The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 1, 1929, Page 4

juare, New York City, N.Y. Telephone Stuy ddrers and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, blished by the Comprodaily-Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Uniom ¥. 1 lyvesant |1696-7-8. Cal 6-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. “DAIWORK.” Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S A. == a SUBSCRIPTION RAT: By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months ix months; six months; $4.50 $3.5 he Standard of Living of the| orkers and the 10th Plenum’ The standard of living of the working class in capitalist countries | was subject to an interesting discussion in the Tenth Plenum of th ©. C..C, 1. Even on this question the Plenum took up a decisive strug- gle against the right tender which threaten the Parties with pene- tration of bourgeois influences, Comrade Varga propose thesis the lowering of t m not to mention in the ving of the workers, but only to state in a general v that “the position of the workers has become worse.” Varga maintanied that the economic position of the working class in the capitalist world had been only relatively worsened, not absolutely. This opportunist view held by Varga because 0! the too. great confidence on his part in the capitalist statisticians. The delegates of the Plenum who were either w themselve: 2 Rad steady, direct contact with the m prot d vigorously this standpoint of Comrade Varga. On the basis of their iy ex- periences they could prove the incorrectness of such a view based upon speculations of capitalist apologis ore The Plenum showed that Comrade Varga’s msitake was based upon three. wrong estimations: when he tried to establish his ti y about the standard of living of the working class, he “just” over- looked a-very important part of the working class: the unemployed, who at present form an army of not less than at least 12 million workers. Twelve million unemployed workers certainly canno', be counted out when considering the standard of living of the workers! Secondly: he worked with average figures without taking into con- sideration that the high standard of living and wages of th’ few workers belonging to the labor artistocracy make the wages of the masses that are very poorly paid appear higher than what they really are. Thirdly: he left out of his considerations the tremendous ni- tensification of labor and the exhaustion of labor power which every- where is lowernig the value of labor power. Against Comrade Varga’s wrong th e Plenum pointed out that capitalist rationalization is lowering t standard of living of the masses and stated in its resolution on the economic srugg’e that presen day capitalism has already reached a point where the property relations are absolutely in contradiction to the improvement of the standard of living of the working class, even if in some isolat=i cases a temporary and partial raise in the wages may take place. Statement on the New Wave of Terror in Latin America The growing resistance of the oppressed Latin-American masses to.the United States imperialist domination of their economic and political life is being expressed in recent months in a wave of economic struggles, strikes, armed uprisings of indigenous Indians, anti-imper- ialist demonstrations, etc. This resistance is also being expressed in the struggle of the workers and peasants against the ruthless dictator- ships controlled by the United States bankers, trusts and magnates. “The Right Danger in e Swedish Party TRC RR ery By PETER SMITH. During and already before the Sixth World Congress of the Com- munist International, there were clear expressions of Right Wing deviations in the Communist Party of Sweden. The Scandinavian | Commission of the Sixth Congress pointed out to the Swedish C.P., the The anti-imperialist movemer® throughout the Latin-American countries, has, as a result of the widespread discontent and fighting mood of the masses, found a fertile soil, resulting in the organization of many new sections.and branches of the All-America Anti-Imperialist | League, especially in South America. The bloody dictatorships of the governments in power, obeying the | orders of American imperialists, have initiated a new wave of terror with the specific purpose to destroy all vestige of workers’ and peas- ants’ organizations, annihilate their leaders, thus paving the way— after crushing all resistance—for new loans to further bind the cus- toms, municipalities and to complete the monopolization of the na- tional wealth of the countries. The toiling masses of Cuba have lost their best leaders by a series of executions, mysterious disappearance and jailings, under the orders of the tyrant President Machado. Machado has gone as far as to hound Julio Antonio Mella, a leader of the anti-imperialist movement, outside of Cuba, ordering his hirelings to kill him in the most dastardly manner. And now, while the Foreign Relations Committee of the United States Senate is considering a resolution presented by individual capitalists whose private property interests are entangled with the per- sonal property interests of Machado and his relatives, the blood- thirsty government of Cuba is continuing its policy of expulsions, de- portations: and jailings against the militant workers. La Semana, an opposition paper, is suppressed. Its editor is deported. Mr. Borah, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, has come out with a statement that the difficulties between these individual capialists and the Cuban government are matters for “adjustment.” He has nothing to say of the persecutions of the workers’ organizations, nothing of the wholesale assassinations of the militants, nothing of the new wave of terror. . Obedient servants of the American imperialist class, the sen- ators and Secretary Stimson keep silent on the true situation in Cuba for which they are responsible. In Guatemala, the country where the United Fruit Company and the Cuyamel Company reign supreme, a decree has been issued sus- pending all constitutional rights for six months. The masses of Guate- mala, largely composed of Indians and Negroes, are revolting against the fierce exploitation of the big American trust: the constitutional rights which mean actual prohibition of assembly, ~ free press and the right of the workers to organize, is an indication of the reaction set in in order to quench the fighting mood of the oppressed masses. 5 In Honduras where the same fruit trusts own enormous stretches of land, the agricultural workers began to organize in order to resist _ the growing poverty, misery and exploitation. The puppet government . ordered the closing of the revolutionary press. El Martillo, an anti- imperialist publication which came to the defense of the oppressed, has _been suppressed. The offices of the Honduran section of the Interna- “tional Labor Defense (Socorro Rojo) was raided and its organizer jailed. At Tela, the trade union offices were raided and the workers .« clubbed and tortured at the point of the bayonets. Many expulsions 4. Were ordered for immediate execution. The anti-imperialist section « Was ordered dissolved. . In Colombia, where a new strike of the banana plantation workers * broke out, joined by the railroad workers, the Church Government led _ a massacre of workers. Three hundred militant strikers are killed, * hundreds of workers wounded. The jails are filled. .Ecuador has witnessed a series of Indian rebellions against the semi-feudal conditions, against the sale of serfs by the big land- )» owners and against the wholesale expropriation af land by the Amer- #. lean oil interests. The dictatorial government of Ecuador conducted * massacres of Indians. The leader of the insurgents, Jose Puna Viva, is condemned to sixteen years in jail. The representatives of the Caribbean International Labor Defense (Socorro Rojo) are jailed. The anti-imperialist movement is forced to operate illegally. 3 In Porto Rico, these islands which are practically owned by no , More than a dozen of American corporations, the local authorities, . tools of the corporations, are conducting raids against all militant .» Workers’ and pei its’ organizations. While Mr. Santiago Iglesias, _, leader of the socialist party of Porto Rico, is inviting American bankers *o invest their benevolent capital in “his” country, the workers are 5 being jailed'there because they resist the unbearable conditions imposed “ upon them by American magnates and under which they are compelled up to suffer. The iron hand of American imperialism is falling upon the masses . of Latin-America and their organizations. This new wave of terror © tor which we hold the American imperialist government responsible, 5S “aust be combatted hand in hand by the anti-imperialist forces of the _ United States together with the oppressed masses of Latin-Amcrica. The workers of United States must raise their voice of protest, must mobilize themselves in protest meetings and demonstrations for the support of our oppressed brothers of Latin-America, We must give support to all the struggles of the oppressed masses of Latin- America, . ‘+ Down with the terror in Latin America! Down with the bloody _ dictatorships in Latin-America, tools of American imperialism! Down with, American imperialism! For the complete independence of the Latin-American countries! Long live the solidarity of the workers and nts of Latin-America with the anti-imperialist forces of the States! mee ALL-AMERICA ANTI-IMPERJALIST LEAGUE. (United States Section.) The suspension of | need of an energetic fight against Right tendencies and deviations, But the majority of the Central Committee of the Swedish CP did not take this warning to heart. It continued its previous policy, and when the CI demanded an uncompromising fight against the Right danger, the majority of the Central Committee proposed a resolution at its last Plenum, for a “fight against the deviations from the correct | Communist line.” This merely beclouded the issue of the fight against the Right danger, the majority of the Central Committee proposed a resolution at its last Plenum, for a “fight against the deviations from the cor- rect Communist line.” This merely beclouded the issue of the fight against the Right danger as the main danger, and was a smoke screen behind which the majority of the Central Committee tried to conceal its opportunist mistakes, through a mobilization against the minority, which insisted upon an energetic fight against the Right mistakes, The questions on which the Right wing tendencies appeared in the Swedish CP were: The fight against the war danger; Swedish im- perialism; disarmament; evaluation of the social democratic party; the trade union policy and the fight against the Right danger itself, | The “fight” against the war danger was carried on by the ma- jority of the Swedish Central Committee, in the form of a campaign against the “danger of Sweden being involved in the war of the im- perialists against the Soviet Union.” The slogan of “Sweden’s neu- trality” was coined by the Party. This meant nothing less than liqui- dation of revolutionary ‘activity against the Swedish bourgeoisie, re- fraining from all serious struggle against the young and bold Swedish imperialism. In faet the majority of the Swedish Central Committee denied the existence of any Swedish imperialism! Consequently, the CV majority, in accordance with this line, al- lowed the Party fraction in Parliament to present a motion requesting the disarmament of Sweden in three years. Later, the Central Com- mittee, under pressure of the minority, had to criticize the fraction for this error, which, however, was then characterized as “a serious error” and not as an outright opportunist Right mistake. On the question of fighting the social democracy, a united front of the worst character was maintained. The election campaign was waged under pacifist slogans here and there. Whole districts of the Party abstained from criticizing the social democrats for a whole year. A policy of blocs with the social democrats was maintained, One of the candidates, a leading member of the Central Committee, Comrade Flyg, spoke of a “majority of workers” in parliament, meaning both the social democrats and Communists! Everywhere the social demo- cratic party was declared to be a party of the working class, and only the followers of the minority protested against such a policy of con- ciliation and opportunism. On the trade union field, the Swedish Communists succeeded in organizing a minority movement of some 100,000 workers from among the 450,000 organized workers of Swewden. This-movement was under the leadership of a “Unity Committee,” and when the social demo- crats together with the trade union bureaucrats started a campaign . of expulsions, not only of Communists, but also of revolutionary social democratic workers, the Communist Party recommended a retreat, and preferred to yield to the reformists, to dissolve the Unity Committee, rather than to organize the workers in the trade unions and in the shops for strong resistance to this disruption policy of the social demo- crats. As stated by one Party leader: “We prefer rather to be expelled from the Party than from the trade unions!” When the Communist International demanded a sharp fight against the Right danger, the Swedish CC majority declared that everything was O K in the Swedish Party. It seemed as if no special fight against any Right danger was at all necessary in that Party. But’as the evidence shows, the truth was quite to the contrary, The whole Party was permeated with opportunism. The organ of the CI, the “Communist International,” says: “The | liquidation of the Communist line, Right errors and deviations, can be shown in many actions of almost every organization of the Party.” Under such conditions, it was no wonder that the minority of the Central Committee started a sharp fight against these deviations. The majority of the CC suppressed all minority documents, but published its own documents in the name of the Secretariat and the Political Com- mittee, without even troubling to bring them before these bodies before publication. But the Swedish Party questign was brought before the Executive Committee of the Communist International, and now the Party has received an open letter criticizing these Right mistakes and demanding that the Right wing policy of the majority of the Central Committee be stopped. The Right wingers, led by Comrade Kilbom, have answered in the form of an article by Kilbom in their Stockholm paper, “Folkets Dag- blad,” attacking the Communist International. The minority has an- swered the attack in another Party paper, and shows that Kilbom’s article means that the fight in the Swedish Communist Party is now “for or against the Communist International.” A bourgeois paper in Norway, which is well informed about the doings of the Right wingers in the Swedish Party (through two rene- gades now working on that paper), informs its readers that the ma- jority of the Central Committee of the Swedish Communist Party is going to call a convention where the question of departing from the Communist International will be taken up. The situation in the Party is very serious. But the Party will, in spite of all the treacherous actions of the Central Committee majority, go through this crisis and cleanse itself from all opportunist Right wing elements and conciliators. It has experience from earlier fights, when Hoglund and his clique was defeated. After that fight the Party grew quickly from a small sect to a mass Party. And now, under the leadership of the Comintern, it will proceed to new victories. The tene- gades will soon be isolated or return to their real home—the “sétial democracy, as did Hoglund five years ago, alia The International Right Wing will doubtless declare that they have won support from new “forces” in Sweden. Brandler and Love- stone can rejoice over ‘such people who are Propagating “disarmament,” “neutrality,” trade union conciliation, and so’ on. They are welcome to these “forces.” The Communist Party will only be strengthened | when it cleanses itself from such elements, The Swedish Communist Party is an illustration of the real neces- sity of the fight against the Right danger in the Communist Interna- tional. If our parties will be able to carry on their fight in the present class struggles and those ahead, then their forces must be solidified én a more Bolshevik basis than that on which, for instance, the Swedish CP has been, Opportunists, and Renegades Fall by the Wayside By A. JAKIRA, “Revolutionary movements in- volve swift and rapid change. He} | who today is followed, tomorrow may be without a following. He who today is loved tomorrow may |be fought. The history of all re- volutions is full of examples of rapid change, the failure of certain persons to keep pace with that change, and the rapidity and re- morselessness with which history | sweeps them aside.” These words written by none | other than Bert Wolfe, when he | Was still in our Party and in the |Comitern, in his pamphlet, “The Trotsky Opposition,” are true to- day, as they were at the time the pamphlet was written and pub- lished. History is full of such examples, and our Party is not an exception. During the ten years of its ex- istence, our Party has gone through many changes, moving from social democracy to Bolshevism. Many of these changes, had to be made rapidly. Some persons, many of the leaders, some of whom have even served jail sentences for their ac- | tivities in the movement, have failed to keep pace and were swept aside and are by this time completely forgotten. Some of these leaders are openly fighting the Party and the Comintern at the pesent time, in alliance with the bourgeoisie and |its agents in the labor movemeat. Each time a change took place, these opportunists, without excep- tion, rfised the cry of a “running sore” in the Comintern, of the degeneration of the Comintern and of our Party, claiming that the Comintern did not understand the American conditions and was run-. ning the movement here. These individuals find themselves. out- side the Party and the labor move- ment, while tho Party and the Comintern continu eto march for. ward as the leaders of the working class and are gaining more and more inflience among the masses of the workers, “Take, for example, the question of ‘the legal and illegal Party which ter controversy in our Party. After the infamous Palmer Red Raids in 1920, we were driven underground. Not having enough experience and not being strong enough at the time | we failed to fight our way bac< into legal existence. We developed tae idealology that it was impossible to function legally. This idealology continued despite the fact that the conditions have changed and that the legal existence of the Party was obviously possible. Some of the comrades, leaders of the Party at that time, like Lindgren, Ketterfeld and others, failed to understand the correctness of the Comintern de- cision on this question; they were unable to see the changed condi- tions. They raised the cry of the degeneration of the Comintern, pre- dicted a short life and all sorts of calamities for our Party and clamored that we were turning back from Communism to social democracy, These comardes quit the Party and the labor movement. They fell by the wayside and are forgotten, while the Party has since traveled a long way on the road to Bolshevisation. The Labor Party was another big issue in our Party. In our cam- paign for the Labor Party we were rapidly moving to the right and Proposed an alliance with the so- called Third Party movement—a broad united front ranging from the Communist Party to the “left wing of the republican party,” led by LaFollette. Weak as we were, both organizationally and ideolog- ically, we were moving along an ex- tremely dangerous path, The Comintern stopped us in tme, The Part ymade a rapid turn. It sep- arated itself from this dangerous united front, nominated its own can- didates and carried on a Communist campaign in the 1924 presidential elestions. Some of the comrades, like Fred Merrick, District Organ- izer of the Pittsburgh District at the time, who at one time spent three years in jail for his strike ac- tivities, could not see the importance of the rapid change. He thought that the Party was going on the x |at one time was the center of a bit-| rocks, that the Comintern did not understand the American situation | jand that it was ruining the Com- |munist movement here. He quit the |Party and the labor movement. He was swept aside. He was forgotten. The reorganization of the Party on the shop nucleus basis and other important steps taken by the Com- intern toward the bolshevisation of our Party could not be understood by the social democratic elements in the Party. Some elemetns, like Lore, Askeli and others could not keep pace with the changed condi- tions. They raised the ery of the degeneration of the Comintern and of our Party, of the ruin of the Com- munist movement, predicted all sorts of ruinous results for the Party. They soon found themselves outside and fighting the Party to- gether with the rest of the social democrats and the hureaucracy of the A. F, of L. ‘They were swept aside and forgotten. The Sixth World Congress of the Comintern marked a turn’ from. the second to the third period. Jim Cannon, an unprincipled renegade for some time, could not go along. He turned backward toward Trot- skyism at a time when the Trotsky issue was already liquidated in the other Parties, and, like all other renegades, raised the cry of a ‘“.un- ning sore” and degeneration of the Comintern and of our Pa: Can- non and his group of builders of the Party and champions of Leninism” such as Abern and Shachtman, are out of the Party and out of the la- bor movement. They are fighting the Communist movement together with Lore and the socialist “lI'or- ward.” They have been swept aside and are nof a matter of colivion. However, while the Party was quck in dealing with the Cannon renegades, we showed oursel to be slow in grasping the real sig- nificance of the Sixth World Con- gress decisions. Whlie defending the decisions of the Congress, we were guilty of the theory of exception- alism. This explains the many con- tradictions in the various articles written by Lovestone. since the Sixth Congress, in which he, on the one hand, quoted the decisions of the Congress verbatim or in a changed form, and at the same time develops the theory of the “Vic- torian Era.” Papper at some of the “group” meetings openly raised the question that we are bound to come into serious conflict with the C. I. because the decisions of the Sixth Congress are difficult to ap- ply in the United States.” It is true that he received. little en- couragement in the “group” and the question was never raised open- ly in the Party. The Comintern, however, was able to detect this theory and exposed it when it told the Sixth Convention of our Party that the “minority had avowed res- ervations while the majority had tacit reservations.” With the aid of the Comintern, the Party recognized its wrrors and preceded to orrect it after the Ad- dress of the Comintern was made known. Some persons, however,-- Lovestone, Gitlow, Wolfe himself and others—failed to keep pace 1 and othérs—failed to see the changed conditiions, failcd to keep pace. with that change. This time more and stronger leaders were in- volved, because the issues are much greater, deeper and broader; be- cause this time it involves not a question of an error here and there, but a question of change of the en- tire line of the Party. ; ¥ These former leaders. of. our. Party, too, raise the cry of a “run- ning sore” of the Comintern, of the ruin of our Party; they, too, pre- dict all sorts of calamities for our Party, These “saviours” of the decisions of the Sixth World Congress, like the Cannon “Leninists” are fight- ing the Comintern and its American Section together with the other ent- mies of the Communist movement. The yare outside of our Party and of the Labor movement and will soon be forgotten while our Party, under the leadership of the Comin- tern, will continue to march for- ward, leading the American work- ing class to a victorius” revolution and to Communion, | looking fellows in the crowd, with a bearing that may a Pale Face “Europeans in general, though some of them—me, for instance—are . Statute of Limitations applies now). id ae ay HENRI BARBUSSE ¥ 1 SAW IT Translated by Brian om” MY SELF Re; ted, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Hearl Barbuns | published ana copyrighted by E. P, Dutton & Co. Ince New ¥ ! Blood in the Oil Cans Canes ILLY.PEW’S a regular. boozer. I can’t abide the man—because he’s Billy Pew to begin with; again, because he’s a very common type nowadays, vulgar, worthless, teeming everywhere, infesting life as well as literature. The type flourishes in bothe hemispheres, like those diseases now called international, but it is especially to be found in the United States, where bait abounds. Billy Pew is the millionaire’s pack-of- all trades (he is rolling in milions himself now), ready for any job, and with dozens already to his credit—spy, hired desperado, go-be- tween and abettor of big business men—under the perpetual urge of. one strong instinct, a frantic greed for dollars. A hard worker too, as keen as he is devoid of prniciples. In his time he has been a groom, a cowboy, a vagabond, a saloon keeper, a goal-bird, a company promoter. And so often has he grown rich and gone bankrupt, then rich again, that he really seems to wear two faces; you can never tell whether it’s the millionaire or the rogue that you’re meeting, I OFTEN see him sitting in the bright green interior of the little pub jutting over the harbor at the street corner. Here, in this picturesque old-world corner of England, he sits for hours at a stretch, for he’s an inveterate drunkard into the bargain. Why, you will ask, do I go into this bar to cultivate his society? Not for drniks, nor to look at him; he has an ugly face and drinking doesn’t agree with me. But though far from talkative as a rule, Billy Pew opens up his cups, and men of that kind can sometimes give you peeps into the amazing facts of contemporary life which are as impenetrable to the uninitiated as any safe. * * * Such facts interest me; I go about collecting them. Well, that day, Billy Pew had imbibed a varied sequence of cock- tails—a complete rainbow, in little glasses. He was perched on a high chair, leaning over the bar counter, facing th eentrance. His eyes watered a little, bedewing his red pyramid of a face. His raw- beef neck was much more ample than his forehead, crowned with its tiny carp. His boxer’s fists (he had figured in“the ring in his time) propped that face on either side and the cheek-bones were as angular and prominent as those contrived on canvas by cubist painters. HAD a newspaper in my hand and showed him an American cable- ‘gram which mentioned a case about some murdered Redskins which was shortly to be heard in court at Tulsa in Oklahoma. I had reason to know that this individual had had some hand in the business. So my friend Bill, impelled by the magic working of alcohol, had begun taking me into his confidence, and that, with specimens of his type, means giving things away. When T showed the newspaper to my tough friend his face bright- ened up. His spacious jaw, which was decked with a mosaic of yellow ivory and golden cubes, widened out into the fleshy zones of his aers. “That was a cute bit of work they did there,” he said. “Who did?” “Who? Why, the guys who see all the big jobs through” And his massy fist indicated the ceiling, to signify the lords on high, the mysterious powers that be. “AND so they have to answer questions at the trial?” I asked, “You bet they don’t worry any of the bosses.” And he pulled a face indicative of graet rsepect for them and great contempt for me. “Same here,” he added, “I don’t worry.” And that was how he was led to spin the yarn in this English tavern, showing not the slightest regard for the nigger, the China- man and the two sailors who were dug in there, deep in ponderous ecstasy. i “It’s a petroleum affair—the Redskins were mixed up with it.” “Petroleum?” 4 “Yep. Oklahoma—bully state it is, square-shaped, plump in the centre of the Union—has gallons of petroleum down under in that same Tulsa'district,” said Billy Pew, laying a huge paw on the news- paper I had brought. “And the Redsknsi?’ ’ “Well, you know there are some left; call themselves Redskins but they’re only chocolate color. They’ve been gradually cleared out of the better districts—swept up and tucked away ni nice airy parks. Reserves we call them. . * OpaEY began to die out, driven back by American civilization, same as the whales and elephants; till at last you could have said: ‘Soon they'll all be gone and we'll be rid of ‘em.’ Yes, this two- footed race went on dwindling so long as they tried to keep up their race traditions, their pride and high-brow airs. Then, they made a start on civilization themselves—took up English and wearing hats and going ot mass and making money. Ever since then the race has stopped dying out and is recovering lost ground, though, of course, it’s nothing like the grand old times when the Algonquins, Iroduois and Sioux bossed the prairies and were free to scalp any adventurer from the Union. * “In Oklahoma, there was a Reserve full of these half-respectable and half-civilized savages. And behind the fences they’ve got well stocked hunting grounds where they can kick their heels as much as they want and stick any amount of feathers on their heads, like their noble ancestors, and dance in a ring round their deerskin tents and “huts and medicine men and fat oily mammas what carry children like bundles on their backs. And, take it from me, there weer some lordly might have envied—Pale Face is the name they give the Yankees and more in the red way,” added Bill, making this comment just as I looked at his fresh-meat face and made it for myself. * * * pet somebody,” he went on, “came in to spoil the fun. That some- 3 body was me, I was just coming out after a period of enforced rest, prescribed by the judges of Ohio after a public debate which took up some time and was in all the papers of the day. And now that I was a free man again, I had to take up something new, and I chose to become an oil prospector. I had frist-rate qualifications for the job; Willy Sharp showed me how before he went West (people said I killed him, but they could never prove it one me). “My nose took me up the Canadian River, Tulsa way, and there we found traces of petroleum. I say we, because there w several of us, worse luck! and every man jack well armed pad very suspicious of his pals and wt yihees in the back of his head. “The claim was plump inside the Indian Reserves. There was no hope of pretending it wasn’t; it was their by right of American law, and down in black and white, more’s the pity. 5 “That was in 1907. Off I went with maps in my pocket and soon I was back, bringing my brother, Tom Pew, which was the oc- casion of him and me falling ou:. (‘They said I swindled him, but that’s a mere libel and I don’t listen to it much, seeing as how the 4 kad one or two Big Bugs with me, too. ; “They were the sort of guys that do everything withthe help of two talismans they keep in their pockets—a fountain-pen and a check-book. They were the men behind the big thing. And take Billy Pew’s word for it, I looked a fool beside those chaps, whatever police officers and prosecutors and public may think to the contrary. “They came and saw, and all in onc time nad one movement, felt for their check-books; ‘they’d git to get square with the Red Indians who were the genvins owners of the claim, oeyond all doubt,