The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 5, 1929, Page 4

Published Square, New York by the C Publishing Co., Y. Telephone Inc., dally, except Sunday, at Stuyvesant | 1696-7-8 __ «til Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. able: “DAIWOT By Mai! (in New York only): $ By Mail (outside of New York): SUBSCRIPTION RATES: 2.50 three months $4.50 six months: $2.00 three months $3.50 six months; 00 a year; 6.00 a year; PARTY LIFE wate Repudiates Lovestone Renegade Group September 25, 1929 Executive Committee, Bronx No. 2, Dear Comrades— As a former mmeber fo oncealed opposit Yomintern ly repudiate and dis- within the league, I take this « publ: associate myself from the Lov The right wing character of the Le tone group is fully exposed in their attitude towards the social democracy. Condemning the tenth plenum estimation of the German social democracy as being social- fascist in character, Bert Wolfe, at fronts with the Zoergiebel hangmen. tion called for a united front with Muste in the formation of a labor party springs from the same line. I now see clearly that the Love- stone line on inner and outer contradictions, their estimation of rad- icalization, as well as their conception of imperialism and rationaliza- tion lead them directly into the camp of social-fascism Recognizing my errors, as an agent of the ren within the League, I call for the condemnation of my their behalf I sand ready to take my place in the ciplined comrade. us meeting called for united The Gitlow labor party resolu- de Lovestone activities in League as a dis- s Leninist League, NATADLE “The Speaker Did Not Show Up” Too often we hear reports from Party meetings: the speaker did not show up! And not only from Party meetings, also from non-Party meetings, where a Party speaker is expected, we hear the same com- plaint: the speaker did not show up! And everything goes on as usual, nothing happens. This weakens the ability of the Party to attract new members or to keep old members in the Party, it weakens our work, it weakens the Party. It happened, for instance, the other week that a workers club had arranged a meeting on the Palestine question with a Party speaker promised by the Jewish Buro. The meeting took place, many non-Party workers of that special language group showed up to this first meeting of that workers club for this season. But no speaker showed up, and the workers had to go home. How do you expect this club to be able to hold another meeting? For a long time to come no- body will believe them when they announce a speaker. No one of the members of the club is a speaker, so that they could have put up a substitute for the speaker that broke the discipline of the Party. The same happens at our street meetings. This is imper ible conduct that altogether too often hinders the growth of our Party, damages and destroyes our sympathetic or- ganizations. An energetic fight against this must be taken up in our Party, and our Control Commissions and Agitprops should bet busy in exterminating this rotten practice. Fascism, the Order of the Day (« Review of “Inprecorr’”’ No. 52 HE “White Hand” is the monarchist-officer-fascist clique Yugoslavia. In a town of 25,000, Zagreb, there are 3,000 workers in prison. Russian white guardists aid the fascist regime in brutal torture of workers. The whole country lives under extreme terror. Communists, “after frightful tortures, after red hot needle had been driven under their nails . . . were beaten to death.” C. P., “No tears over the corpses of the murdered heroes, but a revolu- tionary mass struggle against the tyrants!” Practical demonstrations of solidarity are demanded from the international working class. ruling a eee The creation of a fascist bloc of states against the Soviet Union is one plan of world imperialism, and one reason why the “democratic republic” of Austria is turned into a fascis tdictatorship under Schober, ffederal police chief, who has an agreement with socialist leaders. Schober is the murderer of the masses in the Vienna rising of July 15, 1927. He is now “reforming” the constiuttion to please the bour- geois-fascist bloc headed by the Catholic, Seipel. The rapid rise of prices bring wage demands from the workers, and fascism is the means of the bourgeoisie to check the workers and “solve” the crisis. This cannot be done without violence, though the socialists preach non- resistance, putting up only a fake opposition to fascism. The Com- munists are leading workers in factories everywhere to resist pres- sure of fascism unions, The socialists say, “No separate actions,” pre- tending to desire a united action which they do not, however, organize. The Communists try to direct all resistance toward a general political strike, and stand for self defense organizations in the shops. Great masses following the socialists are turning towar dthe Communists, dis- illusioned with the socialist support to fascism. * * * Emile Vandervelde confesses, in an article in “Vorwarts” about the Hague Reparations Conference of the League of Nations, that under the instruction of the capitalists, the Second International is carrying out the -policy of the various capitalist robber governments. Only Vandervelde tries to make out that this is a “triumph of social- ism.” The fact that Vandervelde is hard put to cover the quarrels be- tween socialists at the Hague over the conflicting interests of their imperialist masters with a mantle of socialist Buncombe, shows that the social democracy is in a crisis which originates in the fact that it is a part of imperialsm. * * * The Assocation of Imperialist Bootlickers, which call themselves the government of China, is working overtime explaining how much their attack on the Soviet Union is worth to the imperialist powers. Nankng’s ambassador to Japan tells Japan that it is quite untrue that Soviet citizens are treated badly. At Geneva, Mr. Wu, not only wooes the League of Bandits, and has the gall to say the Soviet Union at- tacked China! Then the “American adviser” to Nanking, Mr. Mantel, after a lying statement that the Soviet had misused funds of the Chinese Eastern Line, says he “learned this” lie from the former White Guard manager, Ostroumov. This makes a good connection with American imperialism, which Stimson tries to get out of by “explaining” that Mantel is “only a private person.” * * * The military maneuvers in Czecho-Slovakia at the end of August were interesting proof that the Masaryk government has a lot of mili- tary equipment furnished it by the big imperialist powers to fight the Soviet Union. Only one big fly in the ointment. The soldiers got tired of marching and would not budge. They sabotaged, sang revolutionary songs, and when ordered to desist told the officers: “Go scratch your- self!” Punishment only made them sing the Internationale! munists led demonstrations of workers to meet the soldiers with revo- lutionary speeches and leaflets. Not a pleasant prospect for Masaryk and his imperialist bosses in their plots on the Soviet Union! Not only have six editors been discharged from the staff of the “Humanite,” organ of the French Communist Party, for obstinate op- portunism, but the revolutionary trade union center, the CGTU, is the field of struggle against a genuinely revolutionary line by a choice assortment of opportunist and degenerate elements, united around the anarcho-reformist, Monatte, for a fight at the coming CGTU congress. Monatte has flared up with a manifesto, denying the radicalization of the masses, denying the role of the Communist Party as the leader of the working class, demanding “independence” for the unions so that they may be legal—on a basis of treacherous reformism—from the ‘adventurous” policy of the Communists. Leaders of the reformist union center, the CGT, are flirting with this opposition. The Communists are pleased that the issue is squarely raised so all hitherto concealed reformist leaders can be exposed. Many unions of the CGTU have voted to support the Executive, although their officers signed Monatte’s manifesto. Moreover, the growing strike movement in which CGTU workers, CGT workers and unorganized workers have united in strug- . gle, proves Monatte wrong. * * ° The Executive Committee of the Communist International is reso- lutely forwarding the fight against the Right danger in all parties. “Inprecorr” No. 52, carries the ECCI Open Letter to the Swedish CP, which is of especial interest to American Communists, as well as the ; ECCI Resolution on Communist work in the Chinese trade unions which | in “Inprecorr” No. 52.—H. G, . +7 But, says the | Com- | MARION —1929 By Fred Ellis The National Emancipatory Movement in Korea Against Japan In the first period following the Japanese asnexation of Korea, which was one of unrestrained Japanese military terror, when the Korean bourgeoisie was prostrate and the industrial proletariat was practically non existent, the emancipatory movement in Korea w extremely weak, not having any firm foundation. Those partisan pe: ants organizations, such as the “Army of Justice,’ which sprang up during the Russo-Japanese war, could not, of course, ser ly cope with the regular, well-trained Japanese army. In spite of their excep- tionally heroic struggle, the Japanese suppressed their movement to- wards 1914, and since then all mass revolutionary emancipatory move- ments temporarily die down, tightly hdld down by the iron fist of the Japanese imperialism. However, this by no means signifies the disappearance of the people’s dissatisfaction with the Japanese policy in Korea. Reasons for this dissatisfaction at that time continually grew. The Japanese economic policy in the country, wholly directed to the rapid enrichment of the Japanese capitalists, to the fastest possible transference of raw materials and natural resources of the peninsular, mercilessly oppressed nearly all classes and sections of the Korean population. The following situation resulted from this policy towards 1919: In the country—a rapidly growing differentiation brought about on the one hand by speculation in land and by the Japanese capitalists and limited stock companies and buying up large quantities of land, and on the other, by the support which the Japanese gave to the feudal landowning ele- ments of the Korean countryside, and by the heavy taxes, which as a result of the occupation fell upon the peasantry. The number of land- owners doubled between 1914 and 1919 (from 46,000 to 90,000); at the | same time the poorest population of the countryside also greatly in- creased (from 1,900,000 to 2,050,000 persons). The number of lease- holders and semi-leaders—i. of peasants leading a semi-starving existence, towards 1919 reached nearly 80 per cent of the total Korean agricultural population. There is no need to meniton that the burdens (taxes and ete.) borne by the peasants were greatly increased. The condition of the city Koreans was not better. Retarding the develop- | ment of the Korean bourgeoisie both by economic (competition, finan- | cial policy) and administrative means (the so-called “limited stock | company law,” and etc.), the vast majority of the capital and produc- | tion of the Korean industry was concentrated in their hands, while the Koreans owned only an insignificant fraction. This equally applied both to the mining and manufacturing industry. Owing to this the i cverwhelming majority of surplus values produced in Korea belonged te the Japanese; only leavings were allowed to the Korean bourgeoisie. Such a state of affairs became plainly unbearabel for the latter, and was the cause of their great indignation, etc., regards the petty-bour- geois (city tradesmen and petty-trades), they, having fallen into the clutches of Japanese big capital, were forced to eke out a sorry exist- ence. The proletariat of Korea, was at this time still very weak and scattered. It is absolutely plain its burdens were the heaviest. The proletariat of those countries where capitalism is only just going through the first stages of its development, always are especially severely exploited. In addition to all this, the Korean proletariat hap- pens to be a proletariat of a colonial country, which means extra bur- dens, such as: extra low wages, cruel treatment, etc. Conditions are especially aggravated by the fact that in the same factory on the same is most valuable in America for its lessons on how to conduct trade union work under illegal conditions. It also tells how NOT to conduct such work, which is where the “Right” trend is hit. Jn this “Inprecorr” appears the decision of the Italian Communist Party to expel the Right renegade, Serra, who refused, when asked, to withdraw his’ opportunist/ platform submitted to the Party’s Executive, 7 ee tes, ai The Tenth Plenum of the ECCI forecasts strike struggles to come in England, therefore all workers should read two articles in “Inpre- corr” No. 52; one on the Trade Union Congress held at Belfast, and one exposing the reformist leaders of the Miners’ Federation. The first concludes with these words, by Harry Pollit; “We will call the workers to battle against the unholy triple alliance of the capitalist class, the Labor G vernment and the British Trade Union Congress.” ee iw Only the growth of the feeling of social responsibility among the toilers of the Soviet Union makes possible the new step of the “un- interrupted working week,” which has a great historical and interna- | tional significance. It represents a revolutionary breaking away from the economic methods inherited from the capitalist systm, and consti- | ,stutes a policy which must be adopted in every country where the prole- tariat is victorious. But workers outside the Soviet Union and yet slaving for capitalists, must not be imposed upon by bosses by any slogan which sounds like it but whose effect is injurious to them. Only under working class rule does the “uninterrupted work week” improve the conditions of the working class, Read precisely how it does so, | *only in spite of its leaders, who hastened either to fly or to voluntarily , Japanese work side by side with Koreans, and for the same work eceive pay double that of the Koreans. This inequality between the pay of the Japanese and Korean workers is practiced all over Korea even now. Thus, with the exception of only a small part of the feudal land- owners, all the social classes had, towards 1919, sufficient causes to be dissatisfied with the Japanese. This dissatisfaction made itself felt in the uprising of March, 1919. Undoubtedly, the nfluence of such international facts as the October Revolution, the Treaty of Versailles and Wilson’s theses on the rights of small nations, etc., undoubtedly hastened the march of events. The Korean proletariat was at that time too weak to lead the | movement. It did not then possess any revolutionary organization, however weak! this is proved that it had not yet become aware of its class interests. The petit-bourgeoisie took charge of the movement; it had hitherto Ted the Chen-Do-Ghe organization (the Heavenly Way)—a religious @ nationalist organization composed mainly of peasants. However, the bourgeoisie proved itself absolutely unable to cope with its tasks in these March days. The whole history of its “leadership” is a history of cowardice and treachery, the movement developed on a large scale, | | | i} i} \ | put themselves at the mercy of the Japanese ,and owing to the spon- taneous burst of indignation of the peasant’masses, who led a fierce | struggle against the Japanese. The Japanese succeeded in drowning the first outburst of the Korean | people in blood. All the same they were forced to consider the cor- | ipcttioss (froie their point of view) of their policy in Korea, and to | ider how to attract to their side new strata of the population, which could be eventually used as Japanese agents in the emancipatory movement. It is but natural that their choice fell on the bourgeois, to whom it was decided to make certain concessions. In 1921, the fol- lowing “reforms” were declared: the military governor-general was re- placed by a civil governor-general, the gendarmes were replaced by police, a show of self-government was created, the “limited joint stock | law” was repealed, and etc. Actually, however, up to the present day the goyernor-generalship is military, and self-government is not even heard of. (The so-called council attached to the governor-general and the provincial governors enjoy no powers whatsoever and are only chedient tools in the hands of the Japanese authorities) The economic yoke has been only very slightly relieved, and all the commanding posi- tions of Korean economy remain as before in Japanese possession. However, in spite of all the ridiculousness of the reforms, the Korean bourgeoisie, frightened by the March movement no less than the Jap- anese, immediately grosped this straw in order to attempt to make even a patched compromise with Japan. Part of the bourgeoisie (the richer section) openly went over to the platform of collaboration with Japanese imperialism. The remainder, wwho would have wished to opposed Japanese imperialism, but feared, however, to lose that which it possessed, avoided a decisive struggle. Hence, the half way position of this section of the bourgeoisie; frequent ultra revolutionary phrases side by side with dreams of re- forms, the struggle for autonomy, culture, etc. It would appear that all wa sover, but in reality the movement was not altogether crushed: at the least cause the popular masses once more evinced their willingness to fight their oppressors. The rice incidents of 1926 too was such an explosion of the popular indignation. The Communist Party, who had by that time come into existence, very ably took advantage of the mood of the masses, which that day filled the streets in large number (in Seul alone over 400,000) to mourn the death of the late emperor (allowing the masses to demonstrate, the Japanese had hoped that by arranging the solemn funeral of the em- peror, they would lessen somewhat the anti-Japanese feeling). As a result of the Communist Party’s activities, and under their direction, this “public mourning” was converted into a powerful demonstration for independence of Korea. There are in Korea at the present time only two really revolu- tionary sections which are ready to struggle to the end’for emancipa- tion: the peasantry and the proletariat. The peasantry, robbed and suppressed, are at any minute prepared to rush into the fight for land, for emancipation from the yoke of the Japanese and the landowners. They are not, however, in a position to organize and win this struggle on their own. They lack organizing forces, which can only come from the cities. The proletariat is that force which is ‘capable of organizing the peasants for the struggle for national emancipation, for the land, for democratic freedom, and at the same time to organize, together with the peasantry, the other socia] strata which have retained traces of revolutionary spirit. Teh recent events (the Hensan strike) have shown that the Korean proletariat is quickly growing, that the period of disconnected action and unorganization of the Korean worker has gone by, that the time is at hand when the Korean proletariat will ;come out as a class, which has fully understood its historic tasks and’ which is capable of leading the Korean rolstigpery movement to, | victory. % aaa MY SELF! Reprinted, by permission, frem “I Saw It Myself” by Hearl Barb: ished and copyrighted by E. P, Dutton & Co. Ine, New Po a BLOOD IN THE OIL CANS (Continued) “In the final fusillade, this photographer (how he had ry work at heart) as he went on turning, stormed away: d “My Dedskin band’s a goner!’ he cried. ‘These fellows don’t know how to act. They’re duds. They don’t know how to fall, these blasted | Indians! That’s not the way to fall. They tumble like fools. Put some; professionals in their place, for God’s sake!’” t H@) fact was, these Redskins who were playing the part of the final victims seemed curiously clumsy and unnatural as they fell from the saddle, under the avenging fire of the heroic little hand led by the millionaire and the fiance. “But at last the scene came to an end, in some fashion or other. “But gee! the men on the ground were lying still. “And blood was flowing round them. “They had fallen clumsily, but sure enough they were dead. And there were twewlve in all. “In a flash, the awful truth, the frightful accident became clear: all unawares—without anyone knowing a word—the actors who were playing the part of the pursuers had not used blank cartridges; their _ rifles were loided! “I leave you to imagine the despair that I showed on this new style battlefield. I tore out my hair in handfuls in the sight of all, I smote my breast, I cursed myself for not examining the cartridges— but who could have guessed that thees blank cartridges were not blanks —and groaned out that I was undone, disgraced forever. Then off I staggered, letting it be known that I was going to surrender to the judges, or do worse than that—for I held myself to blame for this sudden catastrophe which had cost the life of twelve petroleum share- holders. “But a friend came to see me in my little home, where I was roaming up and down like a caged lion, half crazy. I talked of com- mitting suicide. Other people arrived and I talked louder still. But they told me to come back to my senses, and at last I calmed down a bit, * * * ve * * * N INQUIRY was held. The close resemblance of the packages of blank and loaded cartridges and the circumstances which hal led to the mistake were so convincing,’ and so stoutly did I maintain that I had acted in good faith and in all innocence, that my defense was upheld by the sheriff and the verdict was in my favor. “But I left the district to take up a post in a big New York firm as head of the litigation department, with a handsome salary attached. “It was while there that I heard that an angry wind was shaking the Red Indian tribe and that the ten remaining shareholders were in a terrible state of excitement. The trouble was mostly due to the shindy kicked up in person by one of their number, Harry Roan by name. He actually went so far as to accuse the company openly of doing away with the Indians, to rob them of their share in the profits! “Suddenly he disappeared. Eleven days after his body was found ridled with bullets, in an abandoned motor, by the roadside. “And so there were nine, you say? No, that’s where you're out. There wasn’t a single one left. For when Roan was found in this plight | the whole tribe, seized with panic, gathered up tents, horses, baggage and women folk and fled into the mountains, cleared off the scene, leaving the whites sole masters of the oil-wells. “And now, when I’ve settled in England and shaken off the dust of the United States, that country where man’s most sacred right— the right to quench his thirst, has been violated; now, when I’m even seriously thinking—I don’t mind letting you into the secret—of becoming a religious man and a churchgoer—I learn from the newspapers that, after three years, this affair is coming up before Tulsa Courts. God's blessing on judges and witnesses too, but you don’t expect me to keep up the interest in this state old affair?” Billy Pew wanted to add a rider, and urged by some proud impulse did so: “Tf ever they find out who poisoned and shot those Indians. .well, they won't find ’em out that way. “Believe me, my friend,” Bill added by way of conclusion and fare- well, “literary blokes aren’t the only people in this world with powerful imaginations; there are others who can see a plot right through.” (THE END.) * * * THE RED MAID Cn there was a little country school-mistress and the children twirled round her like farm-yard chickens. She was slender as a willow wand, and had dark, drak eyes and hair. In those eyes of hers, once, celectial light, angelic visions had come and gone; and who knows? perhaps she had heard voices too. From this school in Lorraine one could see the tower of Audel- oncourt church, which lies not so far away from Domremy church; and there in its shade once lived a shepherdess who might have been compared with this shepherdess of children. But Joan of Are had lived in the days of Charles VII, five hundred years ago, while Louise lived under Napoleon III. Such was the honesty of those who had reared her, and such her native honesty, that she had come to free herself of superstition, dismissed for her the phantoms in which she had once believed. And now she only believed in the terror and the marvel of real things. Her dreams, her pity, and her keen bright eyes, wer all givn for the cause of human suffering and no longer found delight in the fairy- tales with which old faith has lulled and charmed the childish minds of men. Her religion looked to another world. She clung in devotion to life itself. * * * HE devoted herself more to the suffering of all than to the suffer- nig of a few—to the freedom of her race. And her love for the oppressed was first seen in her hatred of the potentate who held France in servitude. Morning and evening, she made her pupils sing the Marsiellaise, One Sunday, in the village church, when the priest saying Mase up on his gilded dais let fall the consecrated phrase: ‘Momine salvum fac Napoleonum,’ a loud noise was suddenly heard in the body of the church—the clatter of little sabots on the stone floor. All the school-mistress’s little pupils were running out of church in a pante of fear because she had taught them that it was a sin to pray for the emperor. 1 Inspectors and prefects rolled eyes in fury, summoned her before them, threatened her. But she had learned from the legends of her childhood never to be afraid of demons, even when they appear ta flesh nad blood. | So she went on educating the generation to be in the way Ps should go. But she longed to go to Paris to do the same on a ambitious scale. To Paris she went, being one of those who translate into action when they can, and even when they cannot HE reached the ‘City of Light’ at that time when gréat enterprises, and the mighty concentration of capital, and fev of great financial battles were beginning their day. Paris wild whirlwind of pleasure and debauchery, of corruption, of bed; style in gilt. Its beating heart was in stone—the Bourse—and to the financiers (those princes of the blood)—came the lords ladies of the Court and the artists who kept them flattered a beguiled. { Under this upper layer of society was another, rather moré crushed, where grave and serious artists and learned men were at work. And again below that, another layer, much more erushed, which hoped and conspired—the republics of that day. In their hearts they hated the empire and the emperor. They included politicians and idealists of all kinds and shades of opinion, and even genuine bourgeois, too, but one and all turned a single front to their common enemy, that monster the emperor. ’ i{ ‘ait