The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 28, 1929, Page 4

Page Fout "Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., dail Square, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Stuyvesan Wy"Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. at at 26-28 Un “DAIWOR ly, except Sun: day, tt "1696-7-8. Cab » Baily A-Morker en, Central Organ of the Communist Party of the ft. 8. A. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year; $2.50 three mont $2.00 three mont $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; “PARTY LIFE | \tatement of Comrade Hegelias, New Bedford, Massachusetts. The poisonous and in: propaganda of the renegade Love- | stone and h t tools has in most cases misled only petty- bourgeois. ir (school chers, clerks, etc.). A very few workers have followed his anti-Party ploicy, and no doubt these work- ers will in time see the anti-proletarian character gf Lovestone’s Party-splitting tactics, that serves only the interests of ibe bourgeoisie. Thru the maneuv of Bail in the Boston District some comrades showed hesitation and vacillations on the question, but only for a short while. Comrade P. Hegelias from New Bedford has handed in a state- ment to the District Buro that is very characteristic for the reaction of some proletariar n the Pa , who were misled for a time by the lying statements of the renegade “Comrades: Since the last meeting of the District Buro, following very carefully the activities of Lovestone and his followe: examining some of their docume: and discussing with some of the leading Lovestoneites, I } ne to the con ion that their expulsion is justified. “I am convinced that their whole line, attacking the leadership of the Party, and their talk of ‘something wrong going on in the CI ap- paratus’ is a line of social democrats and of the enemies of our Party. Therefore, I want to denounce my position of voting against their ex- pulsion in the last Buro meeting. “After carefully studying th of the Sixth World Congress, | he thesis of the Tenth Plenum ECCI and after listening to the argum presented by Comrade Minor in the last DEC meeting, I tome to the conclusion that the CC, under the direction of the ECCI, ying out the line of the Sixth World Congress. “The arguments by the Lovestoneites that the present Party leader- ship is revising the line of the Sixth World Congress is only a smoke screen to confuse the membership. My position at the present is as follows: the Thesis of the Tenth Plenum 4 “2. I accept and endorse the cablegram of the ECCI which con- demns Lovestone’s group as anti-proletarian, ‘finally landing in the camp of renegades from Communism.’ “3, I endorse the expulsion of Alex Bail, who proved to be an enemy of the Pa by attempting to organize an anti-Party group within our Part; . “T will carry on an energetic fight against the Lovestoneites who joined with the international right wingers against the CI, and help to smash their attempts to split the Party. I am in agreement with the analysis of the line presented in of the EC “PETER HEGELIAS.” * « * The New Bedford membership meeting adopted a very vigorous resolution against the splitters and demanded that the Party take measures against the agents of Lovestone sneaking around in our Party doing their dirty job for the bourgeoisie. Point 5 in their reso- lution reads: “We demand the expulsion of Elsie Pultur, who became a con- scious agent of the renegade Lovestone group, and for the last 3-4 days in New Bedford is carrying on an anti-Party activity by talking to different comrades against the Party leadership, the line and de- cisions of the CI. We demand that drastic steps be taken imme- diately against all those who will in any way hinder the carrying out of the line and decisions of the Central Committee.” | The Party is beginning with determination to extinguish even the | last remnants of the ideology left by Lovestone’s leadership in our Party, it is clearer and clearer for every Party member that this is a struggle against a Menshevik clique of renegades trying to destroy the °| Bolshevik Party. They will never succeed, | The Party United Against Lovestone & Co. The Party receives every day resolutions from Party ‘units con- demning the right wing splitters, renegades and conciliators now wag- ing an unprincipled fight against the Party, even sinking deeper—if possible—than renegades in other countries did. Lovestone is today. using fascist methods against the Party, police-denunciations against comrades, burglary against the Party’s National Office and, when saught with the goods, trying to cover up their crimes against the Party with the help of a person who himself claims to have connec- tions with the Department of Justice. “The Dead are riding fast” and Lovestone and Co. are riding very swiftly on the way of counter- revolution. Here are a few quotations from resolutions adopted at unit meet- ings. Unit B, Section 3, District 3, says among other things: “We accept and endorse the statement of the District Buro, | which properly characterizes the Lovestone gang and declares that association with this gang, whether political or organiza- tional, is incompatible with membership in the Party. We pledge ourselves to carry out the decision of the ECCI, the CC and the DC by the recognition of fact of need to increase our day to day work, build shop nuclei, mobilize the workers in our section | for a struggle against imperialist war and for defense of the | Soviet Union, for building of the American section of the CI.” | * * | Nucleus 6 of Section 1, District 2, says: “We go on record pledging ourselves to fight against Love- stone and his clique as energetically as we continue the fight against the capitalist class. We call upon all members of our Party who still have any illusions about Lovestone and his handful of supporters against the line of the CT that Lovestone and his clique are nothing but renegades and enemies of our Party and the working class.” * * Nucleus 5, Section 1, District 2, condemns “in the sharpest man- | ner” the raid of the Lovestone gangsters: “They were out to rule the Party, and if they cannot rule to break it. All comrades must realize that this is what com- rades may come to once they put themselves against the CI and the Party.” * Unit 10, Section 3, District 2, endorses the “Theses of the Tenth Plenum which are in accord with the line of the Sixth World Congress” and continues: “And we maintain that events which have developed since the sending of the Address to the American Party have proven the correctness of the line and decisions laid down therein” and “we wholeheartedly endorse the expulsion of Lovestone, Gitlow & Co. and in view of the scandalous burglary of the National Office by the Lovestone gang, we call upon the DEC and the Secretariat Executive to take drastic measures against all those who are still in our ranks and persist in fighting the line of the CI within the CPUSA.” * * * * * The Long Island sections membership request the Central Com- mittee “To take action against those Party members who have issued printed attacks aguinst the CC and the CI. We take this position because of our conviction of the correctness of the CI line for our Party which is also the line of the Sixth World Con- gress and will lead to tke building of a mass Bolshevik Party in the U. S.” * oe | | Unit 6F, Section 3, District 2, appeals to the proletarian elements who have not yet been able to see thru the maneuvers of Lovestone: “We call on all proletarian elements in the Party, who still have some sympathies for these counter-revolutionaries, to sever , relations with this group, as they have already shown how far they have gone in the camp of the enemies of the working’ class. We ask the CC and the DC to rid our Party of those, that not- withstanding the openly counter-revolutionary attacks of Love- stone and his gangsters on our Party, still maintain a concilia- tory attitude towards them.” All resolutions sent in from the units show that the Party now stands strongly united in its fight against the splitters and traitors, who try in united front with the bourgeoisie to desroy our Party. The Party will strengthen itself thru the process of cleansing away rotten elements that were only a demoralizing force in our Party. “FREE SPEBCH” IN BOSTON Boston Common is an historical place. It is an institution of Boston, and many a Communist has been arrested when speaking on Boston Common. But now the permit for our Party to speak on Bos- ton mon is revoked, not formally, by no means—America is a democratic country—the permit has been “lost.” From Boston they report, that it has been impossible to regain the permit for Party meetings on the Common. This permit was re- _. voked by the police at the end of August when Jackson Wales was ar- te: | a revolt against the economic and political serfdom to which they have Austro-Marx The St. Lorenzen Incident (BY P. (Moscow). After the Russian October revolution the theorist of Austro- Marxism, Otto Bauer, returned to Austria from revolutionary Russia and, as collaborator of the Russian department of the Austrian for- eign office, expected the Austrian revolution. In the early days of the revolution ke published a book under the promising title: “The Way to Socialism,” in which he made it clear to the workers that the Leninist way—the way to socialism via the proletarian dictatorship— is not effective. Bauer proposed his “Democratic” way to Socialism: National Assembly, democratic suffrage, legislation of factory councils, common control by the workers, employers and consumers over pro- duction, gradual nationalization of the big works, broad social legisla- tion. In order to pursue this path, Austrian Social Democracy took part in tke coalition government: Renner became National Chancellor of the Austrian Republic, Bauer Minister for Foreign Affairs, Julius Deutsch Minister for War. With the help of the functionaries of Austrian Social Democracy they held back the indignant workers and soldiers from armed revolution; they were made leaders of the workers’ and soldiers’ councils in order to make them leaderless; they armed the Kulak Heimwehr in Tyrol, in Styria and other provinces; they gave active assistance to the Entente in carrying out the”economic blockade of the Hungarian Soviet Republic; they rescued capitalism. ‘Otto Bauer and Julius Deutsch themselves relate these things in their memoirs. They boast that Austro-Mar: had and still has its own | way to socialism. And Austrian Social Democracy is really a model party of the Second International. It has in little Austria about 700,000 members. It has control over-trade-union, co-operative, sport, culture and various other kinds of mass organizations. It is at the head of the Republican Defense Corps. The municipal administration of Vienna is in its hands: it has a program, and in this program proletarian dictator- | ship is acknowledged—naturally not as a weapon for the suppression of the bourgeoisie and for the development of socialism, but as a means of defense against fascist counter-revolution, Austrian Social Democracy also has a land program, in which it is stated that the land must belong “to the best producers,” i. e. Kulaks, and that the estates ae not to be confiscated without con- pensation. Austrian Social Democracy has its right wing and its left wing; it has its theorists, its philosophers, its economists, its military organizers. It is so rich that it could even present to the Second International its secretary, Fritz Adler, who lately proved that in case of outbreak of a new world war, internationalism, as also the “de- fense of the fatherland,” is admissible. In short, it is a paragon party. It had and still has its own way to socialism. This way led in a bee line to the St. Lorenzen events when the fascists prepared a bloodbath for the workers. This way led the working class of Austria straight into the position in which it now stands—threatened by an imminent fascist dictatorship. The Fascsit Heimwehr from the distant corners of Tyrol and Vorarlberg have already advanced to the industrial centres; they are already holding parades in the streets of Vienna. They are no longer armed by the Social-Democrat Julius Deutsch against Communism, as in the year 1920, but by trust capital. The “march on Vienna,” the march against the proletarian centres of Austria has become the slogan of the Heim- wehr. In Vienna the joint stock companies are still much too heavily taxed; in Vienna rents are much too low from the standpoint of houseowners. The meagre wages of the Austrian workers are siill much too high from the standponit of the Austrian and foreign cap- italists. Austrian industry has a very limited domestic market, it needs markets abroad. Rationalization is not sufficient. Foreign cap- ital, which in a large measure controls the Austrian banks, demands reduction of wages, cutting down of social legislation. Austrian Fas- cism is preparing for a march on Vienna after the pattern of Musso- lini’s march on Rome, in order to destroy the miserable vestiges of the achievements of the November Revolution of 1918. Austrian counter-revolution has not relinquished its dream of re- | storing the Habsburg Monarchy. In Hungary, Horthy and Bethlen | are preparing the ground for it. Austrian counter-revolution, with | the former Chancellor Seipel at its head, therefore does not want | Austria to be jonied to Germany. Under certain circumstances, Italian | Fascism would help to raelize such a plan, in order to oppose to Yugo- | slavia and Czechoslovakia, the vassals of French imperialism, an Aus- | tro-Hungarian Fascist block. But French imperialism, too, is not in- | active. France fears the union of Austria with Germany. According | to the Young plan, in view of the approaching evacuation of the Rhine- | land, the question of Austria’s union with Germany has become more | acute. | | France—according to the “Manchester Guardian”—is striving for a union of Poland, Hungary and Austria. These three States would | constitute a strong Fascist block, and Austria would never form a union with Germany, if it belonged to this federation. Austrian Fascism is a puppet in the hands of the great imperialist powers. ism— Pacemaker of Fascism But how does it come about that the Fascist Heimwehr can shed | workers’ blood in “democratic” Austria, that the Fascist slogan of the march on Vienna has become a real danger, that, while a powerful and model Social Democracy exists, the working class is directly threat- ened with Fascist dictatorship? Two or three years ago the Heimwehr did not constitute any serious danger. Only in the mostbackward provinces did they attract the Kulaks, who were under the influence of the Catholic Church. Now, however, the Heimwehr have their organizations in the towns; their influence extends to certain strata of the petty bourgeoisie, to the officials, to the intelligentsia. It must be candidly stated that they are beginning to develop their organizations among the workers. The Heimwehr are already organizing so-called “independent” trade unions. They are even trying to mobilize the municipal workers of Vienna ‘against the Social-Democratic municipal.administration. Among the Fascist who attacked the workers at St. Lorenzen, there were workmen and clerks from the Alpine Montangesellschaft (iron trust). The workers of a tramway depot in Vienna have gone over en masse to the Fascists. The organ of the Heimwehr is propagating the slogan of payment of benefit to the unemployed out of the resources of the municipality of Vienna to an amount of 100 Austrian shillings a month. In a number of factories there are Fascist nuclei, It appears that even individual workers of the Austrian Communist Party do not appreciate the danger which the social-demagogy of the Fascists represents. “The rejection of Marxism on principle, the absolute re- jection of the class struggle, the renunciation on principle of influence exercised on trade unions by political parties, recognition of the corpor- ative system’”—that is the program of the Fascist “independent” trade unions. The program is a copy of that of Mussolini, for Mussolini also “worked” among the most backward strata of workers who were disappointed by Social Democracy. How was it possible fo rthe Heim- wehr to become such a power and such a danger? It was able to do so because Austrian Social Democracy objectively supported Fas- cism. Austro-Marxism was the pacemaker of Fascism. Since the stabilization of the currency Austro-Marxism has. sys- tematically retreated before the attacks of the bourgeoisie. When, in July, 1927, the working class replied to the attacks of the bourg- eoisie with the Vienna insurrection, Austrian Social Democracy checked this insurrection, betrayed it, suppressed it and led it to defeat. After the July defeat of the working class the Fascist attack developed at a great speed. The working class defended itself spontaneously. When the Heimwehr first wanted to demonstrate in Wienr Neustadt and challenged the Communists to counter-action, the Social Demo- crats sanctioned the Heimwehr demonstration and their police arrested the Communists. In the name of “democracy” the Social Democrats defended the Fascists against the revolutionary workers. When the Fascists began to murder wrokers, one of the leaders of the Austro- Marxists, Renner, stood up in parliament and proposed class peace and the dissolution of all organizations of a miiltary character. When the workers began to throw the Fascists out of the fac- tories, the Social-Democratic trade unions forbade this in the name of democracy and freedom of opinion. When the bourgeoisie disarmed the Social-Democratic Revublican Defense Corps, the Social Democrats confined their protest to words. When the workers demonstrated against the Fascists, the Social-Democratic Lord Mayor of Vienna, Seitz, forbade the demonstration of workers, while the Fascists con- tinued to demonstrate without permission from Seitz. The Social- Democratic metal workers’ union recognized the fascist trade union as representative of the workers! When, after the bloody fights in St. Lorenzen, spontaneous strikes broke out, the Social Democrats sup- pressed them, forbade the demonstrations and adopted a resolution to the effect that the Fascist coup d‘Etat may lead the country into civil war, and such a misfortune would bring great privation not only upon the workers but upon all classes of the State. Fascist dictatorship injures the bourgeoisie! While workers’ blood is being shed, the Autro-Marxists adolt resolutions declaring that “the working class of Austria is thoroughly peaceable.” They, the Austro- Marxists, are the pacemakers, the. defenders, of Fascism, They are helping to bring about Fascist dictatorship! Through these events Austrian Communists are charged with an extraordinarily important task. They must show the Austrian working class the way of struggle. The way of Austro-Marxism led to immediate danger of Fascist distatorship. Otto Bauer’s way to socialism led to the bloody attack of the Heimwehr upon the workers. The Communist Party of Austria must, even thought it is weak in numbers, lead the working class to the path of the fight against Fascist counter-revolutioné to the way of ruthless exposure of Social Democracy as an actual ally and weapon of Fascism. Against British Imperialism in Palestine MANIFESTO OF THE LEAGUE AGAINST IMPERIALISM (By International Press Correspondence from Berlin) (1) A bloody conflict on a hitherto unprecedented scale has broken | out betwee nthe Arab inhabitants and the immigrant Zionist population artificially imported into Palestine under the notorious Balfour Declara- tion. This general revolt of the Arabs against the Zionists is in reality been reduced by British imperialism in Palestine. (2) It is in virtue of the anti-imperialist character of the strug- gle that the Arabs off Palestine are receiving the moral and material support of the Arabs of Egypt, Syria and Transjordania as well as of the masses of the Indian people engaged in a revolutionary struggle for liberation from the yoke of British imperialism. (3) The Arab population of Palestine rightly regards the Zionist movement as the main instrument of British imperialist exploitation in their country. With the help of Zionist capitalist and fascist organiza- tions, the Arabs are being systematically expropriated and impover- ished, and the landless peasants condemned to unemployment or re- duced to the position of coolies. On the “philantropic” pretext of pro- viding a home for the poor, down-trodden Jews of the world, the Zionist capitalists are taking possession of Arab lands while poor rested. Mr. Casey of the licensing division had been approached for four days for the permit, but always found excuses that “the permit is lost!” Well, a permit is not so essential for Communists. Boston Common will see a new fight for free speech. The lawmakers in Boston are diligent watch-dogs of the bourgeois society. They are very moral—and every moralist is first of all con- cerned about private property. Communists who do not believe in private ownership have been talking on street corners too often. The state needs assistance in jts fight against the Communists. At once the lawmakers are on the spot, mobilizing the property owners through a new state law. This new state law makes it necessary that permits for street corner meetings can be obtained only with the consent of tip sane of the property fronting the corner where the meeting is to be held. Boston is a “free” city—anyhow for the lawmakers and property owners. The Communists have to see to it that the workers gain the right of free speech—and that means a revolutionary struggle. The election campaign is approaching in Boston. The Party had put up as its candidate for mayor Comrade Harry J. Canter, now in jail for telling the truth about governor Fuller, the murderer of Sacco and Vanzetti. But another agency of the bosses, the election board, ruled that since Canter is in prison he is not eligible for candidacy. This means that the bosses are trying to deprive the workers of their candidate in Boston. For a long time our Party was hampered in its activity during the inefficient leadership of the former D, O.—the renegade Bail. We have a large field with many issues of struggle in Boston. After get- ting rid of the renegades there is no doubt that the Party will success- fully tackle all its problems even in Boston. : “sree ee Mee Mie the foderacion of independent Arabian casmtsies! Jewish workers are being imported to work for them and for British naval, military and strategic enterprises in Palestine. (4) There has therefore naturally arisen a sharp economic con- flict between the Arabs and the Zionist immigrants, leading to bloody riots, in which the latter are armed by the British imperialists and receive their special protection. Imperialist intrigue has succeeded, as it has in India, in giving these economic and anti-imperialist fights the character of religious and cultural riots. It has thus placed the leader- ship of the movement on both sides in the hands of reactionaries and prevented the workers and peasants of the two races from uniting for the overthrow of their common enemies, the British imperialists and their Zionist agents. (5) In the performance of their function as the lackeys of im- perialism, the ionists have received the whole-hearted support of the social democatic parties of the Segond International, and more especially of members of the British Labor Party. The reformist leaders of the Jewish workers’ organizations in Palestine have systematically played upon the racial sentiment of the latter and used them as tools of British imperialist policy. The Zionists and the social democrats have been the most bitter enemies of the Arab national revolutionary movement. They have prevented the united front of the Jewish and Arab workers and peasants for the overthrow of British imperialism and the establish- inent of a free Palestine. They have on the contrary taken active steps to demand the conversion of the British mandate in Palestine into open and flagrant annexation to the British empire. (6) As a prelude to this annexation, the present deliberately pro- voked conflicts between the Arabs and the Zionist fascists are being dextereusly utilized by the British Government in order to strengthen the permanent military and naval garrison in Palestine. The regiments that have been hurried to that country to maintain “law and order” and to “protect the Jews” in obedient response to the demand made by nationalist Jews in Europe and America, are intended to be retained, while the fascist Zionist organizations will be armed as volunteer corps against the possibility of a united revolutionary movement. (7) The League Against Imperialism and for National Inde- pendence gives its whole-hearted support to the workers and peasants of Palestine as of all other Arabian countries, in the struggle for the overthrow of imperialist exploitation and the establishment of real na- tional independence. The League points out the danger of the broad masses being misled into religious and racial strife by imperialist in- trigue, which only strengthens the hands of the enemies of liberty. The League Against Against Imperialism appeals to all its affili- ated and associated organizations to extend their active help to the masses in the Arabian countries in their struggle for freedom and to carry,on an uncompromising fight against imperialism and against the Zionist and social democratic agents of imperialism. Down with British imperialist exploitation in Palestine! Long live the united revolutionary struggle of the Jewish and Arab workers and peasants! eo 8 Down with Zionism! ee en howe gppmRae” rani ty son ios NAY SELF Reprinted, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Hearl Barbusse, published and copyrighted by E. P, Dutton & Co, Ince New York. 1 t HOMECOMING. Ree take a kindly interest in Mexico. They watch over it with utmost care, for it is a splendid country, copiously irrigated with petroleum, containing rich natural deposits in plenty. Now, as everybody knows, these deposits are reserved for the Yanks, who have a fireproof skyscraper safe somewhere in Wall Street which is the largest-safe in the world and grows full by the mere force of things. And so Americans are very careful to keep this fine land called Mexico free not only from the doctrine of independence, but also from the doctrine of revolution, which is like a bad version of the doctrine of independence because it builds up freedom on intelli- gent foundations, But they find their hands pretty full, because the workers o# Mexico are not at all tolerant of American penetration, and it hap- pens that those who have evinced and proclaimed the determination to free th country from the yoke of the English-speaking races have always been very popular with the mass of the people. And a fair number of them have so far been imprisoned by the Americans—and are kept shut up all the more tightly because, as everyone also knows, the people of Mexico have shown their teeth and begun to take contra} of their own affairs. } { . IN 1913--that was thirteen years ago—a well-known Mexican rebel, Jose Rangel, was sentenced, together with another man whom I will call Jose Real, at the instance of the great republican democracy; the first to ninety-nine years’ imprisonment, and the second for some three-quarters of a century. They were condemned, then, to die of old age, if one may use the expression, and they went into prison as others enter the cemetery, Political prisoners of this type are indeed never pardoned, But sometimes an exception is made which can be regarded either as an alleviation or as a refinement of the penalty. It happens—very rarely, it is true—still, it does happen and has been known to happen, that they are allowed to return home once only, provided they first give their word of honor to come back to prison at the time named. Needless to say, this favor, which has such an auspicious beginning and such a fateful end, is granted once—and never again, Well, this is what happened to Jose Rangel and then to Jose Real. As I have said, Jose Real was sentenced in 1918, * * * H® was then forty years old, likewise Clemence, his wife. Saravia, his daughter, was eight when he disappeared from the world of the living, and his son Vincent ten. Since that day, the two children had grown up, married, and each had a child. And they all lived in the same house in San Sebastino where Jose Real had lived when a man. They told him the news, “You are going to have one day at home. you will leave in the evening, but you will have to be back here the following night.” And, as he heard this, an overwhelming joy took entire possession of his heart. One again he was to see that calm and gentle soul, ‘Clemence, the joyous partner of twenty years of married life, with all its ups and downs; and, instead of his little girl, a tall young woman; a fine strapping young man in place of his boy; two babies besides, his grandchildren, not to mention those who had beome his son and daugh- ter-in-law., Yes, incredible as it all sounded, it was true. Now he would see, would feel, what occasional letters had feebly tried to show him, in a clumsy, shapeless void of words. “A child has been born and christened Arturo; also another called Michael... . They are growing ... they are pretty.” In short, everything that letters tell without tell- ing us anything, especially when they come from good folk whose fin- gers don’t know how to chatter. And in all this life he would join, live life to the full during an end- less stretch of time—one long day. 4 a happiness that had come to him was all the keener because the adventure had been so long in coming; for months and months there had been talk of it and he had been dreaming of it, eating his head off with longing, wearing himself out with alternate hope and despair. When the day was arranged—and he was -changed, transfigured in glory——he debated, first of all, whether he should warn his friends of his coming, or whether he should just calmly turn up one evening and say: “Here I am; I should like a bite of something,” just as in the old days, when he used to come in from the wood-yard, and in the same old voice. But he reflected to risk a surprise would be too dangerous: supposing they just happened to be away! Or any other little hitch, say. No, far better send warning. And he did so. He left the prison one day at three in the afternoon, He was to return next day at sunset (these were the long summer days). But he never gave a moment’s thought to that day’s end which would be the end of everything. How strange it was to walk so freely on the street pavement after thirteen years without practice, to be able to wave a hand to right and left without knocking up against a wall, and, on looking up, this way or that, to pierce the light of the open sky to its very depths! * HE was not very firm on his legs, and things were quick to dance be- fore his eyes. The passers-by said: “He must be convalescing,” and they weren’t far wrong. He had calculated that by taking the train, and then the high road, he would reach home about eight, at nightfall. He would then see the dear faces grouped in the light of day before the lamps were lit, and that would be so much more to the good. While travelling in the train, he suddenly felt dizzy, and very tired, And as they rumbled quickly on, he had to close his eyes, much as they longed to watch the landscape and take it all in, without missing one single detail. 5 So he never noticed that a traveller who had got in with him was glancing towards him now and then. He had seen the traveller’s face plainly enough a little while ago, but never noticed—overwhelmed as he was, and beset with the great world—that he knew the face, that the man was a police inspector—whose duty it was to remind him of his oath, should he fail to return as he had sworn to do, For prison and governmental authorities have no great faith in the truthfulness and honor of men—they don’t know the real meaning of such senti- ments. Still, this inspector was a tactful officer and was pretending hard to be thinking of other things. Six o'clock! He had about two * Av last Jose got out of his train. hours of walking before him—a trifle for an ordinary man, but not for a prisoner suddenly landed high and dry out of a prison in- ferno and only able to pace a small circle round a little courtyard for the last thirteen years. i In this wide open space, intersected by the road, he felt an over- mastering desire for sleep. He had lived through too much afresh in this one half-day. The tired dog in him was drawing him earthwards, closing his eyes. He could not, as it were, resist himself. He lay down under a wooden. hut standing near by, without even taking the time to reflect that he should have told them to come and fetch him in some trap or other, i U . . that this would have meant a great saving of such percious hours, But he was too sleepy to think o! anything, and, if there were tears in his eyes, it was because he was yawning so, His mouth still gaped in a i yawn as he sank into heavy sleep. When he awoke, the sun was already up. A pang of hunger drove — | him quickly to his feet. H was fresh as a daisy now, but a slice of the _—{! day was already gone, sangre de la Madona! Off he set at a run, leading for the suburb where his house lay, But he simply could not af f keep up the pace, and reconciled himself to a quick walk. Bf %