The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 25, 1929, Page 4

York City, N Square, New Published: by the Comprodaily Publishing Co.-Inc;-daily, except Sunday, at 26-2 fr. Telephone Stuyvesant i t wAddrees and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. 1696-7-8 ple DAI Central Organ of the Communist Party of the tt. 8. A. — By Mai! (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York); SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $8. $2.50 three months $4.50 six months; $2.00 three months 00 a year; $3.50 six months; $6.00 a year; tne Union Struggle ‘ By WILLIAM W. WEINSTONE., The Convention of the Trade Union Unity League which occurred in Cleveland on August 31st to September 2nd marked a new stage in our trade union work. It was a living demonstration of the correct- ness of the line of the Communist International, of the growing mood for struggle of the basic masses of the country and an unanswerable refutation of the pessimism and defeatism of the opportunis Love- stone group and a sure sign of the radicalization of ta¢ masses. convention closed one important stage in the development of our strug- gle for the conquest of the masses in the trade unions and for the organization of the unorganized, and opened up a new stage filled with great possibilities for. the development of a mass Communist move- ment in the United States. ’ The convention which was attended by 690 delegates had as its basic composition the delegations from the most decisive sections of the industries—mining, metal, textile, automobile, transportation, etc. In addition the largest number of Negro delegates that have ever come together in any gathering, either of the Party or left wing, attended this convention—over 60 in number, representative of a large strata of the industries. Likewise the convention was signalized by the great number of women workers from the important industries as well as by the large number of industrial youth. Indeed it was the first con- vention that can really be called national, embracing 20 delegates from the coast’ and over 30 delegates from the South, representative of 18 states—the most industrial states in the country. The convention therefore showed the mass base upon which the Trade Union Unity Center is being built, the largest mass conference of its character, since the days of 1922. This in itself shows the far reaching extent of the process of radicalization that is going on at the present time among the American workers. The convention represented a militant united front organized from below. It was a gathering of the representatives of broad masses of the shops of unorganized industries as well as of the new unions; com- ing from below,-none of the old progressive leaders that had been tem- porarily allies in previous struggles attended this conference. These progressive leaders have gone over to the bureaucracy, the sharpening maégs struggle and growing mass movements having driven them over to the enemy. But at the same time the conference indicated that the desertion of these progressives, the splits that had occurred in the past with them, in place of weakening the advancement of the revolutionary trade union movement, has only strengthened it and in place of isolating has only served to gain new adherents to the fight, that the left wing has gone forward with its program against the bureaucracy and against the employers, The convention delegation represented chiefly the most industrial and most revolutionary sections of the working class, the unskilled and semi-skilled and unorganized, and shows that the center of gravity and leadership of the struggle against the capitalist class, against ration- alization and against the bureaucrats is passing into the hands of these sections whose numbers and importance are growing in the process of rationalization and monopalistic development. The increase in num- ber of women delegatas, militant amd ready for struggle and of the industrial youth that formed some of the best sections of the militant trade unions as well as minorities in the old unions, likewise show the correctness of the emphasis upon drawing in the women workers and the industrial youth into the forefront of the struggle. The large representation of Negro delegates, ready to take up not only the strug- gle for racial, social and, political equality, but as indicated by their remarks at the convention, to fight side hy side with the white workers for the class struggles, shows that the Negro proletariat is becoming organized and is developing the leadership for the struggle of the Negro masses as a whole for their liberation movement from racial op- pression against imperialism. The warm reception given to the Negro delegates by the convention, indicated the growing solidarity of white and Negro workers in the fight. The demonstration of the delegates, 150 of them, in leaving hotels which excluded Negro delegates is further evidence of this fact. All who attended the convention and observed its working care- fully were struck by the elementary character of the delegation and by the deep going spirit for the struggle. The rdnk and file character of the delegation showed that the new Trade Union Center has a lead- ership represented by this convention of workers in touch with the liv- ing realities of the class struggle, that they all know the meaning of rationalization, of speed-up, of capitalist oppression, of the burden of imperialist armament and war pr@parations and that they can supply from first-hand experience and contact in the shops, the leadership for amass struggles, that are already under way and that loom up in the immediate feature. The rank and file composition of this convention was in sharp contrast with the paid officialdom conventions of the A. F. L. Behind this convention and its delegation stands Passaic, New Bedford, the miners’ struggle, the militant New York Needle Trades fight, Gastonia, showing that the TUUL has been forged in actual struggle and that the ,TUUL has. not only the fight made by the TUEL in the past, chiefly in the old unions but the heroie fights of great masses of un- organized workers. The convention was a.great demonstration for the Gastonia strug- gle not only because of the realization of the importance of this fight but because Gastonia symbolized the struggle for which the TUUL is organized. The unanimity of the convention, the general agreement of the delegation with the program of the Red International of Labor Unions, ‘the unanimous acceptance of the program, constitution and resolutions, shows that the general program of the Party and of the left wing, has penetrated to broader masses of the rank and file workers, that this constitutes a stronger ideological basis for carrying on the complicated and manifold character of the struggle, which the T. U. U. L. must undertake. The fighting character of the convention, its readiness to brook no interference, the overwhelming sentiment of unity (expressing the growing solidarity and unity of the working class for a common strug- gle against the exploiters and bureaucrats) was an expression of the deep going discontent and of the ripeness of organization through a new Trade Union Center. It was likewise a sign of the quite evident fact of new cadres of militant workers joining the revolutionary fight in the unions and that these new cadres are forces for more decisive, for more determined and more militant methods of struggle. The pro- cess of rationalization is forcing into the ranks of the revolutionary “trade union movement new fighting elements that will raise the strug- gle to new levels. v The convention adopted unanimously the program calling for af- filiation with the R. T. U. I. as well as the Open Letter of the R. I. L. U., pointing out the shortcomings and errors in the work of the T. U. E. L. in the past. The slogans of the defense of the Soviet Union, the resolutions for the fight for the freedom of the Philippine workers, of Latin American workers and of the colonial workers generally, met a hearty response from the delegation, showing the growing internationalism of the "working class and a realization that, the fighting front of the prole- _ tariat is becoming international.and that there is a growing realization of the necessity that the common fight of all workers is against world imperialism. : The discussion tended to ceriter rather upon the general aims and laid emphasis chiefly upon the necessity of organization of the un- organized, the fight against rationalization, etc., and asserted a pre- ponderating desire for a fight to organize new mass trade unions and to oust the bureaucracy of the old unions. The convention did not dis- cuss .to any sufficient extent the methods and tactics of organizing the unorganized and revolutionary strike strategy nor did it bring out ~* the Right errors and shortcomings ift the past work of the TUUL. This shortcoming’ of the,discussion which must be overcome by a whole sys- ~ tem of clarification and discussion in the sections of the new trade * union center in order to equip it for the actual task of organizing the unorganized, as well as fighting the bureaucracy, must be explained by the fact that the Party has been slow in the past orientating upon the new line and new tasks of the section of the R. I. L. U. in the U. S. and the delegates were therefore asserting the absolute necessity of hastening these tasks. The emphasis upon the general task of or- ganizing the new trade-union center thereby excluded this necessary self-criticism and discussion of the various phases of the immediate work. « However this shortcoming must be overcome in the sections of the TUUL. iz The convention was a decisive blow and a defeat ideologically and x nizationally of the renegade groups—the Trotskyites and Love- 7: neites: The Trotskyites were conspicuous by their total absence, i} ag showing that they are no factor whatsoever in the mass struggle, that _they are a small sect of no account and that their program of Trotsky- q is finding no foothold among the revolutionary masses, that their line is one of opportunism out of harmony with the developments of struggle in the country. The Lovestone group that had issued circulars declaring that, the, Cleveland conference would be a 3 Ki viii alsocbt adrahes |. | A.New Stage in Our Trade The { The | Economic Theses of the 10th Plenum of Executive Committee of Communist International Theses upon the reports by Comrades Thaelmann and Losovsky. This is a continuation of the Tenth Plenum theses on the trade | union question, which has been running in previous issues of the Daily Worker. \ 8. A direct result of this incorrect orientation and of the lack of initiative was the weak contact between the revolutionary unions and the masses. This fact is recognized also in the resolution of the Cen- | tral Committee of the Communist Party of France on the strike tactics trike in the Loire there was practically no contact between the strikers and the leaders). Hence the opportunistic mistakes in the unity tactics (Bor- deaux). Hence the lack of understanding of the political significance of the problem of the unorganized. This was revealed in the negative attitude of some of the leaders of the revolutionary unions towards the broadly elected strike committees which attitude they sought to justify with the argument that wherever revolutionary unions exist which | actively lead the strikes, there is no need for such strike committees. This viewpoint is the narrow’ trade unionist viewpoint turned inside | out (as applied to revolutionary unions), a lack of understanding of the fundamental task of the present epoch and the road towards winning over a majority of the working cl A great defect in countries with dual unions to this day is the incorrect relationship between the Com- munist Parties and the revolutionary unions. Particularly harmful in the present phase is the viewpoint that economic conflicts are the of the Communists in France (e. g. during the miners business only of the revolutionary unions and political conflicts the business Such “division of labor” has brought about, on the orte hand, a divorcement of the Communist lead- ers of the revolutionary unions from the great problems of the revolu- tionary political struggle (a glaring example of which could be seen in the trade union bureaucrats of the type of the traitorous Hais), and on the other hand, an estrangement between large numbers of Party officials from-the daily struggles of the working class, and thereby the masses in general. of the Communist Parties. 9. Finally, the chief defect of the whole activity during the pre- paratory period of strikes in these countries, as well as in countries with a united trade union movement, is the predominance of agitation and propaganda over organization. A strike cannot be seriously pre- pared for unless sufficient preliminary organizational work is done. 4, TRADE UNIONS AND COMMITTEES OF ACTION. 1. Experience in the strikes which have taken place since the Sixth Congress of the Comintern have fully justified the course adopted for independent Communist leadership of strikes. The best means of achieving the independent leadership of strfes and the attraction of the unorganized is the setting up of wide committees of action (strike committees, anti-lockout committees, etc.) elected by all the workers of a given factory including the organized and unorganized men and | women. In the time of economic conflicts, the committees of action | are the principal leading organs which unite the broad masses of the workers on the basis of the political and economic platform. In all cases without exception, whenever the question of setting up special committees of action during strikes or lockouts arose, this slogan was enthusiastically taken up by the widest sections of workers, which enabled the Communist Parties and the followers of the revolutionary trade unions to organize around it and on the platform of the revolu- | tionary struggle a considerable, and in some cases, the decisive part | of the strikers. Precisely the slogan of setting up, independent com- mittees not subordinated to the reformist trade union apparatus enabled the Communist Parties and the adherents of the revolutionary trade union movement organizationally to consolidate large masses of work- ers against the social-democratic and the reformist trade union ap- | paratus as was the case’in the Ruhr. 2. To lead the masses in their economic and political actions, the committees of action must be broad non-Party mass organizations, since they are called upon to unite working men and women affiliated to different Parties and different unions, as well as unorganized work- ers. Although non-Party, nevertheless they cannot.be politically neu- tral, indifferent, or non-politicale The experience of Lodz has shown how dangerous it is to have reformist agents (P. P. S.) of the capi- talists in the committees of action. The political platform of the com- maittees of action is made up of the political slogans which are put forward by the workers in the course of their actions (e. g. the strug- gle against capitalist rationalization, the struggle against compulsory arbitration, the struggle against fascism, the struggle against bour- geois and bourgeois-democratic blecs, etc.). At the same time the committees of action must link these poli- tical slogans closely, together with the struggle for the immediate econ- omic demands of the workers. The committees of action should con- sist of working men and women who stand upon this political platform. 3. The comittees of action unite the broad masses of workers re- gardless of trade and occupation, in the form of semi-consolidated tem- porary organizations. They cannot be appointed from the top as is done by the reformists (the appointment of’ strike committees by the unions). They must be elected at general factory meetings and dele- gate meetings of working men and women. 4. The committees of action are temporary organizations and the Communists must take the initiative in their organization in con- nection with mass actions of the proletariat on the basis of proletarian democracy. The committees of action should not limit their field of struggle, but should seek to widen it and to convert an economic into a political struggles. On the termination of the strike and ‘after re- ports have been given on the results of the same, the committees of action are dissolved. test of the line of these renegades, as against the line of the Party and the Comintern, and which called for a maximum demonstration at this convention, were likewise isolated and were no factor whatsoever at the convention. They dared not challenge the program of the T.U.U.L. nor did they dare in the face of the militancy, the readiness for strug- gle, the marked signs of revolutionary spirit, to come forward with their program of pessimism, defeatism and social reformism. Though the Lovestonite leaders, with Lovestone and Gitlow at their head, came to Cleveland to organize for a mobilization against the Party, they were completely paralyzed in the face of this militant mass convention and their efforts for blocking the progress of the convention and fighting against the Barty was limited to the introduction of two resolutions which only further expo8ed their opportunist ideology and opportunist character. The resolution on Gastonia showed the liberal reformism into which the Lovestone group has sunk, into a Civil Liberties con- ception of the Gastonia case, in the failure to take up the slogan of the right of self-defense. This resolution was rejected by the convention and a resolution was adopted bringing out the real class phases of the Gastonia struggle by unanimous vote, not even the Lovestone supporters of the resolution daring to take up a fight or vote against it. The Gitlow resolution on the labor party was a clearly opportunistic resolu- tion. It rejects the formulation of the Sixth World Congress in regard to the labor party formulating the proposal for the labor party, for a labor party from above, the happy hunting ground of reformists in place of the conception of the Sixth World Congress, of the necessity for concentrating upon the trade union work, for the organization of the unorganized, thereby laying the basis for a labor party organized from below. The resolution of Gitlow means a creation of a labor party in a united front with the S. P., and Muste group in place of realizing that independent working class political action can be achieved only by a struggle against the socialists, A. F. of L, bureaucrats, Musteites, social reformists, etc. Unanimous rejection of this resolution as well as the fact that Gitlow.could only secure twa votes out of 690 for elec- tion to the National Executive Committee showed that there is no basis among the revolutionary workers for the success of the opportunist line of the Lovestone renegade group, . The convention demonstrated the growing influence of the Party, the contacts with new groups and exposed the Philistinism and pessim- Struggle and the Tasks of the Communist Parties “the Communist Parties must devote particular attention to attracting | conflict irrespective of party or trade union allegiance, both organized ie eer m of the’ Lovestone group that laments that with 1 the exclusion of making the Pi . 5. In view of the ever growing fascization of the reformist trade union apparatus, every movement of the masses, whether economic or political, meets with the same resistance from the reformist apparatus as from the employers and the bourgeois state, Hence the, necessity, and possibility, during mass actions of the proletariat led by com- mittees of action, to counterpose the latter to the reformist trade union leaders not only in the sense of carrying on the fight to the end, but also by conéluding wage agreements, by consolidating ‘the result of the struggle, and by taking the initiative in the formation of wage com= missions and in organizing the control over the enforcement of the agreements. During recent strikes a struggle ensued between the committees of action and the reformist trade union bureaucracy for leadership over the working masses (Germany). The committees of action have even in some cases concluded agreements with capitalists on behalf of the workers. As democratic mass organs really fighting for the interests of the workers, the committees of action became or- gans which exposed the trade union bureaucracy, its treachery, and its collaboration with the capitalists. 6. An important means ‘of struggle for the winning over of the masses of the reformist unions ‘(in countries where there is no in- dependent revolutionary trade union movement) is the intensive draw- ing in of the unorganized workers to the trade unions on the basis of the platform of the revolutionary opposition, the best layets of work- ing men and women unite arou.d the committees of action during mass struggles. The organization of the unorganized by the Commynist Parties, which is an exceedingly important militant task of the im- mediate future, must proceed on the one hand through the capture and organization of factory committees and their unification around the committees of action (and also around all possible mass revélu- tionary organizations, such as the W. I. R., the I. R. A., the Red Front Fighters, etc.) and on the other hand, through organizing them in the revolutionary unions in countries with dual trade unions, But the best elements to the Communist Party and to the revolutionary mass organizations during economic conflicts. The creation of inter- mediate forms of organization for the unorganized (in countries where there are no independent revolutionary unions, e. g. in Germany and Great Britain) of a semi-trade union character (“mutual aid societies” or “anti-lockout societies”) would only retard the real organization of the unorganized on revolutionary trade union lines. 7. Committees of action are organs of mass proletarian struggle. Therein lies the chief class value of the committees of action. These committees should represent the working masses involved in a given and unorganized working men and women. The committees of action will win the leadership of the working masses: only when the latter learn for themselves from experience in the actual struggle that this form of leadership guarantees them the unity of the class front and a consistent class policy. 8. The development of the committees of action as organs of united leadership of the mass struggles of the proletariat is greatly hampered by the fact that sections of the Comintern and the revolu- tionary unions are lagging behind the activity of the masses. The causes of this lagging behind are to be sought in the remnants of trade union legalism, in the insufficient organizational work of the Com- munist Parties, particularly as regards, the organization of strikes, and finally, in an as yet insufficient understanding of the very nature of the economic battles and the significance of the problem of the un- organized in the present period. To overcome and eliminate this major defect is possible only through the concentration and intensification of the struggle against the Rights and conciliators upon this most vital question of the present period. 5.—TRADE UNIONS AND FACTORY COUNCILS. 1. The radicalization of the workers and the increased activity of the working masses, the-rise and intensification of class conflicts, and the growing influence of the Communist Parties among the work- ers have created the premises for a successful realization of the funda- mental decisions of the Comintern in regard to capturing thé factory councils from the reformists (or establishing such councils where they do not exist) and transforming them from organs of class collaboration into which the employers and the social-imperialist trade union bureau- crats have turned them, into organs of class struggle. 2. Factory councils can and must be the natural basis of class unity from below in the factories. In contradistinction to the com- mittees of action, they are not temporary but permanently functioning organs. They do not replace trade unions and cannot be replaced by them (as long as there are no industrial trade unions). The winning over of the factory councils (or factory delegations) is for the Com- munist Party and the revolutionary trade union movement one of the most important roads to the essential industrial districts and branches of industry. At the present stage of extreme intensification of the class struggle, the capture of factory councils means carrying out the tactic of “class against class” directly in the factories; it means the mobilization of the masses for the further development of economic struggles. The factory committees must become the lever for the mobilization of the masses and for the struggle against the trade union bureaucrats in the factories. The most important feature of our tactics is the widé mbbilization of the masses during factory council elections. Into these elections (which were organized last year by the. reformist trade unions and took place under their control) we must draw—just as in the elections of the committees of action—the whole mass of the factory workers, men and women, organized as well. as unorganized. The tactical inference to be drawn from this is—complete rejection of any electoral combinations with the reformists, and put- ting forward independent lists of candidates in spite of all regulations imposed by the reformist trade unions. For the duration of the elec- tion campaign, temporary mass organizations formed by general fac- tory meetings (electoral commissions) must be created. (To be continued) : 2 ible opportunists and factional leaders that have become renegades to the cause of Communism and a mouthpiece of reformist ideology in the ranks of the workers, that the Party would become weakened, that the Party would be “destroyed.” On the contrary, the convention showed that just because of the fight against the opportun- ists, against right errors, against the factionalists, the Party is growing stronger, its influence is becoming greater and its contact with rev- olutionary sections firmer and new elements of decisive weight in the building up of a mass Communist Party, are coming over to the side of Communism, Insufficient Latin American workers were represented at the con- ference as likewise other colonial peoples. ‘This shows the need for more intensive work of the Party and of the Trade Union Unity League in reaching these workers and of showing that the R.I.L.U. in America is reallye the champion of Latin American workérs in the struggle against imperialism, as well as in the fight for their economic demands in the factories of this country, in which they are heavily oppressed. Like International Red Day, the Trade Union Unity League con- vention, the organization for which the Party made a major campaign, showed the danger in the present period of the Party tending to lag behind the masses. The ripeness of the masses for struggle, the suc- cesses in winning new.masses for the fight against capitalist exploi- tation, the achievements of the Party in which there is still heavy deposits of right ideology against which the Party is now conducting a sharp struggle, places the burden of quickening the tempo of our activity, of increasing ten-fold our work among the masses, of improv- ing the cadres of our Party in its Bolshevik quality in its mobility, in, the responsiveness to the needs of the masses for struggle. The T. U.) U. L, convention marks a new stage in the development of revolu-. 4, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Heart ed and Copyrighted by E. P, Dutton & Co, Ince New ¥ THE SCHOOLMASTER HAT a hot day! You could hear the flies buzzing past, see their swarms darting through the fiery air. The passers-by take care to keep in the line of shadow, running along the grey house walls, This is the village square of Cavada, in the province of Santander, and it is not unlike the square in many other villages in Spain and the Basque country. It was gayer in former times when the costumes were bright, but it is still picturesque enough, and the dry hot air that sweeps this land of sharp-crested cordilleras and dark-skinned men glitters here too. ? The flies buzz to and fro, but another sound, a loud monotonous murmur, can be heard coming through the walls in regular cadence, Here stands the school. Insi’ his school looks very much like any other school the world over. Gloomy, forbidding walls—the husk of our schools will not change till Society changes its own; little desks in a row, every one black, and little heads, black, too (circles super- imposed on squares); and in their midst, a man that looks like a giant standing there—the schoolmaster. Like all members of that universal brotherhood, he shows amaz~ ing ingenuity and patience in capturing the attention of these thirty little heads and in driving into them some part of the great panorama of life. * ee Ts schoolmaster of Cavada was called Baldomero Zori, He was « quiet, simple and gentle-natured man whom everybody described by one word: conscientious. Withni the small circumference of the vil- lage his punctuality was proverbial and if ever he had been late for school everyone would have assumed that the clock was slow. The scrupulous honesty of his life was reflected in his thoughts, and so his thoughts—especially those concerned with the organisation and cooperation of society—were not to everybody’s liking. Some de- clared him to be a “Red.” But even those who expressed surprise in their homes, their miserable slave-like homes, at the thought that a man could be a Red and an honest fellow too, could not help think- ing highly of Baldomero Zori. q But the two chief personages in Cavada—the rector and curate— thought very differently. And they detested the schoolmaster all the more heartily because there was no fault to find with him—save for his devilish opinions about freedom and the general happiness. i 1 The rector and curate had control over the school—that work- shop which turns out the coming generation. Keep a firm grip on the schools if you don’t want to see the future slipping through your fingers. vd * e419 5 peeee was once a man called Francisco Ferrer who tried to free the schools of Spain from the icy shadow of the Church. Ferrer was shot. The bullets shattered his body before he could give full vent, for the last time, to that ery which had inspired every hour of his life: Long live the Schools! After that triumph, the priests of Spain swooped down more fiercely than ever upon the schools. In this, they were supported by a Royal house whose portrait gallery displays the most hideous and pompous collection of degenerates in all history; they were also sup- ported by the Dictatorship. For where army officers are kings, priests hold the sceptre. Here, moreover, was a country where both hierarchies were making back, arm in arm, to Inquisition days, Alas for those eloquent speakers who try to persuade the masses that by the inviolable law of progress every day brings them greater freedom and happiness! Truly it-is no easy task to lend color to such dark jests as these! So the rector and his shadow, the curate, looked upon this un- pleasantly sincere and independent-minded school-master, who was all the more dangerous because he was liked, with a deadly hate, But as they could not detect anything seditious in his acts and words, they set about catching him in another trap. : Today, in the unhappy land of Spain, rectors have the right to visit the schools to: see what kind of teaching goes on inside, j o 4 ete 0’ the day I am describing, while the class was at work, the door opened. Through the opening that projected a door of light into | the darker classroom entered the two men in black. And there they stood listening. t Zori went on imperturbably with the lesson that he was giving. He “was questioning little Juanito, who felt suddenly shy—perhaps he had not been listening properly—and stammered out: bow “Justice ... equality...” dae sane 4 Two long strides, and the rector came to a standstill in front of the urchin. worden lg * “What's that?” he asked, in a fury. "4 ‘ 4 But Juanito was dumbfounded, dispossessed, and gaped. Ruiz, who was fourteen and the best boy in the class, wanting to show that he had been listening and remembered what had been said, rose and repeated: “Please, sir, all men are equal.” 4 “It isn’s true!” almost yelled the man in the black cassock. Dart- ing forward, -he thrust his fist under the nose of the intelligent pupil. “It isn’t true! That is not what the Church teaches us. God never said that men were equal, and Saint Paul, is His name, declared that they are unequal!” He was shouting; a vein stood out on his temples, tiny bubbles formed at the corners of his lips; the curate, content with gesticulating, raised his arms aloft. The schoolmaster came forward, firm and collected. “Allow me, rector,” he ‘said. “Allow you what?” bellowed the priest. “To tell lies and teach them these children? To say that men are equal is to utter a lie for- bidden of God; do you hear? Children, listen to me, your teacher is telling you lies.” r . a i * ° ° 4 “TOP that!” said the schoolmaster. He had turned very.pale, his eyes were set, his hands trembled a little. F But the rector began bawling louder than ever: . i “You lie! Your lessons are all lies. You are scoffing at the Church. . . . Justice? Justice indeed! No man may talk of justice to Christians; it is no business of theirs; Justice is God. You may only talk to them of Faith and Love.” j And with such hard hatred did he spit out the word 7 in! front of the terrified children, into the man’s face, that the school | master drew back, whiter yet, eyes dilating. The children jwere get-' ting up, stirring in their seats. He felt lost and stammered out & : “You are a wretch.” be aR Nie No sooner had he uttered the words than the rector rushed at him and gripped his arms while the curate raised his hand to strike him. But the rector was Lik holding his arms firmly, for two shots rang out. The rector collapsed and lay still in a heap, the citrate fell and writhed on the ground. aad big r tionary trade union work. The thorough Bolshevizing of the American Section of the Communist International in line with the ‘Sixth World Congress and the Tenth Plenum:is developing a powerful trade union center, a strong T.U.U.L. in the United States and this task calls for wholehearted work on the part of every individual member of the Party, of our, trade union fractions, not only in time, attention, systematic efforts that must be made for the concrete work of building ‘the trade. union center in all sections and industries, but as well in intensifying” the struggle against the right danger and against 0) in a mass Party. J ee . -- Then the wild-eyed schoolmaster, recalled to hi senses, fired - third shot and fell beside them, Sia Gaia Such, in the year 1926, in a great country, was the end of # schoolmaster who dared to talk of justice to children. Only a few newspapers were bold enough to give an acec the tragedy, but it would be vain to search for it Sonne hain tiie , For, as you know, the aim of our more wedely read conceal what happens, 'y read newspapers is to 1 ha Bray inine ‘