The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 3, 1929, Page 4

* Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co.. Inc., daily, ex at 26 Square, New York City, N. Y.. Telephone esant “DAIWOT Page Four Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 U: are, New Yc . PARTY LIFE |* Lovestone Plans to Split the Party BY PETER HAGELIAS. . Lovestone chose to take the path of the right wing opportunists at the time when he was still in Moscow. The Communist International in its address drew the attention of our Party to that four months later, we find Lovestone and his followers fighting our party and the Comintern, not any longer under a cloak (although claiming that they are fighting for the line of the 6th world Congress) but openly. Lovestone and his followers claim in their factional documents that the Communist Party of the U. S. to make us believe that their struggle is and of the Comintern. But there is enough evidence to convince every honest party member that in reality they are fighting the C. I. and trying to undermine the prestige of our party among the American masses, “in the name of Leninism,” and of the decisions of the 6th This always was the first policy of all the right wing opportunists and renegades. Brandler of Germany began his fight against the C. I. in the name of the decisions and line of the 5th world Congress. Trotsky decided to fight the Comintern in the name of Leninism, the same thing holds true with Cannon, with Lore Max Eastman, etc. Now Lovestone accepts and uses the same tactics as all other renegades of the Communist movement. is “their” Party, and they try to correct the line of the party world Congress! Cowardly at Cleveland. The Lovestonites claim that our Party today progress because it follows an incorrect line. But the pr s of our Partys work in the South and the T. U. U. L. convention in Cleveland prove not only to the Party members, but also to the whole left wing movement the correctness of the line of the C. I, and also the growing mood for struggle among the toiling masses of this country. is not making any The Lovestonites, who are in Cleveland with headquarters at one of the hotels there, during the period of the T. U. U. L. convention, did not dare to come across with their opportunist line and against the line of the party which has been accepted enthusiastically by the 690 dea tol representing all the basic an dimportant industries of the U. The Lovestonites when they saw the tremendous success of the + haat did not have even the guts to put up a fight in defense of their Social Democratic resolution onu the Labor Party which was Pitiabl ydefeated by the proletarian delegation. Caucus Exposed Splitting Policy. Lovestone and his followers today are taking definite steps in the direction to split our Party and to organize another Anti-Proletarian Party, which will give comfort to the enemies of the working class and wil laid the Imperialist masters in their infernal schemes against our Party an dthe whole working class. In one of the caucus meetings which took place in Cleveland during the T. U. U. B. Convention at their headquarters in the hotel, Love- stone added to the order of business the question of issuing a news- paper to fight the Party and the Comintern. To justify his actions he brought out arguments that they cannot use the same methods as Trotsky did the capitalist newspapers, therefore it is absolutely neces- sary, Lovestone said, to publish their own newspaper, which will do their dirty work just as good. When some of the comrades, who were present at the meeting (including myself, who was confused at th time) told him that this act is the first step for a second party and that we were against such a splitting step, he put up his deputy Zam to attack us and to argue that we were sxpreasing the “Splitting policy of the Central Executive Committee.” Must Destroy Renegades. That caucus meetnig wa s enough to cause any honest man and mislead comrades to begin thinking over the matter more seriously, and come to the conclusion that Lovestone is following the line of the International Right Wingers and is a renegade and enemy to our Party. Furthermore, he gave instructions to some of his one hundred per cent followers that when they go back to ther respective posts to intensify their activities and carefully make plans to bring under their control the oganizations that they are working with. Particularly these instructions have been given to some of the delegates represent- ing new Unions. Without going any further. it is plain to every Communist Party member tha tthe Lovestonites are using all methods at their disposal to split not only our Party but to split also our new revolutionary Unions. Our Party, without any hesitations, must immediately take drastic steps to isolate this counter revolutionary elements from our Party and destroy them. Another Lie of Lovestone In one of the mimeographed bulletins dated Sept. 20, 1929 issued | and distributed by the renegades expelled from the Party and entitled “Polcom and Raid” my attention was called to the folowing passage: “On Wednesday, August 28, we have learned through Comrade Plott and Comrade Golos—manager of the “Novy Mir”—and htrough comrades who still occupy very high posts in the leadership f the Party that a cable was received from the Communist International which says in substance the following”... . Then follows the contents of the cable which I have never seen and do not know whether such a cablegram existed altogether, It is evident that I could not inform any one of the contents of documents unknwn to me and this fact in itself exposes the falsity of the gen- darges’ statement. This serial lie of the Lovestonites has a twofold purpose: Firstly, the Lovestone renegates are attempting by means of such inventions to cover up the trace of their raid upon the Party office during which they stole a number of documents; secondly, they wish to create an impression as though a number of responsible Party members mani- tain connections with them. I herewith state categorically that I did not enter into any con- nections with the Lovestone renegades, that I consider all connections with the Lovestone renegades, that I consider all connection with them as disgraceful and impermissible for a Communist and request to publish this statement as an additional proof of the complete decay of this renegade group which does not hesitate before a basest lie in order to harm the Party and to attempt to introduce confusion into its ranks, N. GOLOS. _ “We Have Not Forgotten Sacco and Vanzetti!” To the Gastonia Prisoners: We workers of the Swerdlov Factory (Moscow) adopted a resolu- tion protesting against the attempt to electrocute the Gastonia textile | workers in the United States of America. Workers throughout the world—runs the resolution—still remember the unheard of brutality of the American bourgeoisie when they elec- trocuted Sacco and Vanzetti two years ago. Now the American bankers and captains of nidustry are preparing a new frame-up. They are getting ready to murder thirteen arrested Gastonia textile workers who were among those that urged an open struggle against the exploitation and oppression of the working class. By revenging themselves on these striking textile workers, the bour- geoisie aspire to frighten those participating in the strike and to sup- press the spontaneous development of the labor movement. Controlled by the mill owners, the police have destroyed the living guarters of the strikers. Many workers were wounded during the police attack, and among them were women and children, But the bourgeoisie have not had enough—they want new victims for the electric chair. The American capitalists want to electrocute thirteen of the finest revolutionaries of the workers to frighten the whole working class of America, We, the workers of the Swerdlov Factory, protest against the pre- _ sent trial of the Gastonia textile workers. We demand the release of our American comrades. Workers everywhere! Come out and defend your Gastonia com- rades! Rescue them from the sharks! Don’t let the bourgeoisie repeat the murder of Sacco and Vanzetti again! 4 t | militancy in the methods of 1 Organ of the Communist Party of the U. By Mai! (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): 8. A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $8.00 a year; $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; $2.50 three months $6.00 @ year; $2.00 three months Gov. Gane ‘6 Mill Boss: “It’s As Sood As An Electric Chair.” | “SS Isat Burek The rising tendency of the mass movement and struggles of the Chinese workers has received further expression in Shanghai during June and Jnl; During this time there have been strikes of medicine and clothing shop workers, coal store employes, jute, soap and tobacco factories and a large section of silk filature workers. The medicine and clothing shop employees’ strikes have alrea lasted many weeks and have been fought along thoroughly militant lines under the leadership of the Shanghai General Federation of Labor. In the other strikes also many interesting features showing. a rising ruggle were to be noted, as for instance, when thé jute workers threw a foreign policeman into a creek and arrested other settlement police who came into Chinese Territory with the purpose of suppressing the strike, But the biggest and most important has been the strike of silk filature workers, affecting over a third of Shanghai’s 84 silk filatures and including approximately 15,000 workers,- The months of June and July are the historic time for struggles in the silk filatures. At this time the new silk is coming to the market and unless promptly handled quickly deteriorates in quality and value. Trade at this time is brisk and the employers are anxious to get the new season silk on the mar- ket. This does not mean that strikes inevitably take place each year at this time in the industry, but that the cireumsances are favorable for he workers putting forward demands for improved wages and con- ditions and for taking strike action if necessary to enforce their de- mands. During this year conditions of the silk filature workers have been particularly bad. The industry is suffering from depression and the employers attempted to worsen \these conditions still more, for instance by increasing the hours of work from 111-2 to 12 hours per day. This further attack brought matters to a head and on July 4th the workers of one factory on their own initiative commenced a strike. Next day they visited several other factories and were successful in getting an- other four factories to join the strike. On the next day one of these factories deserted the strike but visits to other factories soon brought the number on strike to 28, which was further added to later. Again entirely on their own initiative the workers called a dele- gate meeting attended by from 10 to 15 representatives from each fac- tory participating in the strike. This mecting adopted a program of 28 demands and elected a Negotiating Committee, to place their de- mands before the employers. Instead of going direct to the employers the Negotiating Com- mittee went to the Town Committee of the Kuomintang. Bight times they went—and eight times the Town Committee refused to give any answer to the demands of the strikeys. The most important of the de- mands were: 1. An all round wage increase of 4 per cent. 2. Limita- tion of hours to 11 per day. 3. Sunday in-each week to be a rest day, but to be paid for in full. 4. Monthly bonus to be paid also to children workers. The first stages of the struggle were conducted on militant lines and the struggle was continued on militant lines by a section of the workers, influenced by the Shanghai Labor Federation. The great majority of the silk filature workers are women and children. But there is a further division—the local, or South Yangtse section, and the North Yangtse Section. Influenced by the foremen and managers, all of whom are local people, the local section of the workers adopted a passive participation, merely staying at home and waiting there for a settlement. The North Section, however, continued the struggle on militant lines, while the children and young workers as a whole have also been very active. It has been said that the workers themselves organized and con- ducted the strike, influenced by the Shanghai Labor Federation. The silk workers are all organized by factory in capitalist company unions, | which are connected in the Shanghai Federation of Silk Unions. The | Labor Struggles in Shanghai officials and committees of this fake trade union are exclusively fore- men and managers, representatives of fhe employers and agents sent by the Kuomintang. The union is greatly hated by the workers who, while they are forced to join, all along have refused to ask it for help in any way. While the Red Unions have no organization among these workers they themselves have some forms of secret organization of a provincial character, These, together with the Negotiating Committee elected at the commencement of the strike, represent the organization with which the workers conduct the strike, obviously a very weak form, | As a means of smashing the dispute the company unions called a | delegate meeting which was attended by about 300 people, mostly creatures of the employers and Kuomintang, with only a small” section of genuine workers representatives, The hall where the meeting was held was surrounded by police and soldiers. The official statement to this meeting was a mess of anti-working class, collaboration propa- »ganda—“the employers are in a very difficult situation and you must help them,” “first you must return to work and then we can make a suitable settlement,” “now you must cooperate with the employers to improve the industry,” and so on. Intimidated by the presence of such a force of police and soldiers the workers’ delegates did not speak against this, neither did they, however, give any indication of approval. When a Communist silk worker took the platform and thoroughly exposed the ant-working class nature of these statements she received the support of the workers. The officials, however, sent for the police and our comrade was arrested on the spot. This was greatly resented by the workers, who protested by leaving the meeting in a body, thus frustrating the purpose for which it was ‘ealled. Through inadequate preparations and Jack of real centralized lead- ership and direction the strike showed signs of collapse on July 13th, when the workers of several factories retyrned to work, On this and the next days the capitalist press gleefully reported factory after fac- tory as having been reopened. This was the case, the workers of fac- tory after did return to work—but in some cases ten minutes was enough to convince them that they had been cheated into returning by false promises and lies and again they went on strike in many cases. In this fashion the strike is still continuing, with all the defects and weakness arising from a good spirit on the part of the strikers allied with lack of preparation, hastily constructed organization, lack of real central leadership and direction, The employers, the company union, the Kuomintang and Settlement authorities have combined to smash the strike, using some very ex- treme measures. Immediately the strike started the Mayor of Shanghai issued a decree prohibiting all strikes and many other forms of working class activity and demanding that the workers remain at work while their cases were arbitrated on. Many leaders among the workers and comrades from the Communist and Red Trade Union organizations who have been assisting them have been arrested. Rae ee ‘he C.v., the Y.C.L. and the Shanghai Labor Federation have had difficulty in making adequate connections with the strikers, but their vigorous propaganda and organized support is having very good effects in stiffening the attitude of the workers and in influencing their or- ganization and conduct of the strike, As a result better connections have been made and the militant campaign is making more rapid head- way. The Shanghai Labor Federation urges the calling of factory and delegate meetings and the election of factory and central strike com- mittees, organization of pickets and visits to other filatures to bring he workers into a general silk strike, connection with all ogher strikes in the city by means of a central committee for joint action and cen- tralized strike relief work, appeals to all sections of the workers for support, etc. Slogans have been issued and popularized among the masses—“No return to work until all demands have been granted,” “No return to work by any section of strikers ann the arrested m bers of all sections are released ~ ” eT € pe 7 T SAW IT se Sass ‘manta mins MAY SELF ' Reprinted, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Henri Barbusse, _ published and copyrighted by E. P, Dutton & Co Inte New York. Blood in the Oil Cans c “But the Redskins had got just enough of a modern polish on to understand that their game was not to sell their rights on the nail for a cash price much lower, of course, than the value of the goods, even though they were underground and you couldn’t very well sell ’em as yet, let alone see ’em. Oh! they knew the guidign rule of civilized people: good business beans a share in the profits. If they had only known, the poor blighters, they’d have seen that that was just the way they were going to be had... . But there now! What as I*saying? Mustn’t anticipate. “The Redskins were just as obstinate and incapable of changing their minds as the great posts chopped into the shape of images and painted green and red which stand before the openings of their wig- wams. ‘Share in profits! Share in profits!’ they went on, calm ang patient. They didn’t even seem to hear al the grand speeches we were turning out (I took my turn) to persuade them to be had by the big bosses. There was nothing for it; while we were sursing and they kept on smiling, a contract wa’ drawn up and signed agree- ing to the deveuopment of the petroleum claim on a fifty-fifty profits basis, between the company and the’ owners fo the land. “There were twenty-six land owners mentioned by name ni the agree- ment and, my word! it was a funny sight to see the signatures of such famous and highly honored financial and industrial magnates stuck down along with a crowd of names like George Big Hert or Willy Piercing Eye! “They got to work at once on the claim. And the Indian parks were invaded by a regular ramy of he-men—engineers, business men, business agents, guards, gangs of expert workmen, as well as masons, carpenters and other builders, together with the complement indis- pensable to this army on campaign—the feeding and drinking depart- ments. A sort of town sprang up like a bed of mushrooms on these plains, where a few days before you could see bisons and wapitis as plain as I see you. There were offices, stores, workshops, caravan- serais, with first, second and third class sleeping accommodation, just like the liners, and a money exchange bureau run by big toughs ust like any police officer or saloon-keeper (ha! we still had saloons in those days in the States, and you could buy a bit of everything). “There were some free fights, various shindies, cleaned up in @ few rounds by the police; a Negro was lynched and a tender young squaw was carried off—just like any big white man’s country it was. It also happened that the Indians took to some of the white man’s pet amusements, womanising in particular, and certain white men thought well to behave like savages because they thought the Indians savages. That’s what they cal peaceful penetration. But there now; don’t let’s start philosophizing! “The sinking of the oil wells wenton fast. The claim promised a fine yield and looked like beinginexhaustible. The pumping from the: oil wells sunk al over the plain, looking just like a big city grow- ing up under scantlings, and the rush of oli down the pipe-lines never seemed to slack off. “Likewise, bundles of dollars poured into the hands of the twenty- six Redskins; this went on for years and still the ywere twenty-six. “But one day, miles away in New York, where stood the inner- most shrine, that it to say an office with a bureau and a telephone on it, a gentleman (I won’t utter his name ni vain) stopped going through accounts and cablegrams, and said: ‘Fifteen years, 161 mil- lion barrels of unrefined petroleum, and 18 million dollars paid over These fellows aren’t to the native owners of the petroleum fields. wanted.’ (To be Continued) Ze to Free the Meerut . _ Prisoners By W. M. HOLMES. London, August 29th. Just two months ago a National Meerut Prisoners’ Defense Com- mittee was set up here: and it is now possible to review the opening stages of the committee’s campaign in Britain for the release of the 33 Indian working class leaders who are undergoing at Meerut the first stage of their trial for “conspiracy to deprive the King-Emporer of his sovereignty of British India.” It is notorious that the labor government has in fact assured re~ sponsibility for the trial (the declaration of Wedgwood Benn, secretary of state for India, that “he could not interfere” and his refusal to re- ceive a deputation from the Defence Committee) and it is therefore aceording to plan that the reformist leadership should unite in sabo- taging all efforts for the defense. i The General Council of the Trades Union Congress, for instance, has made no response to reiterated appeals from Jawaharlal Nehru, the president of the All Indian T. U. C. and from the Central Defense Committee in India, A section of the General Council’s report to the forthcoming Trades Union Congress deals with the Meerut trial. The General Council state that they understand from the All India T. U. C, (i. e., from its well-known reformist seeretary, Joshi) that “the ma- jority of those arrested are either definitely ‘Communists or active members of the Communist auxiliary organization, the Workers and PJeasants Party.” They add a paragraph sneering at the “vehement manifesto” of the Comintern on the Indian arrests, giving a ridiculously garbled precis of the manifesto. They report that a deputation from the Council to the Secretary for India on July 9th took occasion to men- tion the Meerut trial and “press” for trial by jury and they conclude by reproducing, without comment, the statement of Wedgwood Benn that “it will be for the magistrate (i. e., at Meerut) to decide.” Thus the driving force of the Defense Committee naturally comes from militant elements; its chairman is Alex Gossip, the veteran fight- ing leader of the Furnishing Trades Association, and its secretary, R. Bridgeman, secretary of the British Section of the League Against Imperialism. At the same time, it needs to be noted that among those who have agreed to associate themselves with the Committee’s work are a handful of pseudo-left Labor M. P.’s—typified by James Maxton and Fenner Brockway—and renegades like Cook. The Committee has broadcast nation-wide an appeal to all trade union branches and other working class organizations in the localities to aid the Meerut prisoners, both financially and morally. Up to date the sum of 180 ponds has been collected in contribu- tions, of which 100 pounds has already been sent to India. Protest resolutions and contributions have been received from 11 Trades Coun- cils and 18 Trade Union branches (including Engineers, Miners, Rail- waymen, Furnishing Trades). A local Defense Committee has been set up by the important Manchester Trades Council and an all in con- ference to set up a Committee in London is meeting on the 28th of September. The National Committee lays particular stress on the need for establishing these local defense committees, A feature is being made of the Meerut Defense campaign at Com- munist local meetings and demonstrations up and down the country, The annual conference of the Minority Movement passed a strong reso- lution demanding the release of the Meerut prisoners, and.a warning was uttered against expecting that “justice” could be secuted for the prisoners merely by bringing pressure on the Labor Government. | The Defense Committee has just issued a penny pamphlet ‘entitled “The Meerut Trial: Facts of the Case” of which the first edition of 5,000 copies is selling rapidly, baie |