The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 27, 1929, Page 4

a fs : wns ee ee Wished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co.sInc, daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union are, New York City, N. Y. Telephone Stuyvesant '1696-7-8. Cabie: “DAIWORK.” ‘ = re ldrees and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. Y. Co Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. By Mail (outside of New York): SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $8.00 4.5 2.50 three months $2.00 three months six months; year; 5 $3.50 six months; ARTY LIFE : Resolution Adopted at New York Membership Meeting By a vote of 1,379 the Party membership at a general meeting dm New York Tuesday evening, after hearing the report of Comrade ‘Wetastone, voted for the line of the Party and the Communist Inter- *mational, with but 52 voting for an anti-Comintern ax4 opportunist resolution, submitted by Charles S. Zimmerman, in behalf of the ‘expelled renegade group of Lovestone. The following is the resolu- tion approved by the general membership meeting: The District 2 membership meeting declares, having heard the re- port on the line and activities of our Party both in its mass work and im. the struggle against the Right danger, that: 1. We completely endorse the decisions of the Tenth Plenum of the Comintern in their application internationally and also of the Ad- drésé to the: membership of the Communist Party of the United States. The Thesis adopted at the Tenth Plenum of the ECCI, after careful analysis, clearly points to the events which took place since the Sixth World Cangrese (big strike movements, sharpened war danger, the “= vise of a new revolutionary tide, etc.), which confirms the analysis | altéady made at the Sixth Congress and are complete justification for the line there laid down. of.events, carried further that line, thereby showing to all Communist Parties, the road towards winning the majority of the working class sq. that, with the development of a revolutionary situation, the pre- conditions. for which are now rapidly developing, the working class can properly utilize the opportunity for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. # 2. In-this, the Third Period of the after-war crisis of world capi- talism—and .of, approach to new and bloodier imperialist war—the Communist. Parties of all countries are put to severe tests of their Bolshevik character. All elements in the Communist Parties, which had fallen under the influence of bourgeois ideology, and which are able only to see the features of strength of the capitalist system, and unable tq ‘See the increased decay and shakiness of capitalist stabilization (which is the decisive characteristic of this period) inevitably fall away tyom the line of our revolutionary Communist International. In the Soviet Union a Right wing crystalized under the leader- ship of Comrade Bukharin, which shrinks from the correct policies of the CC of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in putting thru the rapid tempo of industrialization and takes its orientation from the The Tenth Plenum, noting the swift march | petty bourgeoisie and kulak elements now being pushed back in the | upbuilding of socialism. -« Just as ‘the correct Bolshevik leadership of the CPSU remains the | inspiration and guide of the Communist Parties of all countries, so the might wing in the CPSU under Comrade Bukharin’s leadership becomes | the’ center of the right. wing of the Communist Parties of all countries imvtheir open struggle against the revolutionary line of the Comintern. *<~ Under the rank opportunist theory of “American exceptionalism,” the opportunists.under the leadership of Lovestone and Pepper have if up warfare against the CPUSA apd the Communist Interna- titmal. The renegades in this country have already shown their real character by forming open alliance with the treacherous right wing yenegades and conciliators in all countries; Ewert in Germany (and how even ‘with Brandler), with the strikebreaker renegade Hais in Czecho-Slovakia, etc., etc. ... 8. Inthe United States as well as in other countries the confirma- Sept the line of the Sixth Congress and Tenth Plenum lies in the sharpened struggles which have taken place during the past period; especially inthe fact that these struggles quickly acquired in many cakes political character and not only against the bosses and state ma- chirie, but’ against the A. F. of L. bureaucrats as well. Examples of stich are in Gastonia, New Orleans and other southern strikes; in the few mood for struggle manifested by the automobile, traction and other ‘workers; the splendid Cleveland Conference of the TUUL (the xééults of International Red Day) and in the growing radicalization | &rid will to struggle among the workers in the United States. The membership notes that with the deepening of the class strug- gle the bourgeoisie is resorting to fascist methods in order to repress the working class, and notes the conversion of the social democracy ffidre and’more into social fascism. At the same time the increased ftominence given to the Muste-ites by the bourgeoisie shows that this Jett: wing'‘of the social reformists becomes a greater danger in the present period, which must be combatted ruthlessly. -»» 4. In such a moment, when it is necessary quickly to develop cur Party towatds leading ‘sharpened struggles, it is inevitable that some elements because of their opportunism, increased by a persistent fac- tional-oriéntation, are unable to carry thru the new line necessary, openly break with the Party. and the working class and quickly degen- erate into agents of the bourgeoisie. Such are the cases of Lovestone, Gitlow, Pepper, Wolfe and company. These elements, now decisively defeated in the Party, are resorting to most degenerate petty bour- geoisie and gangster methods in their attempts to disrupt the Party. Being: outside the Party they become isolated from the working class hd the struggles of the workers. This membership meeting endorses the expulsion of these from our ranks and calls upon all comrades, Yoyal to the Comintern and its American Section, to disassociate them- selves from these renegades. The speed with which the Lovestgne | wenegades have degenerated into agents of the Doursecige is brought | Grito, sharp relief by their raid on our Party’s offices an ‘quént alliance with Jackson, a self asserted police agent, in the in- vention of.a series of monstrous lies, aiming to demoralize and stam- ‘pede the:Party membership. We believe with the Comintern, that any jassociation.or. fraternization with such elements is entirely incom- -patible with Party membership. xv." §.—We greet the actions of our Central Committee in its energetic *fight against the Right danger, most recently and seriously manifested in some: of the language bureaus and among the papers (Jewish, Finnish, etc.), in dangerous counter-revolutionary white chauvinism, cand in the activities of some sections of our Party (Kansas City). In | New York it manifested itself in the situation in the needle trades <AZigamerman, Enos and others) and in other fractions. In the iron sworkers’ union, where Communists held office, the fraction failed to yearry thru our program and thus win effective leadership over the union membership. “8 In order that the Party may develop its mass leadership and to secure the independent role of the Party in the leadership of the masses, cit is necessary to intensify the struggle against the Right danger, ewhich manifests itself in many of our fractions resulting in a tendency 2to-lag behind the masses, insufficient initiative and spirit in the lead- pership of the masses, in lack of confidence in the will of the masses oto struggle and in carrying over the bureaucratic methods of work cmd the.failure to carry thru energetically enough the organization of athe: new trade unions on the basis of the shops and the establishment 3e@f a broad spirit of democracy, the establishment of well functioning j@fractions.and collective work as a condition for the carrying thru of ‘ethis line:in the unions. af --We:pledge our support to the Communist International and to our ventral. Committee in their fight against Right tendencies, the Inter- “mational Right wing, Lovestone & Co. in America and against the op- portunist. sect of the Trotskyites, Cannon and Co., and pledge every x@apport to the sharpening of this line. “Re -' 6, SGontrary to.the program of the Lovestone renegades which says + ‘that'the-situation in the United States is such as will make more dif- Aicult. the growth of our Communist Party, we believe that the class struggle is sharpening so rapidly that even now, because of the old influences which partly still remain on the Party, we are in many jeases, at the tail of events instead of at the head. We pledge our- pelves mercilessly to eradicate such old influences thru increasing self- “eriticism, thru more energetic building of our Party in the factories, thru building ‘up of the Daily Worker, thru the more effective prole- tarianization of our Party leading committees and cadres, we will be able to overcome these and other shortcomings which now still exist. The. membership notes that progress has been made in the mass work and in the growing influence of the Party as shown in the events in: regard to International Red Day, Gastonia, Metropolitan Conference, of the FUUL, in the growing street demonstrations and street strug- les, in the fight for the defense of the interests of the proletariat in Palestine situation, in establishing a revolutionary Bolshevik line « 4n the United States. But at the same time points out that all of our work must be intensified: 4.21.) Toygive a broader mass basis to the electi ign, ~ bigs i, fougire ction campaign, par. _ 2-“To“estublish-a-broader basis for the defense of the Gastonia struggle, i agitating for the necessity for a strike for the liberation of the \ defendants, for the establishmgnt of a Workers :De~ + fense Committee in the shops, as a means of protecting the workers in ir struggle against the capitalist state fascist methods (police ter- break-up. of Communist meetings) and against the socialist fascists, their subse- | The Economic Struggle and the Tasks of the Communist Parties Theses of the 10th Plenum of Executive Committee of Communist International Theses upon the reports by Comrades Thaelmann and Losovsky. _7, However, the Communists cannot be opposed on principle to splitting the trade unions. The resolution of the II. Congress of the Comintern pointed out the conditions under which Communists are bound to work for a split, namely: “Communists should not shrink from splitting the trade union organizations if to avoid a split would mean to give up revolutionary work in the unions, to abandon the attempt to organize the most exploited sections of the proletariat.” The growth of the strike movement since the VI. Congress of the Comintern, and the furious onslaught of the social-fascist trade union bureaucracy, which resorts to the expulsion and dissolution of entire organizations (A, D. G. B., the General Federation of German Trade Unions) and which is artificialiy narrowing down the number of workers in the trade union by means of craft barriers (the most glaring example of this is the American Federation of Labor), its open blackleg activity,—all this has created in a number of countries the conditions under which it has been necessary in some cases to establish new revolutionary trade unions. The IX. Plenum of the E. C. C. I. and the VI, Congress of the Comintern have laid down the line for the American Communist Party of establishing new trade unions, first and foremost in those branches of industry where no trade unions exist, and then in those cases where, as a result of revo- lutionary actions by the workers due to the treachery of trade union bureaucrats, the workers were leaving the trade unions en masse and the trade union movement was being destroyed. This work has been started by the Party, and it should’ be carried out with the utmost vigor, attracting into the new unions the large masses of the unor- ganized workers in the United States. The case was the same in Great Britain, where a new garment wrokers’ union and a new Scottish miners’ union were formed. In Poland it became necessary, in’ con- nection with the mass strike movement in Lodz and the split in the P. P. S., to raise the question of the formation of a new, single union of textile workers on the platform of the class struggle (in Lodz), and a similar question is now being considered by the miners (in the Dombrowo district), Also in Mexico, in connection with the radicalization of the masses of the workers and the ractionary de- generation of the Cram, a new revolutionary Unitary Confederation of Labor was formed which has now about 100,000 members. 8.° Communists must understand, however, that the splitting of trade unions is not a question of mechanical formation of new trade unions. It is necessary to combat energetically the idea of the whole- sale plitting of trade unions. The formatjon of new trade unions is possible only at the high tide of strikes, only when the political struggle is very acute, when considerable sections of the proletariat have already grasped the social-fascist character of the reformist trade union bureaucracy, and when these masses are actively sup- porting the formation of a new union. But even if all these condi- tions exist, the formation of new trade unions in countries where there are as yet no independent revolutionary unions (e. g. in Ger- many) should be undertaken only from case to case, in conformity with the whole objective situation. 7. WORK IN COUNTRIES WHERE THE TRADE UNION MOVE- MENT IS ILLEGAL, The growing intensification of the class struggle urges the ruling classes to adopt harsh repressive measures to crush and smash ‘the revolutinoary unions. Where the revolutionary trade unions are still legal (France, Czechoslovakia, etc.) they are threatened with dissolu- tion, Under these circumstances the fundamental task is to prevent the outlawing of the existing legal organizations. In countries where the bourgeoisie in collusion with the social-fascists has succeeded in outlawing the unions (Italy, Yugoslavia, etc.), where the revolutionary unions are functioning underground, the outstanding task is to strengthen the illegal unions, to draw into them the largest possible number of non-Party workers, and to unfold their activity on the basis of the growing strike wave. It is essential to wage a relentless struggle against the capitulatory and liquidatory tendencies to abandon the activity of the illegal trade unions on the ground of the impos- sibility of the existence of any illegal trade union in general. In countries where the movement is illegal it is particularly important to create broad committees of action to lead the economic fights. These committees of action may serve as the best means for breaking through, the whole system of police and fascist bans and enabling the illegal trade unions to come out into the open. The struggle for emerging from underground, and for open existence, a struggle which should be the first and moremost charge of the revolutionary unions, can be successful’ only if the illegal unions link it up with the struggle for the daily needs of the workers and with actual leadership in the economic fights. A necessary condition to the strengthening of the illegal trade unions, to the revolutionary leadership of strikes, and to the emergence from the underground into the open, is persistent and systematic work in the factories for the creation of factory nuclei and the building up of all trade union work upon a factory basis. 8. WORK IN THE SEMI-COLONIAL COUNTRIES. The past year has been characterized by a great upswing in the economic struggle of all colonial and semi-colonial countries, especially in India, The strike wave reached even the most backward sections of the colonial proletariat (Equatorial“Africa) and signifies that the developing upward swing of the labor movement has gone far beyond the boundaries of the old capitalist countries, The main features of the recent strikes in the colonial and semi-colonial countries, (India, China, anl also Indonesia, Ceylon, Burma, Africa, ete.) indicate that even where the movement broke out spontaneously, it was of a pro- found yvevolutionary character. This creates a favorable ground for the strengthening and development of the Communist Parties and revolutionary unions in those colonial countries where they exist, and for the formation of Communist Parties and revolutionary trade unions in those colonial countries where they do not as yet exist. The major task for all the Communist and revolutionary workers of those countries is secure working class leadership in all economic fights, eliminating from the strike committees the national-bourgeois and social-reformist elements, and elevating the economic actions of the workers to a higher stage of struggle. war, particularly in the shops (noting the shortcomings in the ten- dency to let the campaign lag). 4, In view of the sharpening attacks against Negro workers (as part of the ideological preparation of the bourgeoisie to divide the working class) it is necessary to increase the Negro work, particularly to establish a definite apparatus in the units and above in order to carry through this work energetically. ; 5. While progress has been made in regard to our women’s work this work still bears insufficient contact with the shops and the auxi- liary onganizations, are not broad enough in their mass character, 6. Noting the increase in the activity and in the organization of the Young Communist League, in the development of the militant spirit and its increased participation in Party work, the Party must cooperate moré with the League in building it into a mass organization, especially in view of the importance of the industrial youth as a result of rationalization. The youth must increase its political work, 7. Closer relationship must be established between the units and the Workers School in order that it may achieve its task of developing revolutionary cadres and in the training of Bolshevists, * 8. The necessity of energetic devotion to the task of building up the T.U.U.C, as a real center of the revolutionary unions and of the minority in the old unions and as a leading center for the organization of the unorganized workers, 9. Above all, to accomplish these tasks it is necessary to increase the tempo of our activities, to improve and strengthen the apparatus, to increase the activities of every Party member and to establish in the mass organizations a firmer leadership through stricter discipline of the Party comrades and through well functioning fractions, To build the I.L.D, and W.IR, on real membership and mass basis. “ With ridding ourselves of the right elements and right ideology by vigorously learning and carrying through the line of the Comintern, by consolidating our ranks and carrying out the mass work of our Party, we will build our Party into an effective leader of the American working class, a worthy section of the Communist International. Only through such vigorous application of the line of the Comintern can our shortcomings be overcome and the Party developed into a mass Com- munist Party. Nal. The multifarious forms of trade union organization existing in the colonial and semi-colonial countries require the Communists and the revolutionary workers in those countries to employ great fl ility in pursuing the policy of independent leadership of the economic fights, | winning the large masses of the workers in the course of the unfold- ing of the strike struggle, and closely linking up the economic struggle of the workers with the general class aims of the proletariat, The creation of committees of action in those countries must be utilized for the organization of revolutionary class unions where none exist, and for the emergence of the illegal trade unions into the open. The experience of Girna Kamgar, the Left textile workers’ union of Bombay, shows the rapid and good success the revolutionary ele- ments may achieve in the organization of a radical mass trade union movement through the leadership of strikes and the extensive applica- tion of the new forms of organization (strike committees) and of activity in the factories (factory councils). The most important task is to strengthen and extend both the illegal and the legal revolutionary unions. It is essential, on the basis of the rising tide of the labor movement, to utilize all and any pos- sibility to enable the illegal trade unions to overcome their isolation | from the large masses, which still exists to a certain extent, to develop neiss activity, and to fight their way to a legal existence. It is es- sential, further, to work untiringly and systematically in all the mass reformist and yellow organizations with the object of winning over the workers in those organizations to the revolutionary class struggle. It is the task of the Communist Parties to take advantage of the 1 tide of the strike movement to break through all the barbed wire erected by imperialism and the national bourgeoisie against the class unions. sifying the struggle against imperialism and for the independence of the colonies in connection with the growing economic battles. would deliver a mortal blow to imperialism throughout the world. 9. THE MOST IMPORTANT PRACTICAL TASKS. 1. The political character of the contemporary class conflicts, into which millions of men and women are drawn, brings very forcibly to the novice of the Communist Parties the necessity—repeatedly em- phasized in the Comintern resolutions—of the local Party organizations taking up the direct leadership of economic struggles, The Communist Parties have already begun to discard the old methods of leading strikes by means of handing over the leadership to the tradé union de- partments of the Party and to the Communist fractions in the trade unions. Neverheless, a number of resolute steps have yet to be taken in this direction. As the tide of the labor movement rises, the leader- ship of the economic fights should be the task of the Party as a whole; all the forces of the Party should be concentrated upon this work, and the whole organization of the Party be adapted to this purpose. 2. The experience of last year’s strikes has shown that the weakest spot in the Communist Party and in the revolutionary trade union move- ment is the insufficient consistency in carrying out the decisions of | the VI. Congress of the Comintern and of the IV. Congress of the R. 15 L. U. The carrying out of these decisions is still meeting with oppo- sition n the ranks of the Parties, and what is particularly important among the functionaries of the lower Party and revolutionary trade | union organizatjons. The main task confronting the Communist Parties and the revlutionary trade union movement consists in taking practical measures for accelerating the carrying out of these decisions at all costs. The IV. Congress of the R. I. L. U. marked a serious turning point for the whole of the international revolutionary trade union movement. The Comintern and all its Sections should contribute, in every way to the extension of the influence of the R. I. L. U., popularizing its de- cisions and systematically strengthening the R. I. L. U. and its affil- iated bodies. . 8. In this connection, the centre of gravity in Party work must be placed more than hitherto directly in the factories. Committees of action; revolutionary factory counciles, and industrial unions, these are needed by the proletariat for the organization of its ranks for mass fights under the leadership of the Communist Party, All these funda- mental organizations must have their basis in the factory. There- fore, the organization of Party nuclei in factories,-and their consolida- tion where they already exist, acquires paramount importance at this juncture, more than ever before, and becomes the chief link in the chain of Party activity. 4 : 4. Of decisive importance in this connection is the invigoration and training of new cadres of leaders of strike battles. Apart from the fact that opportunistic tendencies and bureaucratic practices have found their most favorable soil among trade union workers of the Communist Parties (the most glaring example in this respect is fur- nished by Szechoslovakia), probably the most serious defect in the leadership of economic struggles has been the conservation of con- | siderable strata of that section of the membership of the revolutionary trade unions who, while theoretically, in words, fully and entirely ac- cepting the new tactics and decisions of the Comintern, practically, have proved incapable of carrying them into effect. The most serious consideration must be given especially to checking up the leading ele- ments in the Communist trade union factions, in order fully to secure a correct policy. 5. The most important task of the Communists and the revolu- tionary opposition must be, further, to concentrate the forces as well as the attention upon the main branches of industry and upon the fac- tories which play a decisive role in the class fights. 6. The discrepancy between the extent to which working women participate in the present economic conflicts and the degree of Jader- ship of that movement by the Communist Parties and the revolutionary trade union movement, which is becoming increasingly conspicuous, must by all means be quickly overcome, The lower Party organizations, the factory nuclei, the factory councils led by Communists and the revolutionary opposition must reach the working women by their ac- tivity to a much larger extent than hitherto, championing and defend- ing their interests. Active and militant working women must be reso- Jutely advanced to leading positions, especially in factories where fe- male labor predominates. An end must be put to the underestimation of the work among the working women which is to be observed among the Communist Parties and the revolutionary trade unions, 7. The same is true with regard to the young workers. The fact that the overwhelming majority of young workers are unorganized and are deliberately ignored by the reformist. unions calls for the launching of a special struggle for the organization of the youth in the unions on the basis of the revolutionary opposition’s programme. In those cases, where the unions refuse to organize the youth, or where no unions exist, it is necessary to organize separate economic associations of young workers of a provisional character to fight for the demands of the youth and for their joining the unions. In strengthening the revolutionary opposition the struggle for the crea- tion of youth sections in the trade unions and for the granting of equal rights to the youth and the adults is of utmost importance. The revo- lutjonary unions must immediately take steps towards the organization of youth sections. Here, just as with regard to the working women, a firm policy of drawing in new forces must be pursued. 2 8. The conduct of the economic fights requires the creation of organs of proletarian self-defense to protect and organize factory meet- ings, to protect strike pickets, to combat strike breakers, factory fas- cism, all kinds of yellow organizations, etc. i 9. The growth of unemployment as a result of rationalization affects first of all the ranks of the revolutionary opposition. The trade union bureaucracy on many occasions takes advantage of the existance of these unemployed in the revolutionary opposition to pre- vent them from participating in trade union activity within the re- formist unions. The revolutionary opposition must by all the means at its disposal protect the rights of the unemployed in the unions even where they create unemployment organizations (Great Britain), or any other form of associations (e, g. in Germany) under the open leader- ship of revolutionary elements. 10. It is necessary, with greater energy than hitherto, to mobilize the masses for the struggle for the 7-hour day (and the 6-hour day for underground work, for injurious trades, and also for workers under 18), making this the central slogan in the struggle against capitalist rationalization, 11. The central organs of the Communist Parties should send into the districts where conflicts are maturing, leading workers who should on the one hand acquaint themselves with the local conditions, and on the other hand should help the local organizations to carry out the ing | The Communist Parties of the imperialist countries must sys- | tematically aid the strike movement in the colonial countries, inten- | Par- | ticular attention should be given to helping the labor movement in | China and India, for the victory of the revolution in these two countries | Eitis ce samme ces $6.00 @ year; a a E SAW [Te sos t “{ Saw It Myself” by Hearl Barbusse, i Reprinted, by permission, from published and copyrighted by E. P. Dutton & Co» Ince New York, THEN a new dignitary turned up in the village. This was a speech- | @ ificr, a recruiting agent and a nigger at that. He came from the towns; he was still as shrill and as spruce as a cock. He wore two booboos, one on top of the other; filosi sandals, a red velvet cap and he also had a parasol. It was no easy matter to resist the eloquence of an official who was turned out like that, even though he was a nigger under the surface. He persuaded Ahmadu’s eldest, Tiki, to en- list for the war which was on in France. France was kind enough to | accept him as a soldier and present him with a superb new uniform and a rifle, France was quite willing that he should show his grati- tude by serving her; die for her, too, if the opportunity came. Dazzled to find himself considered almost a Frenchman, Tiki signed on and went off. So old Ahmadu and old Dziti were left all alone with the baby. They stared dismally at each other and pulled a face or two. As other families in the village had suffered in the same way, there were some signs of animosity against the white overlords. But | what could a handful of Negroes, the mildest-natured of the mild, do to oppose the inrushing tide of European civilization? ae . VEARS went by. And now Diakalu bid fair to become an important center of colonization. Large workshops and a factory were in process of development, and round them wandered the few remaining villagers, lean-cheeked and hollow-stomacked, like so many exiles. Doc- tors still there were none—all the white men owned cars. But there | was a wireless set and, despite their sufferings, the Negroes were fairly | entranced by the stream of music and speeches that poured out of this rumpet. One day, the one child‘left to Ahmadu and Dziti was taken ill— seriously ill—with the very same disease which had carried off his little brother. The old couple were nearly wild with grief; the only way to get help was to carry him to the nearest station, and to do that | money was needed. But since every child in turn had flown, money there was none. How could they keep animals without shepherds? Their cupboard was bare. And this small child was their only re- maining link with happiness—aay, with life. One evening, while they were brooding in silence over their lot, a tall black stranger appeared before the door of their little hut. * * T was Tiki, their son. But they did not recognize him. For Rifleman Tiki was a very different person from the Negro who had gone away, five years ago, He had not been killed, like most of his comrades—Bassuru, Diara, Khalidu, Diallo and the rest (who shall tell over their tale?). He had not been killed, for there he was, standing at the door. But he was disfigured. A jet of flame from a shell had burnt the skin off his face, laid bare one cheekbone, his jawbone, too. Mu- tilated thus, he was beyond recognition. But there was another change, of a different order. For if this disfigured Bambara shepherd had lost some of his illusions, after rub- bing shoulders for five years with Frenchmen in France, he had also acquired a quickness of mind utterly alien to him in the day when he hed been as simple and unclad as a cave-dweller. And so it came about that he had had an idea. He would not say He would keep the delightful surprise in store for them. Delightful, you say? Why, certainly! for if he was dis- figured—no great hardship, that—he was rich. He had a small for- tune in his pocket—three hundred francs in French bank-notes. . * . | | | | | | at once: “I am Tiki.” | | | NE or two of his chance finds among the ruins (for he had grown as resourceful as any European) included, among other precious objects, the jawbone of a German, garnished with gold teeth; this had been polished and made like new by a long sojourn in his haver- sack and had fetched in a good price. If the truth be told, the heart of this homecomer from the battle- fields or Artois and Champagne had beaten a little faster when, just a moment past, on the outskirts of the village, he had heard the yelping of the apes, become aware of the peculiar metallic rustling sound which palm leaves "make when dry, as they rub and jostle together like metal foil. And how it had thumped when the tall cotton-trees, spreading their green and leafy vault over the village clearing, had come into view! But,he was too proud of his ingenious idea to let the cat out of the bag; he played his part and blinked his solitary eye. Old Ahmadu and his wife received the passing guest in fitting manner, but it was in silence, and deep in their dream of despair, that they performed the rites of hospitality. In vain did the visitor try to make them talk. Then at last, to arouse their interest, unable to resist the desire to show that he was a multi-millionaire, he showed them the bank-notes ‘hich were rolled up in a handkerchief at the bottom of his haversack. * * * THEN the old couple awoke from their dull torpor; one thought was in each single mind—if only we had some of his money, the little | one dying in the next hut would be saved. | As Tiki had been walking all the night before and all through the day till nightfall to reach home, he felt sleepy. He gave a yawn, and at last dropped off to sleep, just where he was with the haver- | sack beside him. | And once again, the old couple had the same thought: | we took his money while he sleeps! | It was the old mother who took it, very quietly, while the father | looked on; then both went out, shutting the door. But when they were outside, Dziti said: “Tf he wakes up he’ll take his money back and our child will die.” And they shuddered at the thought, these two old folk, their poor old minds set fast on one single thought—one thought alone, and noth- ing else besides; shuddered to think that the means of salvation might be torn out of their hands. The old man heaped dry branches against the door of the little hut (itself made of dry branches) where the quest lay sleeping, set fire to them. Then they hurried away. * ¥ * What if pur in spite of themselves they came back to see, as dawn with un- certain strokes began to brush away the night. A heap of burnt wood lay befére them, still smoking in places, and on this black pile a charred body. But something caught their eye on this blackened corpse. Look* On the chest, still fastened round the neck by a little chain—Tiki’s amulet! Tiki! Tiki! their son! The old couple fell to the earth, groaning as if their hearts would break, as they suddenly remembered—once more, the same thought—that the stranger’s voice had indeed been like Tiki’s, There on the ground they lay, hour after hour, awaiting the bitter end. Then sounding through the air they heard a mighty voice, ring- jing loud as thunder. The wireless set, the loud-speaker was working. And the words that they heard, these two pitiable creatures—two dark reefs thrusting out their heads above the ruin and desolation— were words echoing in that same moment over the whole surface of the inhabited world; they were part of a speech by a Minister for French Colonies: “And wherever France may tread, she brings in her hands not only the blessings of civilization, but her love, her sisterly care, for the races of men!” + (Tomorrow: Homecoming.) maximum of efficient preparatory work. The whole of the preparatory work should be conducted so as to be based upon the factory. In this respect, the fallowing tasks are essential: a) Consolidation of tl factory nuclei in such enterprises; b) publication of factory news- papers; workers, and if possible, social-democratic working men and ¢) formation of initiative’groups comprising active non-Party women, syndicalists, ete, so as to prepare for election of strike committees in the factories should be immediately started, as soon as there be- comes evident the maturing of a favorably objective situation. 12, An indispensable prerequisite to successful leadership of the economic fights by the Communist Parties and the revolutionary trade union movement is courageous, Bolshevist, self-criticism and revolu- tionary initiative, carried out from top to bottom. It is essential to increase to the utmost the international education of the members of the revolutionary trade union movement, especially of the revolutionary trade union cadres, 18. As to the practical methods for the organization of the strike struggle, the X, Plenum of the E. C. C. I, recommends all the Commu- nist Parties to take as a basis the decisions worked out at the Inter- national Strike Conference in Strassburg, (THE END.) * a a,