The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 30, 1929, Page 4

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By Mail (outside of New York): SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; $2.50 three.montns 00 a year; $2.00 three months $6.00 a year; “ PARTY LIFE Notice of Central Control Committee Decisions | on Zimmerman, Bail and Kruse Sasha Zimmerman is expelled from the Communist Party of the United States of America for anti-Comintern and opportunist counter- revolutionary attitude and activities, for a defeatist position on the question of m uggles of the workers, for being an active agent of the renegade Lovestone group, taking leading part in their anti- Party meetings, fighting for their renegade line, and carrying their disruptive and splitting activities even into the mass organizations of the workers. ‘Alex Bail has been expelled from the C.P. of U.S.A. for aligning himself with the renegade Lovestone group, for taking an active part | in their disruptive and splitting activities, for issuing lying statements against the Party, and for having used his position as District Organ- izer of District 1, while pretending acceptance of the C.I. Address, to disrupt the organization of the Party in that district and to steal Party records from the District Office. Wm. Kruse has been expelled from the Party by action of the District Executive Committee of District 8, in which the Secretariat and the Central Control Committee have concurred, for having aligned himself with the renegade Lovestone group and taken an anti-Comintern and anti-Party attitude. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE C. P. of U. S. A. CHAS. DIRBA, Sec’y. Watch the Agents of Lovestone! A functionaries meeting in Detrcit endorsed unanimously a motion condemning the Lovestone Party splitters, endorsing the actions of the Polcom against the adherents of the Lovestone group and condemning the raids of Lovestone and his agents on Party headquarters “as methods of the police department.” The meeting pledged itself “to conduct a merciless fight against the Right wing organized outside the Party under estone and demnants of the right wing inside the Party. We conde Lifshitz, Freeman and other comrades who are sending out anti-Party bulletins in Jewish and recommend their ex- pulsion to the Central Committee.” The Suppression of ‘Radntk’ in Canada On August 6th the Chicago Tribune carried a press notice to the effect that a @hicago South Slavic daily paper, “Radnik” has been barred from the mail in Canada. A few days later a Serbian daily in Pittsburgh, “Srbobran,” serving as the mouthpiece on the American continent of the Jugoslavian bandit regime, carried an announcement of the Jugoslavian consul in Canada that “Radnik” has been suppressed in Canada, and any worker found with copies of “Radnik” in his pos- session is liable for arrest and deportation. This announcement ap- peared on the first page, featured as the main news, under a huge headline across the whole page. The workers throughout Canada were officially warned by the consul not to accept “Radnik” if it is sent to them in any form or way, since it is illegal to possess copies of “Radnik” in Canada. The management of “Radnik” received a notification days later from the custom officials in Canada, stating that under the Canadian custom regulations “Radnik” is barred from entering into Canada. No reasons were given for the action taken in barring “Radnik” from Canada. Although no official reasons were given for suppressing “Radnik” in Canada, we know the reasons that prompted the Canadian authori- ties to take the action that they took against “Radnik.” We can de- tect two major reasons behind this action. First, the suppression of “Radnik” is a part of the campaign of suppression and terrorism car- ried on against the Communist movement in Canada, and second, we have unmistakable proof that the bloody regime of the military dic- tatorship in Jugoslavia also played a role in this act of suppression. These two points do not exclude, but rather complement each other. They reflect the sharpening of the class struggle within Canada and the process of unification and consolidation of the anti-Bolshevik front on an international scale, in which Great Britain plays a leading role. The Canadian agents of the military dictatorship of King Alexander and his executioners assisted greatly the Canadian authorities in sup- pressing “Radnik,” while these authorities did an inestimable service to the hangers on of the Jugoslavian regime in suppressing “Radnik.” SKINNING THE IMMIGRANTS. After the restriction of immigration to the United States, bulk of the South Slavic emmigrants that left Jugoslavia went primar- ily to the South American countries and to Canada. Many came to Canada with the hope of eventually, in one way or another, crossing the border into the United States. In Canada these new arrivals were an easy prey not only to the Canadian employers who skinned these un- | fortunates alive, but also to various “patriotic” swindlers, that fleeced these helpless immigrants in the name of their own nationality, country | and religion. These “patriotic” swindlers in many cases worked hand in hand with the most ruthless exploiters for procuring cheap labor. | Not knowing the language and custom of the country, most of these immigrants had to depend on “friends,” agents and “influential” people for getting jobs. And in order to get a job they had to put up from ten to fifty dollars, only to find out that the jobs that they did get through this kind of “influence” were of such a nature that they could not endure them. Invariably the pay would be too low, far below the average Canadian standard, so that they could not make a living on them. It mattered little if in a day or two they would quit such a job, there were plenty others in need of jobs, and business was really lucrative in this manner. Many instances could be noted where fore- men in shops played this game with the Jugoslavian “patriotic”? citi- zens in thus skinning the workers. A worker would get a job for a certain amount of money, and then after a day or so he would get discharged, and the process would be repeated with another victim, COMMUNISM—THE ANSWER OF THE WORKERS. The lot of the South Slavic immigrants in Canada is indeed a -miserable one. Exploited to the very marrow of their bones by the ruthless employers, robbed and swindled by their own patriotic coun- trymen at every stop, these workers are very responsive to Communist agitation. The ideas of Communism spread with a remarkable rapidity among them. In many cases they themselves, without any outside in- rducement, would write to “Radnik” for literature and send in subscrip- tions, as well as make requests for speakers and organizers to come to Canada and organize the South Slavic workers in Canada into the Communist Party, the International Labor Defense, and into militant unions. A real indignation swept over these workers when they learned about the suppression of “Radnik.” A RENEGADE AT WORK. The bandit regime in Jugoslavia sent its agents after these work- _ ers to keep them in check and “loyal” to their home country, that is, tc the ruling bourgeoisie, but without any avail. The memory of the “horrors under the regime of white terror was too fresh in the minds “of these workers. The priests, the patriotic politicians, and the rest of the agents that the ruling regime sent after the workers had no effect on them. The government of the military dictatorship of Jugo- slavia went even so far as to send a renegade of the Communist Party to Canada, a certain Stankovich, who was deported from the United “* States on a previous occasion, and later put himself at the disposal of the bloody regime of Jugoslavia, furnished him with money to issue a paper, and keeps financing this paper, in the hope of winning the - South Slavic workers in Canada for the support of the existing gov- ernment of Jugoslavia, But in vain, this notorious renegade of the Communist Party, this hireling of the bloody regime has carried on a . systematic campaign among the South Slavic workers in Canada against the Communist movement and tried his darndest to popular'->._ the regime of blood and murder among these workers, but he might * as well try to run water uphill. His paper, the “Canadian Herald,” has ~ no circulation, the workers turn their backs on it, it is able to come out only through the subsidy of the Jugoslavian government, And the Jugoslav government itself makes no bones about subsidizing papers outside its borders; it openly proclaims that as a necessary policy for keeping the emigrants loyal to their home country. The fact of the matter is that only subsidized papers support the existing regime, which today finds support only by bayonets, terrorism, murder, im- prisonment, etc. THE BARRING OF “RADNIK.” It was in the interest of this bloody regime that “Radnik” should be suppressed. “Radnik” carried on a consistent campaign against __ the military dictatorship in Jugoslavia, and its policy of massacreing i Lau OON SMe rn SOD Ce eas aves A the The Foreign Policy of the British Labor Government It is characteristic of the present period of sharpening imperialist antagonisms and war-preparation that the principal activities of the new Mritish Labor Government in its first three months of office have been in the sphere of foreign policy and Empire policy; and that | these activities have displayed from the outset an openly aggressive national-jingo character which has considerably taken by surprise the pacifists who placed their hopes in the return of a Labor Govern- ment in Britain as the opening of a new era of world peace. The Labor Government. came into office on a program of “peace” —peace in industry and peace-abroad. This was the tone of their election campaign. This was still the character of expresson ofi their initial King’s speech. The Second International, at the Zurich meet- ing of its Executive, built up upon the return of the British Labor Government as its central pillar an international perspective of dim- inishing antagonisms and advance to peace. Within three months the harsh character of realities has broken through these dreams. These three months have seen as their most characteristic feature the chauvinist stand of Snowden at the Hague, bringing the whole European situation to renewed crisis and tension, unequalled since the Dawes settlement; the repture of the Soviet negotiations; and the direct opening of war by the Chinese Counter- revolutionary Government, with British assistance, against the Soviet Union. At the same time, the internal situation has been marked by the cotton lockout of half a million workers for two weeks, nivolving the largest struggle since the general strike, and “settled” by the | Labor Government only on the basis of an all-round wage-cut im- posed by arbitration under its auspices. This contradiction between the profession of the Labor Govern- ment and the realization goes to the root of the whole present situa- tion. The easy “pacific” role of 1924 fs no longer possible. The tasks to which the Labor Government is called by the bourgeoisie are now of a sterner character, and directly related to the advance to war. The Labor Government is carrying forward the policy of the Conservative Baldwin Government through new forms. As a Labor Minister, the Under-Secretary for War, Earl de la Warr, boasted at a Labor Party meeting: “We are doing the things the Baldwin Gov- ernment only talked of doing.” What are these new forms of the continuous policy of British Imperialism, which is today expressed through a Labor Government, with the united support of the capitalist press from right to left behind it? The Conservative Government had reached a dangerous impasse in its foreign policy. With the breakdown of the Geneva Naval Con- ference, and the crisis over the Anglo-French Naval Agreement, the Anglo-American antagonism had come out into the open, and was reaching a point of extreme tension, at the same time as the break with the Soviet Union was leading the way to war on that front. Conservative policy was thus leadnig Britain straight in the direction of war on two fronts, and with the Anglo-French alliance as its only positive basis of support. But British Imperialism is not yet ready, without a previous period of preparation and consolidation both in- ternally and externally, to face directly American Imperialism; nor can the primary aim of war on the Soviet Union be successfully realized except on the basis of agreement with America. Therefore a halt had to be called, and some basis of understanding reached with America, to gain a breathing time; and during this breathing time some measure of relations might be re-established with the Soviet Union, thus meeting the demands of the industrialists, until the time should be ripe for attack. : The Labor Government, accordingly, came into office with the following tasks in the sphere of foreign policy: 1. By “peace” gestures to deceive the masses as to the real advance to war, and to attach the workers to imperialist policy and to the coming war (this essential task of war-preparation can only be accomplished by a “left” government, not by a Conservative Gov- ernment, which is suspect of the masses). 2. To endeavor to reach a temporary understanding with Amer- ica, and to secure American co-operation or agreement fo rthe cam- paign against the Soviet Union. 3. To re-establish British independence of action in Europe, and check the one-sided dependence on France, which was hindering the possibility of a temporary agreement with America. 4. To carry forward the preparations against the Soviet Union, which might include temporary negotiations or relationships, at the same time as war was being pushed aheadk But the situation since the Labor Government has come into power has shown a sharpness of antagonism which has not made the accomplishment of its tasks easy, and has considerably precipitated the rate of development. The Paris Conference of Experts had already shown this increas- ing violence of imperialist antagonisms. “At the Paris Conference America succeeded in forming a united front with France and Italy against Britain, by offering concessions to France and Italy at the British expense, and thus isolating the British representatives, who had either to bear the onus of sole rejection or capituJate. And in the same Young Plan, htus carried through in the face of very con- siderable protests and threats on the part of the British to leave the Conference, the American financiers succeeded in incorporating their own plan of the International Bank, to be far more than a Reparations Bank, to be the guiding centre of all the leading central banks except New York, i. e. to subordinate London and leave New York independent and supreme. At the same time New York and Paris have carried through a very deadly offensive aganist London’s gold position, the final out- come of which is still uncertain. The gold reserve falls steadily; the forced raising of the London Bank Rate to 5.5 per cent ni February | last was already a very serious step; and now the new raising of | the New York discount rate to 6 per cent, or above the London rate (exactly two days after the opening of the Hague Conference, or im- mediately on receipt of the news of Snowden’s stand), has produced a very menacing position. Not since 1914 has the City and Bank of England had to face so heavy a crisis. British Imperialism, through the Labor Government, fought to secure control of the Young Plan Conference by obtaining its site in London, and consequently the probable site of the International Bank in London, which would render it subordinate to London. The stubborn opposition of France prevented this. This was the second defeat, after the Experts Conference. The third round, the Hague Conference itself, now became of decisive importance, It was a case of fight or go under. In consequence, British Imperialism at the Hague Conference has had to threw pacific pretenses to the winds, and fight like a beast at bay, ready to wreck the whole conference and the Young settlementh rather than suffer defeat. For this role, the acid Snow- den, the daling of the city, was aptly chosen. In this way it has fallen to the Labor Government, the “conciliator,” the “pacifist,” to have to appear as the wrecker of the peace of Europe, and to display the most reckless intransigent chauvinist role since the days of Curzon. It has fallen to these “socialists” to play the role of the militant gladiators of the city. The irony has not been lost on the world. The Second International has been thrown into typical nationalist con- fusion, with its Chairman Vandervelde solemnly rebuking Snowden for violating its principles. When MacDonald comes to Geneva to mouth his pacifist platitudes, they will fnid a less enthusiastic audi- ence than in 1924. The jingo stand of Snowden at the Hague is of profound signi- ficance as a weather-signal of the whole international situation. For Britain and the Labor Party it has been nothing short of a trial war- mobilization. The entire capitalist press has stoked up the jingo spirit bekind the Labor Government. The unity of parties has been pro- claimed. “I have not in my time seen such unanimity” writes an old member of the Independent Labor Party (William Stewart in the “Forward”), “excepting only once, and that was when Lord Grey made the speech which ushered this country into the war.” The Daily Herald has swelled with patriotic pdire; it fnids in Snowden a—Dis- raeli! “Not since Disraeli has any British statesman uttered across a conference table words so sharp in challenge, so pregnant with ardor, so significant ni their implication” (Daily Herald, 13, 8, 29). “The people of this country,” has declared a Labor Minister, “irre- spective of all party ties and alliances, are coming to the conclusion that the country is at last governed, and really governed ... We all feel today at last that England once again counts in the Councils of Europe; we are once again a nation.” The Labor ‘Party is finding its role as the war-leader of the nation, Meanwhile, while Snowden has been maintaining the fighting front at the Hague, MacDonald has been manoeuvering desperately against time in Mritain to buy off the American offensive, and reach, - on a basis of naval concessions, a paper agreement, and economic help to save the pound. The outcome of these negotiations is still to be announced; but the American price is likely to be a high one, both in rsepect to naval concessions, and for economic help. Closely in connection with this situation must be taken the sharp turn in Soviet relations. In refiance of its election promises, and to the surprise, not only of its own supporters, but also of the Liberals, the Labor Government, after long delay in niitiating even the ap- pearance of negotiations, has ruptured negotiations at th eoutset by, taking the full Chamberlain position as a preliminary condition. Despite the pressure of o considerable section of British industrialists, whose dissatisfaction has been directly voiced by the Liberal Party, the basic hositlity of British Imperialism and financial interests to the Soviet Union has proved dominant. The economic advance of the Soviet Union, and the successes of the five-year-plan, have un- doubtedly had an important part in determining this attitude. Even more clearly than in the rupture of negotiations, the Labor Govern- ment’s role in relation to the Soviet Union has been displayed in the open war-provoeation of the Chinese militarists. The war advance of the Chinese Government has gone hand in hand with the break of the Anglo-Soviet negotiations. The relations of the British Labor Government with the Chinese counter-revolutionary Government are of the closest. In the short period since its accession to office, not only has a Trade Tready been negotiated, but the sending of a Navel Mission has been further announced. Behind the Chinese militarists is the hand of the British Labor Government. The immediate future outcome {s likely to depend in large measure on the projected Washington Conference in the autumn. This con- ferene ewill determine, firstly the possibility of a temporary agree- ment with America on the basis of naval concessions by Britain, and secondly the possibility of Britain securing American co-operation in a common policy in relation to the Soviet Union. If these two objectives are secured, then the conditions are laid for a very rapid | advance to imperialist war on the Soviet Union under British auspices, | if the Chinese provocation will not have already forced the situation and produced this result beforehand. The British Labor Government has thus already in less than three months abundantly shown itself, as the Communists predicted, not a government of “peace and reconciliation,” but a government of direct war-preparation, and ready, when the occasion arises, to stand for- ward as the leader of British imperialist at war. The workers in Britain and throughout the world need to prepare urgently for thiz perspective. ‘sc a ce linn ta a a ES ie CE the working masses, the peasants and national minorities. The white terror in Jugoslavia has become so fierce that the police authorities gave open instructions to the gendarmerie and the police that it is not profitable to take Communist prisoners and go through the inconven- ience of trial, imprisonment, etc. It is much more efficient to shoot them on the spot, excuses can be easily manufactured for the course taken. As a result, Communists, or those suspected of sympathy to Communism, are being murdered on the spot by the police. and gen- darmerie. The campaign against the authorities of the white terror dictatorship in Jugoslavia had a big effect on the working masses in the United States and Canada. As a consequence, the agents of the Belgrade bloody regime intensified their denunciations of workers sym- pathetic to the Communist movement. They translated articles from “Radnik” whenever the British or Canadian government and ruling class was attacked, and they pointed out alarmingly the rapid growth and influence of “Radnik” among the Jugoslavian workers in Canada. No doubt direct requests were made by these agents for the suppres- sion of “Radnik.” CO-OPERATION BETWEEN MacDONALD AND KING ALEXANDER. It would be incorrect to think, however, that the suppression of “Radnik” in Canada is exclusively the work of the agents and-stool pigeons of the Jugoslavian government. But that there was coopera- tion between them and the Canadian government there can be no doubt. It is to be remembered that the Jugoslavian delegates, representing one of the bloodiest, labor-hating dictatorships in the world, supported the representatives of the British “labor government” in the recent conference on the Young Plan in Hague. The military dictatorship of King Alexander and his reactionary generals found it very easy to sup- port the propositions of the “Labor” government of MacDonald. In the same way the MacDonald Government of Great Britain, acting through the agency of the Canadian government, found it easy to co- operate with the agents and stool pigeons of the white terror govern- ment of Jugoslavia in suppressing “Radnik.” In this action they per- formed a mutual service. The suppression of “Radnjk” must be linked up, not only with the strikebreaking activities of the agents of the Jugoslav government, but also with the growing acuteness of the class struggle in Canada. Canadian capitalism, together with British capitalism and world capi- talism generally, is running into ever greater difficulties. These it tries to solve by means of rationalization and war. On the one hand it is carrying on a campaign of rationalization, which means a keener exploitation of labor, and on the other, it is actively engaged in the war preparation against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, as a part of the British Empire and world capitalism, and likewise it is SAW IT om fiom rasan NAY SELF Reprinted, by permissiog, from “I Saw It Myself” by Heart published and copyrighted by EB. P, Dutton & Co. Ince New ae HOMECOMING. ies | ae! this point began a line of workmen’s houses, little detached vil- lages and huts; San Sebastino stretches out in one long line along the main road. Here and there, houses in clumps. He was coming to one of these little colonies. It was still a good two or three miles to his house. iy But as he drew near, a figure loomed in the doorway of one of the houses, and seeing him, threw up both arms. | “Jose!” P a was Santander, his companion of old days in suffering, in the ight. “Jose! I knew your face! So its’s you, then?” Standing there motionless, with voice half-choked by the haste of this journey, and by a sort of bar that lay across his heart, Jose replied quite simply: “It's me.” “I knew your face!” Santander shouted, louder than ever. “You havent changed much. Besides, Clemence your wife told us you were coming,” he added; she was here actually last night, thinking that you'd be here sooner. But as she saw no one coming, she went home when dark came on.” And ony a few steps away from the place where he had dropped. down to sleep! If he had known that Clemence’s arms were waiting for him there, he would easily have walked a minute or two longer, Wawe they were talking, friends and eomrades of old times had come out of house doors; up went their arms, too, in amazement.’ Now they drew near, shouting in chorus, and their eyes rolled under their swarthy brows. They even had tears in their eyes as they seized hold of Jose, kissed him, clapped him to their fond and manly chests. Women, too, were gathering round. And the children round about had stopped their play and were watching the scene. Even Father Leonte was there—Jose hadn’t been on good terms with him in the old days. Father Leonte had grown round and fat, and his thick underlip seemed to have been rubbed quite recently in fresh butter, He smiled and waved his hands, but something a little sly and unpleasant still lingered in his eye, { * ; tg drawn into the world conflict of the imperialist powers themselves. The working class of Canada, like the working class of the United States and the world over, is showing signs of militancy and resistance to capitalist rationalization at the expense of the very life blood of the workers, and to the war preparations. From this follows the most savage attack on the Canadian working class, especially on the great mass of the unskilled and immigrant workers. The Communist Party of Canada, being the advance guard and leader of these struggles of the workers, naturally receives the brunt of these attacks of the em- ployers and the government, Not only has “Radnik” been suppressed, but other Communist publications from the United States have been barred from Canada; The Canadian authorities recently took action to suppress the organ of the Communist Party of Canada itself, the “Worker.” So we see that the suppression of “Radnik” is a part of the general assault on the working class and the Communist move- ment in particular. These attacks are being carried out under the MacDonald “labor” government, the same government that talks hypocritically about peace and goes full power ahead in its preparation for war and in lining up the imperialist governments for an armed attack against the Soviet Union, and is making alliances with and pressing into its service the bloodiest regimes the world has ever known, whose very existence de- pends upon the wholesale butchering of the rebellious working masses. This is the same government that is shooting down revolutionary workers in India, that is suppressing the struggle and revolt of the subjugated and oppressed colonial people the world over. Our answer to this suppression and terrorism must be a general intensification of our activities all along the line. We must build our, revolutionary movement and extend its influence everywhere. We must | build new militant industrial unions. We must resist capitalist ra- | tiqnalization and fight their war schemes against th: Soviet Union. We must coordinate our revolutionary activities and struggles with the struggles and movement of the workers in Canada and every other | country in the world. This must be our answer to th pitalist cam- paign of suppression and terrorism carried on against the Communist » movement and. the working class generally. L. FISHER, Chicago, q “Jose! Come in! A drop of wine!” \ A drop of wine offered on such an occasion was not a thing to be refused; besides, it would give him strength. i Hf ho But only one glass, and I’ll drink it standing. Then I must oft.” “Yes, yes, they’re expecting you at home.” None the less, he yielded to the entreaties of his friends and sat down (for he was already tired after covering this tink stretch of road and his body felt the need to relax), while Santanler’s wife rushed off to find bottles. P (COME on, old chap, just one more.” ive Glasses, questions and exclamations clinked together in the Htile' room: ' “There! Now I must be off.” is] Then he found he simply couldn’t get up. His head was dizzy with the three glasses he had drunk, In des- peration, to put heart into him and life into his legs, he poured himself out a fourth glass, brimful, and swallowed it down at a gulp, The effect was as if an axe had thundered down on the back of his head, and he understood vaguely what a crime he had just committed. The friends standing round asked: ‘What’s the matter with him?* and were mystified—for it isn’t so easy as,all that to understand what it’s like, to stay shut up in a cage for years and years and only eat soaked beans and watery soups and drink nothing but water. And the four glasses he had drunk produced the same effect on him as four pitchersfull would on an ordinary wayfarre. His brain seemed to be in a pulp, and though he was sitting down, he had to put out both hands to stop himself from falling. The heads and shoulders round him doubled and trebled, and the smile of welcome on their mouths spread out and out, away to the horizon; the walls slanted and the people passing to and fro made zig-zags in the air, and then were blotted out. But the worst thing of all was that to begin with, he remained lear-headed enough on the surface, on top of it all, to understand what a gulf he had tumbled into, * . A FIT of fury came over him. He rose and yelled. But the sudden outburst choked him and he fell back into his seat. Then up he got once more, head straining towards the door and road, the look of a damne dsoul in his eyes. § They rushed towards him, supported him, They were ashamed, they were horror-struck and yet they weren’t to blame and they were innocent. They hadn’t stopped to think, and that was how the harm was done. 7 Jose clung to the door-post, supported by Pablo, “The air will do him good.” But the air, in its turn, turned traitor in all innocence, and in- stead of blowing away the intoxication which a few glasses had in- stilled into the home-comer’s oversensitive brain, it only fanned the flames within. A woman was standing on her door-step, on the other side of the road. “Clemence!” he said. { She was not Clemence, but so strong was his desire to go to her that his friends helped him across the road. The woman was frightened; her face turned white. She was trembling; she would have liked run away, but didn’t dare to. * * - HE talked long to her in supplicating tones. “What, don’t you recognize me? Where are the kiddies and the tiny ’uns? Where are they hiding? Let’s have a look at them.” His friends tried to pull him together by yelling all sorts of ob- jurgations into his ears. Some shook him roughly, others implored him, not. knowing which was the wisest course. The uproar was deaf- ening. Father Leonte stood a little to one side, behind the group, oath: | ing it all with a wicked little smile. { Meanwhile a young woman had come down the road from Sebase tiona. Her face was all smiles as she arrived, Seeing the gathering there, her face grew brighter still. ‘“He’s there!” she said to herself. When she saw the wretched blear-eyed, slack-kneed man who was struggling there, she screame daloud. : { The sound of that voice had a strange effect on Jose Real’s senges, We have heard of the ‘voice of the blood’ and perhaps there is somee eae in the phrase, for he instantly calmed down and looked towards er, But the young woman had covered her tear-stained face with her hands, so that the father could not see the lingering traces of little Saravia’s childish features, and he looked away. Nor did he see the little child clinging to his mother’s blue skirt, hiding behind her, in sudden fright. “ . * * . 1 ND then a kind of evil dream or hallucination came over him. He thought that he was standing before a door and that they would not open for him. “ “Open the door, darling, it’s me,” he cried, clasping both hands. Then he collapsed on a boundary stone. Roud him the folks rushed to and fro, literally not knowing what to do; they held him, to prevent his falling and hurting himself. But those who stayed with him there— the rest had been compelled to go away to their work—were unable, do what they could for hours and hours, to rouse him from his torpid condition. At last, the moment came when the individual who had travelled with him and shadowed him came up and explained that it was time for him to go back to catch his train. They had to carry him to the station in a carriage. Thence the train would bear him almost to the prison gates, which would never open to let him out agai until he came forth “feet first,” as French workmen say, He collapsed in a corner of the carriage and slept. Buti while he slept, his face suddenly lit up. And no doubt he accomplished in that dream what he had failed to do in life. That was the only path to happiness left to Jose Real—that victim of his own wretchedness and of the clumsy, well-meant kindness of his brothers in wretchedness. ° (Teqorrow: Blood in the Oileans.) )