The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 26, 1929, Page 4

~ Lovestone and Gitlow. started to develop a conciliatory attitude by voting against the removal _ strations battling with the police, these renegades were busy spreading 4 tes _ Violated the decisions of the convention by putting up once more poli- ea ae by ke Comprod: - gequare, ew c x Cc ty, ge Fou? Y. Telephone y Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunday, Stuyvesant | 169 0 the Daily Worker, 26-28 anton Seuaee Cabie New Yog 2 Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. By Mai! (in New York only): S.A. SUBSCHIPTION KATES: $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): $2.50 three months $4.50 six months; $2.00 three months $6.00 a year; $3.50 six months; PARTY LIFE | The YCL Is Becoming One of the Best Interpreters of Line of Con.rxtern By J. RIJAK. One who studies and follows the history and the develppment of the CI knows that wherever the conditions in one or another country sre changing and with it the tactics of the Party, there are always elements within the ranks of the Party who cannot adapt themselves to the new situation and who try to keep the Party back. The present right wing thruout the International is precisely doing that. In the Soviet Union the right wing is making desperate attempts to hold the Party back from carrying through its policy in the process of socialization of industry and agriculture. In Germany Brandler and Thalheimer with the con Ewert & Co., made attempts to push the Party towards “Left” social demo eracy, to hide the face of the Party and not to give leadership to the rising revolutionary workers, whose fighting capa and militancy is growing by a the Lovestone a In Amer sintern group with its theory of “exceptionalism” is making empts to slide down the line of the Party to Carverism ich denies the development and the sharpening of the cl ggle in America. This theory of “ex- @eptionalism,” th xponent of which is the bourgeois Pro- e Comint. as well as by the CEC and membership of our Party and League. ents have already proven that there no basis for Carverism; the American working class is entering a period of sharp battles, the first signals were already ¢' by the textile workers in Gastonia, the carmen in New Orleans well as by other sections of the working class thruout the countr: Red Day was a living example of the growing process of radical- ization of the American werking c If we analyze the present situation in the country in relation to the growing crisis of world imperialism, we must come to the con- clusion in line with the Tenth Plenum of the Comintern that the ac- centuation of the internal contradictions lead ever more to the increase of an aggressive role of American imperialism in its struggle for the penetration of the world market, intensifies rationalization which re- duces the standard of living of the work‘ng class, raises the cost of living of the working class, thus exerting tremendous pressure upon the working class. This leads to an ever deeper development of radical- ization of the masses, which leads us to a further sharpening of the class struggle. We can therefore state very categorically that the Lovestone- | Carver theory of “exceptionalism” has not only no feet to stand on, but is even too heavy to hang in the air. These renegades failed to convince anybody to the correctness of the theory of “exceptionalism.” Lovestone & Co. therefore had to take a step further and line up with all enemies of our movement beginning with the New Leader up to the degenerated “Militant” in a slanderous campaign against the Com- intern, the Soviet Union and the Russian Party, as well as our Party. This has been demonstrated more clearly by their “activities” in connection with Red Day. When the Party worked overtime mobilizing the masses for the defense of the Soviet Union, these renegades issued documents against Red Day, which is nothing short of attacking the Soviet Union. This anti-Comintern opposition is travelling very fast into the camp of our enemy where they are accepted with open arms and the Party will have no hard job to expose the renegade Lovestone and his City College puppets. The proletarian membership of our Party and League condemned these renegades and it is not an accident that the handful of supporters that Lovestone did get are of a petty bourgeois origin. Just to men- tion a few: B. Wolfe, a graduate of New York City College, B. Miller, a public school teacher, D. Benjamin, a public school teacher, Miller from Detroit, a shopkeeper. In the League, Dan Gray, a college grad- uate, Silvis and Lurye, office workers, F. Gordon, a public school teach- er, Marshall, a student of the University of California. This is the leadership and membership of the Lovestone anti-Comintern group. Our Party in its process of activity and growth is going thru a gradual process of Bolshevization. Whenever the Party was at a turn- ing point and sharp change in our tactics was needed, there were always elements who put up resistance and the Party shoved them aside, cleared its ranks from these opportunists. Whether it was Lore and Cannon yesterday or Lovestone today, is not important. Our Party by accepting and carrying out the line of the Comintern and by cleansing its ranks, by introducing genuine proletarian self- criticism is becoming more and more the stalwart leader of ever larger sections of the American working class, This has been proven on Red Day when our Party and League succeeded in mobilizing over 100,000 workers under its banner, which shows the revolutionary vitalities of our Party under the leadership of the Communist International. The role of the YCL in the present struggle against the right wing is of the utmost importance. It is the first time in the history of our League that we came out as a united whole in the present in- ternal crisis of our Party. There are various reasons for it: 1, Our membership has been and will be a YCI membership. {| 2. The Fifth National Convention dealt a death-blow to fac- tionalism within our ranks. 3. The present leadership of our League is more than ever 3. before proletarian and those who put up political resistance to the «-décisions of the YCI were condemned and most of them eliminated from leadership by our convention. 4. We have more normal relations between the Party and the League, no more caucus relations. 5. The League membership will condemn anyone who will at- » tempt to revive the factional struggle, no matter under what cloak, It is for these reasons that the YCL succeeded in defeating the ‘Present opposition. The Bureau of the NEC, as well as the member- ship, from the beginning supported the decisions of the CI. The NEC Bureau took the lead in openly condemning the splitting policies of When certain elements, Rubenstein, Silvas, etc., of Bert Miller, the first Lovestone organizer in America, the Bureau, unanimously condemned Rubenstein and Silvas for their conciliatory attitude. When they came out openly against the Comintern, the Bureau unanimously removed them and the membership approved the action of the Bureau. When Rubenstein & Co., continued to carry on factional activity in support of Lovestone’s splitting policy; the NEC Bureau unanimously expelled these splitters from our ranks, The League will not tolerate within its ranks elements who dis- tribute the mimeographed documents of Lovestone against the Comin- tern. More than that, the Rubensteins went so far as to repudiate Communist discipline and instead accepted instructions of the renegades Lovestone, Gitlow, Wolf & Co. The Youth Section of the Lovestone , party is one of the most vicious fighters against the Party and the Comintern. On Red Day, when the League was in the forefront of all demon- ~ Lovestone ‘documents against our Party and League, There is-no doubt that these elements in the Bureau, who dis- | agreed with the CI decision and did not have enough courage to come out openly until the arrival of Lovestone, hindered the National Com- mittee in mobilizing the League much more effectively for the decisions of the CI. The new opposition in the League, with the Lovestone platform, tical resistance to the line of the CI. These comrades also violated the decisions of our convention, which pledged itself to become one of the best interpreters of the decision of the CI. It is necessary to analyze the platform of the new opposition in the League. First, it is the general international right wing platform of Lovestone, which is by now well known to our Party and League. We shall therefore dwell with the “Youth Section” of the Lovestone platform. - In line with Lovestone’s platform to fight the CI, the League op- position is doing its bit to struggle against one of the most outstanding sections of the Comintern, the YCI, which has a splendid record and traditions of struggle against all kinds of opportunism since the founda- tion of the Comintern. In France, the YCL was one of the outstanding fighters against the Frossard group and at the present time against the right wing. In Germany, the YCL has a record of struggle against Brandler, Thalheimer, and the conciliators. In Sweden against the opportunisnt of Heglund, end for unreserved . ef the desisions of the Cl _ 1 councils into organs of real class struggle. The Bonnie Struggle and the Tasks of the Communist Parties Theses of the 10th Plenum of Executive Conrttses of Communist International Theses upon the reports by Comrades Thaelmann and Losovsky. ° This is a continuation of the Tenth Plenum theses on the trade union question, which has been running in previous issues of the Daily Worker. * * * The successes of the Communists in the re-elections of the German factory councils bear testimony to the great dissatisfaction of the workers with the policy of the factory councils which have been the reformists into organs of class collaboration, into realize and “industrial democracy.” Through the capture of the factory councils by the revolutionary op- position it becomes possible, by transcending beyond the legal limits, myert the factory councils into organs capable of taking upon them- selve: of the workers ng on the political struggle in the factories (the struggle , the struggle against factory fascism, the organization of converted by crgans which “industrial peace” the struggle for the daily economic inter and of ¢ against w: proletarian self defense, etc.). both forms of the struggle (political and economic) be consis bined, may ently com- set the example before the other factory councils where Communist influence exists, and may become the center for the uniffi- cation of the factory councils on a national scale. For this purpose, the faetory councils are linked up with each other by means of district and rial conferences. indus} 4. The lessons of the factory council re-election in Germany show that the revolutionary opposition was most successful—and also in strikes—where the new tactics were vigorously applied. On the other hand, where the Communists and the revolutionary opposition had joint lists of candidates with the reformists the masses were very in- different and the lists of the Christian and Hirsch-Dunker trade unions received a relatively big number of votes. This shows that in such cases the masses have no confidence in the tactics of the Communists and of the revolutionary opposition. Here, as well as in the develop- ment of the committees of action, the revolutionization of the factory councils is impeded by the fact that sections of the Comintern and the revolutionary trade union opposition are lagging behind the growing activity of the masses. Here we saw again the effect of legalist tac- ties and the opportunistic fear of expulsions. When after thorough preparation, the question arose of drawing practical conclusions from fundamental principles, some of our active trade union workers began to doubt and hesitate. Here it became also evident, that in connection with the established tradition of bargaining and diplomacy with the, | trade union leaders for a number of years, there is lacking the habit of genuine mass work. This is also linked up with the underestimation of the influence of the revolutionary opposition among the masses. Preliminary bargaining frequently took place before an independent list of candidates was put up, instead of drawing up lists of candidates on the basis of democratic voting by all the factory workers. 5. However, the mobilization of the masses at election time is only half of the work. The most important task during the forthcoming stage in Germany will be the education of revolutionary members of factory committees and the work for the conversion of the factory The Communist successes in the factory committee elections show that the masses are becoming more and more class conscious and are realizing the necessity of for- ming organs of militant leadership from below, elected by the workers themselves. For the establishment of close contact of the membership of the revolutionary trade unions (France, Czechoslovakia, ete.) and of the revolutionary opposition (Germany, etc.), with all the factory workers, it is necessary to take the initiative in organizing the insti- tution of delegates in every factory, the delegates to be elected by the workers in all the departments of a given factory. These revolutionary delegates will help to revive the factory councils and to give them a | political character, as well as to form factory councils where such do not exist. The program of the revolutionary opposition and of the revolutionary factory councils must be based on concrete slogans of the class struggle: organization of decisive struggles for an improvement of the living conditions of the proletariat, and against capitalist ration- alization, against compulsory arbitration and the terrorism of the employers; for the right to organize and strike, for united trade unions carrying on a revolutignary class struggle and built upon an industrial basis; for the establishment of workers’ democracy in trade unions; and other factory organizations against the expulsion of revolutionaries from trade unions. The policy of the factory councils won over by the revolutionary opposition, as organs for the unification of the militant forces of the proletariat which are genuinely defending the real in- terests of the working class, must be counterposed to that of the re- formist trade unions. The revolutionary opposition must energetically uproot the social-democratic traditions in.the factory councils and fight against any subordination of the factory councils to the reformist trade | unions. 6. This experience of the German factory councils should be*ex- tended as quickly as possible to those countries where similar factory councils exist (Austria, Czechoslovakia). Where there are no such factory councils, more strenuous work must be done for the direct organization of factory representative bodies. Economic conflicts, and outstanding cases of labor exploitation which give rise to mass dis- content (mass accidents, etc.) create favorable conditions for the organ- ization of factory councils. In particular leading organs that are formed during economic conflicts (strike committees, anti-lockout committees, . ete.) may be converted and extended into revolutionary factory repre- | bourgeois state. sentative bodies (factory councils, delegate bodies, etc.) carrying out their respective functions. When factory councils are formed upon the initiative of the revolutionary trade unions (France), decisive re- sistance must be made to the opportunistic tendency of regarding the factory councils as a kind of parliamentary institution whose function is to plead for the interests of the workers before the employers (the theory advanced by Crozet at the Congress of the French Communist Party). Energetie resistance should be made to the opportunists in our own ranks who think that “the factory councils have no political tasks, but only the tasks prescribed for them by the state.” This is a direct attempt to foster “industrial democracy.” At the same time, to shift the centre of gravity from direct organization of factory councils to talking about the role of factory councils during an immediately rev- olutionary phase (Tomasi), is a survival of syndicalist abstractions. For a country like France the immediate question is not how the factory councils will appear during the revolutionary battles, but rather how to organize them as well and quickly as possible during the process of the struggle. Therefore, one should not wait for special permission or “recognition” of the factory councils by the employers and by the The rising tide of industrial struggles creates par- ticularly favorable conditions for the organization of factory councils. The revolutionary factory counclis, if | CONDITIONS WHICH NECESSITATE THE FORMATION OF NEW TRADE UNIONS. 6. THE 1. The new character of trade unions reformism, the open fusion of the trade union reformist apparatus with the bourgeois State, have once more brought sharply to the fore the question of our tactics with the reformist trade unions. The X. Plenum of the E. C. C. I re-affirms that the policy of the social-fascist trade union bureau- eracy, a policy of splitting the trade union movement (expulsion of Communists and members of revolution opposition from reformist trade unions, “reverses,” etc.), must on no account lead to any relaxa- tion in our efforts for the winning over of the trade union rank and file, and especially must this not lead us to call upon the workers to leave the reformist trade unions. On the cnotrary, this work must be increased. “In order to be able to help the masses and to win the sympathy, confidence and support of the masses, one must not be afraid of difficulties, of the chicanery, underhand dealings, insults and persecutions on the part of the ‘leaders’ (who, being opportunists and social-chauvinists, are in most cases either directly or indirectly connected with the bourgeoisf& and the police) and one must certainly work where the masses are” (Lenin, “Infantile Sickness of Leftism,” chapter entitled “Should Revolutionaries work in Reactionary Trade Unions”). 2. The rising tide of the labor movement and the growing crisis in the reformist trade unions have brought forth the dangerous ten- dency of refusnig to work in the reformist trade unions. At the same time this rising tide of the labor movement has brought forth the new problem of establishing at certain stages, under certain con- ditions, new revolutionary trade unions. 8. The former tendency is based upon an erroneous conception of the problem of the unorganized, upon confronting the trade unions with the committees of action, upon an under-estimation of the pos- sibility of capturnig the trad@@nions by means of winning the rank and file of the membership (artificial creation of “transitional” forms of organization leading up to new trade unions). These tendencies are directly contradictory to the repeated decisions of the Comintern in regard to winning the masses of the workers in the trade unions. Increased provocation on the part of the reformists, which is intended to split the trade union movement and which takes the form of ex- pelling Communists and members of the revolutionary opposition, can- not serve as a reason for a revision of the decisions concerning the work within the’ reformist trade unions in countries where there are no independent trade unions, nor can it justify a relaxation in our efforts to capture the trade union masses nor the artificial organiza- tion of new trade unions, The present period confronts the Comintern with the policy, not of quitting the reformist trade unions or of arti- ficially creating new trade unions, but of carrying on a fight for winning the majority of the working class, in the reformist unions as well as in organizations, based upon wider masses (committees of action, factory councils) which pursue the same aims as the revolu- tionary trade union movement, but do so in their own special way. 4, At the same time it would be a harmful and opportunistic illusion to believe that we can under the present circumstances capture the reformist trade union apparatus, even if the membership of the trade unions be on our side. Yet this by no means signifies that the Communists and revolutionary opposition has to be inactive when trade union leaders are being elected. On the ontrary, the struggle for ousting all the bureaucrats and capitalist agents from the unions, the fight for each elected position in the unions, especially the struggle for the position of the lower trade union delegates, must serve in our hnads as a powerful instrument for exposing the role of the social-fascist trade union bureaucracy, and for combatiyg it. 5. Connected with this is the struggle against the disruptive policy of the social-fascist trade union bureaucrats. The struggle against expulsions and other disruptive measures must be a struggle against the reformist policy of “industrial peace,” for unitv on the basis of the class struggle, for proletarian democracy in the trade unions. The disruptive work of the reformist leaders has for its object the weakening of the organizational strength of the workers in the struggle for their economic and political demands and the isolation of the Communists and revolutionary opposition from the organized masses. Therefore, one of the main tasks is to mobilize the widest masses of the workers against the disruptive activity of the social-fascist trade union bureaucracy. At the same time is is neces- sary to wage a decisive struggle against any form of capitulation. Capitulatino before the trade union bureaucracy would not only dis- credit, but also destroy the revolutionary opposition. The_expulsion of entire. trade union bodies should be replied to by active continuation of the work and a strengthening of these bodies, accompanied by a simultaneous struggle for their reinstatement under the slogan of unity on a class struggle basis. These expelled unions must not become the rallying points for expelled workers, from other trade unions. When individual revolutionary workers are expelled, all efforts must be made to mobilize the workers in the struggle against the disruptive policy of the reformists. The struggle for the reinstatement of the expelled must be waged under the slogan of winning over the workers who are still under reformist influence to the side of the revolutionary opposition. The struggle against the disruptive policy of the trade union bureaucracy in such countries must be waged not by means of organ- ization of the expelled Communists and members of the revolutionary opposition in new unions, but by means of a more intense struggle for proletarian democracy in the unions, against reformism, for the elimination of the reformist trade union bureaucracy. The fusion of the reformist trade union apparatus with the bourgeois State ap- paratus on the one hand, and the growing influence of the Communist Parties among the workers and in the mass reformist unions on the other, not only extend the possibilities of the struggle against the re- formist dictatorship, but also render it necessary to mobilize the © masses for challenging the trade union statues and for a rupture with the legalism of the reformist trade unions. 6. At the same time the revolutionary opposition cannot allow the dispersion. of the growing number of mmebers of the revolutionary opposition expelled from the reformist trade unions, Therefore, an active connection between the revolutionary opposition and all the expelled members of the opposition becomes necessary. Yet this must not lead to the formation of new organizations (for instance, by col- lecting special membership dues from the expelled and issuing special membership cards) which might serve as artificial “transitional forms” leading to new trade unions. (To be Continued) In Czecho-Slovakia the League is one of the best fighters against the Jilek, Hais, right wing group. In Bulgaria, the YCL struggled against the opportunist parlia- mentary fraction and opportunist Party leadership, In the Soviet Union, the YCL was in the first ranks in the struggle against Trotskyism and now against the Right danger. The “Kom- somolskaya Pravda” became internationally known as an uncompromis- ing fighter against all deviations from the Lenist line of the Bolshevik Party. In China the role of the YCL will not be forgotten. At a time when the Party led millions of workers in a struggle against imper- ialism, and when the policy of certain sections of the leadership en- dangered the success of the revolution, it was the YCL which was one of the most outstanding fighters for the Comintern line. That is why the opportunist elements throughout the CI see in the YCI one of its strongest enemies, Lovestone, who was condemned by the YCI for his attempts to mobilize the League against the YCI (the famous Polcom statement written by the famous twins, Lovestone and Pepper) is trying to utilize the Youth Section for an attack on the YCI. How do they do it? Rubenstein & Co. started out the same way as Lovestone, attacking the organizational proposals of the YCI, which have already proven to be correct and for the good of the League. Never in the history of our League did we have such a genuine prole- tarian leadership as we have now, and this is primarily due to the correct guidance of the YCI before and at the, convention. We have on the NEG, 8 Negro workers, 6 textile work them having come to the movement as a result of our League’s participation in the struggle of Passaic, New Bedford and the South. Six miners, who are among the outstanding leaders of the N.M.U., 5 metal workers, 3 auto workers, and 2 steel workers, All of these proletarian comrades are not there as an ornament, but are gradually becoming the actual leadership of our League, The opposition is also trying to utilize our difficulties for fac- tional purposes, they also raise the ‘cry of disintegration of the League. This is an old method of degenerated factionalists who stooped so low that they reached a point where they are jubilant when the Party or League face difficulties, But what are the facts? As a result of ir- responsible and unprincipled,factionalism, the former leadership, the League was almost ruined. To mention the outstanding places: New Bedford, we had 125 textile workers in the League, at a time of the Fifth Convention, only 4 remained. In Pittsburgh the League is almost out of existence, and we are starting all over again. This is true about many .other districts. The whole leadership of the League, which put up political resistance to the line of the YCI, plunged the League into a state of chaos, disorganization, and in certain sections even demoral- ization. And it is the present leadership which has its first task to break with the past which mark the darkest pages in the history of our League (report of the YCI to the convention), to build the League on the line of the CI and the YCI. It is also necessary to dispose the rotten petty-bourgeois poli- baie ont and ea of this “Youth Platform.” Rubenstein brea Bes about complete Le i er aarti Aa epi the Right ane What a expressions cf ‘the Right i SAW PT ese shnscsse | Reprinted, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Henrl Barbusse, published and copyrighted by E. P, Dutton & Co, Incy New York. ; CIVILIZATION’S ONWARD TREND ND now, my friends, let us go far, far away from the lands where you, my scattered audience, live, to find another true story to add to those you have already heard. On the world’s map, West Africa looks like a vast allotment field, covering a considerable portion of the terrestrial sphere, and geom- etrically divided into sections that still look somewhat empty. But no one has bought these allotments, for their price in ready cash would be too high; these handsome and regular map divisions indi- cate the portions of territory shared out between the great powers on the day they happened to discover that they were the lawful owners, If you go inland in this continent, you find yourself almost at once in the bush, an endless forest of stunted trees, so scorched and stripped by the sun that during nine months of the year they look like our trees in winter. Only during the downpours of the rainy green. season do they turn Dotted about here and there in this endless jungle are newly- made towns containing governors’ palaces and banks; each one has its native quarter, a dreary patch of waste ground looking like a con- centration camp, or, if you prefer, like a chicken run; this is where they dump those well-meaning devils, the Negroes, ete * HERE are more Negroes living in villages, in the jungle. One of these lies a few hundred miles out of Bamako, a glaring new town laid out much on the same plan as a colonial exhibition. This village stands in a clearing and consists of some twenty peak-shaped straw huts, looking like the tops of church spires stuck into the ground. The village is called Dialaku. Here in former days, Bambaras, Ouolofs and other blacks shared a somewhat vegetable existence, which was otherwise sensible and quiet enough. Time passed in work and play, Things went on much as they should anywhere on the planet’s surface in the primitive era of man. Old Amhadu and old Dziti lived there with ‘their family, happily enough. The two boys, Tiki and Kokobi, used to watch the sheep and goats and oxen which completed the family cricle. Now and then they would climb the palm trees, provided with ladders for this very purpose, to go and suck a little palm wine up at the top, out of a notch cut in the trunk, or drink fresh milk out of calabashes, or go on hunting expeditions so else exploring, for the Negroes there are as inquisitive as they are fond of fun. Together with Bala, their sister, they used to take part in the tom-toms when they danced or sang to the clapping of hands round a bonfire. And at night, like good Moslems, they all did their ablutions and said their prayers. i this hut, there were also two tiny little Negro boys who, till they were promoted to the highly-honored rank of shepherd-boy, gmused themselves with the bon-fires and tom-toms and played about the clearing, plaguing the band of baboons which are half-monkey and half-dog and therefore half-man, Ahmadu’s family was respected by the other villagers, who were simple, honest souls, and when the village chief dropped in now and then to have a look around, bearing the lance which was the sign of authority, he never had a word to say against them. Well, France came, to develop this village. France was already well represented in the district, in the person of her soldiers and officials, having long since converted her right of might into right of occupation in the Sudan. By this I mean that she began to take a closer interest in the village of Diakalu. No doubt you will tell me—and I readily agree—that it would be an admirable thing for a wiser and more civilized race to put her wisdom and culture at the disposal of another race, with the object of improving its well-being, broadening and enriching its intelligence, and giving life a fuller meaning. * * . But that sort of colonization only exists in after-dinner speeches, in the official jargon of electioneering posters. Peaceful penetra- tion and co-operation of that order will only come when the brother- hood of oppressed mankind begins to look after its own affairs. In the meantime, colonizing means anything but the interest of the na- tives, and even implies getting rid of them by methodical means. And we need not go further than this particular district to find proof of this, for the black population is dwindling there as if by magic, and will soon be a thing of the past. They are being wiped out like a disease by the “rationalization” of their country; only enough are kept to provide a sufficient supply of beasts of burden, And so it was that lines of blacks were to be seen walking down the path to the village, carrying bales on their backs and white’ men in palanquins. The white men had large huts built for them. Kokobi, Ahmadu’s second eldest boy, was made a servant by one of them. Things weren’t very bright. Kokobi was knocked about and overworked. He wanted to leave. Both his master and the village chief forbade him to do so. He ran away. He was chased through the jungle and had his arm fractured by a bullet—for it was of the utmost importance that the white man’s authority should be respected. (Nevertheless, out of re- spect for the liberty of man they pretended this was an accident.) * * * % 'HE wound took a turn for the worse. There was no doctor; any traveller will tell you that there is no sanitary organization at all in the country. So there was nothing for it but to carry Kokobi off, lying prone, to the nearest hospital—about a week’s march, There was news of him to begin with; then it stopped coming. There was no news either of young Bala, that slender and arrowy girl, the lovely little statue in plastic bronze; she had attracted the attention of a colonial N. C. O. who had set up in princely style in Diakalu. This adorable little phantom of a Bambara girl disappeared —whisked off, Heaven knew where. Then, the excavations that were being made to make room for & big factory unearthed swarms of insects and mosquitoes which scien- tists call by a horrid name, and that started an epidemic. A certain number of stricken white men were moved elsewhere, but the black victims mostly died, for there was still no doctor. Medical help was supposed to be on the way, but it never came. There was no hurry. Among the victims was one of Ahmadu’s two little black babies, (To be Continued) ———— eee danger today in our Party? Resistance to the decisions of the Com- intern. Did our League have a decisive stand against Lovestone? Absolutely, Besides, the Rubensteins shall be the last ones to speak about it, they openly allied themselves with Lovestone, thus becoming an integral part of the Right danger. The action of the NEC, expelling Rubenstein and Co., is part of the struggle against the “Rights.” An- other accusation against the League is that “we do not carry on any sort of a struggle against the Right danger in its concrete manifesta- tions.” This is a slander. How about Superior, where our League is in the forefront in fighting against all Right manifestations in that district, with the fullest support of the NEC? How about New York, where our League carried on an uncompromised struggle in the needle trades, and generally for more militant methods of struggle? Before and on Red Day the League was leading the struggle against legalism which still prevails within the ranks of our Party. The League has given the proper answer to the splitters of our Party and League, the entire League is united. Now, after the League accepted, approved the CI decisions, isolated, defeated and expelled the renegades, we must proceed to carry out the tasks ahead of us. We must continue to develop youthful methods of work; we must learn to participate in the struggles of the working class not only as young Party members but as an organization. The entire League must be orientated towards the basic and war industries; we must develop a arn activity in the shops, mills and mines, linking up the econ- mic struggles of the Young Workers with the war danger. : Under the leadership of the CI, the YCI, our League will and better and a stronger Foung.¢ Communist Tongue alata