. “For it does not utterly destroy the old order,” sh esaid, “we shall have to begin everything all over again.” * * * . soon came stirring and stormy political meetings, when she rose to her feet and cried to the proletariat: “If you want a place in the sun, do not ask for it—take it.” She was imprisoned, transferred again and again, maltreated, outraged. For long she refused a pardon, and only accepted it at last to go to the side of her mother’s beath-bed. She went to London, and there, while preaching the cause of the suffering and oppressed, a fanatic fired at her, but only wounded her slightly in the head. She undertook the defense of her would-be as- sassin, and pleaded for ecquittal before the Court. “He was not re- sponsible,” she said, “for the evil instincts implanted in him by the vile propaganda of a disgraceful regime.” Once again her attitude aroused astonishment, amazement, gave some of her hearers a glimpse into the deeps that underlie the revo- lutionary cause. But most of her contemporaries found it simpler and cleverer not to understand. And indeed no living soul has been less understood than this wo- man. Hers was too great a spirit to be seen as it truly was. And if those who were able to be near her venetrated, adored her and understood, every one of them faded away, for they were humble creatures; legend alone remained to tell of that profound and living rality. eee See ‘ Qnty with the present day comes truer recognition; we begin to see how her figure, through all tragic circumstance, was the veri- table embodiment of the peoples revolutionary cause, of the cry of liberty, crimson-lipped. For she taught the people to beware of the demagogy of dock democrats and bourgeois; and warm-hearted, clear- headed enough to proclaim that only by violence can chains be broken. And when, later on, the sculptor’s chisel sets work, white marble shall commemorate that enthusiast’s face, bright with intelligence and strength of will—black marble that dark dress she always wore. For here was one who hoped on through despair, who never spoke harshly of the future and believed in it always; who foresaw beyond the revo- lution of 1905—the year of her death—the coming liberation of the peoples of Russia. But even now, while the hearts of the masses, who know and feel, enshrine her name, the homage of others has immortalized her —I speak of the fierce, the furious and indecent hatred of so-called respectable people: the Shrew, the Firebrand, the Monster with Hu- man Face—such are the names that. many generations og bourgeois have set beside the name of Louis Michel. * * * Fok some time past I have undertaken to tell my comrades—Russian, French ‘and others: in a word, my comrades—true stories. For my subjects I go to reality itself, and never changé a single essential detail. And so these little tragedies or comedies that I tell them are freshly drawn from the living texture of truth. The story that I give them now is one of this kind—it is the story of Jesus. For years I have tried to discern the real outlines of this great passing figure through the veils of mystic tradition and imagination. I have carefully studied the Gaspels and Holy Scriptures in which use is made of his thought and his personality. Filled with pious zeal for the truth, I have followed the labors of savants who have worked with independence of judgment nad intellectual honesty upon the sources of Christianity, much as archaeologists work among the spacious ruins of Thebes or Troy. Drawing upon my own sin- cerity and respect for truth, I have been bold enough to write @ Gospel, which I called the Restored Gospel, because it restores to Jesus his vast yet humble role and to’ men their true greatness, of which they had alike been robbed by Religion. This, then, is the word of the past ie those who have ears to hear it. In Galilee, about the Roman year 800—ninteen hundred years ago—lived a humble Jewish prophet who preached to the people. He held no large place in history. He preached for a few months only, perhaps only for a few weeks. Not a single historian, whether Roman or Jew, who deals with this period even in detail refers to him, not a single contemporary speaks of this Jesus. For his hatred of rich men and priests shone out around him. He mingled wtih the poor, with slaves, with women in bondage, with the sufferers and the oppressed. Cane een ‘ HAT was it that he told them? He told them this: All strength is in ourselves and in Heaven there is no strength. No order, preordained, comes down to us from above. The spirit images reality and makes reality its own. To each he gave faith in himself. He even healed the sick by givnig them faith in their healing, and thet in a human miracle. ‘ He was a breaker of idols. He shattered those abstract idole— dreams and vain repititions. “He even shattered the idol of God, which is of the same order, for all its vast dimensions. And he also overthrew the fetishes of nationality and race. He thought and spoke of all men throughout the Wotld, and said to them: ‘Your salvation will never come save through yourselves.’ In this he was right, for sovereignty will issue from the masses when the strength and unity of the masses also issue forth from themselve and when the damned of this world she" lift their heads as one. 4 He glorified the equality of =!1 men, saying, as if he had foreseen in: ‘Let the greatest among you be your servant.’ This eloquent preacher of justice was a thorn in the side of the Roman administrators, who were established then in Palestine as the English are now (and this is not the only point of comparison be- tween the Romans of those times and the English of today). He was implicated in some supposed plot against the Roman State and though he was innocent of the charge, for he had done | no plotting, he was condemned to death by the Romans. (Tp_be, Continued), sasaki