The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 23, 1929, Page 4

ng Co.. Inc ne Stuy the Daily Worker, City, N.Y checks to si Atdrees and Page Four daily Sunday, Cable: exce at 26-28 Union gt AR ci 7. L I an | HIS FAVORITE ae SCRT RATIONALIZATION AND THE TENTH PLENUM. renegades are viciously attacking the the Executive Committee of the Com- ening of the line because of the inten- certainly will not please any would- e question of rationalization the un- very effectively brought out by Lovestone and his flock decisions of the Tenth Plenum o' munist International. The sh: sified international class be “Marxian” right wingers. Marxian approach of Loves the Tenth Plenum. Already at the Sixth Wo i Congress of the Communist Interna- tional the German concil nd Lovestone put forward a theory which identified rationa ith technical development. This leads to an overestimation of the technical progress in the capitalist produc- tion. Lovestone, with his routine perusal of capitalist literature, picked up a formula for this wrong theory from the London Tim: and coined its phrase about a “second industrial revolution” as the cornerstone of his American exceptionalism. , he and his flock are today using the bourgeois term, ment” from the American ce’ of 1900 and Hoov t on economic changes of | 1929, agai i g of the rationaliza- | tion proces ployment, the techn’ SS and consequently s more than a “technological ployment.” progress, not of exploita of rationa , stressing gether that t tremendot pital on in his e great pro- progress has development of y often is a di- de Kuusinen took pointed ou Comy; report and gress of cap taken place m the war indu: s rect hindrance of Furthemore, the comrad: alization were refuted alread up the que timation of ration- n of the Ex ‘ive 1 when a few comrades in contradiction to the opinion of nan delegation, made the mis- take of considering the technical improvements as most essential in capitalist rationalization and consequently proposed not to fight against the capitalist rationalization as such, but only against its “dangerous consequences.” This wrong estimation finds its echo today in Amer- ica and is the basis for the Lovestonites in their explanations of radi- calization. INTENSIVE EXPLOITATION. No doubt there is technical progress in capitalist production to- day, but this progress does not stand in direct connection with capi- talist rationalization. Capitalist rationalization does not mean tech- nical improvement but is a reorganization of the labor process with the aim of intensifying labor and pressing out more surplus value through an increased exploitation. There is a difference between capitalist rationalization and ration- alization of production in the Soviet Union. The latter is followed by shorter work-day, higher wages, protection for the workers, against exhaustion (rest homes, etc.), but capitalist rationalization leads to longer hours and a general worsening of labor conditions. The Tenth Plenum stressed the necessity of comparing the meth- ods of rationalization in the Soviet Union with the methods of capi- talist rationalization in the bourgeois states. Against capitalist ra- tionalization with its intensified exploitation there must be waged an irreconcilable fight but that fight can never be fought upon the theor- etical basis given it by the Lovestone “technological—second industrial revolution” which is nothing else than a cover for their retreat to the social fascists, back into the bourgeois family. REFUSING TO FIGHT FOR THE STREETS. The Buro of District 10 (Kansas City) took up the question of street meetings because of the many arrests by the police. There was a motion in the District Buro to stop the street meetings! This capi- tulation before difficulties is not a Communist attitude; it is a right wing error that will be criticized by the Party. The motion was in- troduced by Comrade Garfin: “That we stop the street meetings and concentrate our energies in building up the ILD and to prepare it for the cases now pending appeal.” Motion adopted with only one vote against. This is an attitude avoiding struggle and preparing only for legal defense. Instead of that Comrade Garfin should have recommended stronger organizational measures to defend the street meetings, to fight for the street. Comrade Roy Stephens quite correctly made a statement, where he said: “The above motion proves that the members of the Buro do not understand the necessity of the Party fighting for the streets, for the rights of the workers to come out and expose the capitalist system and the war plans of the capitalists at the present time. At this time | it is especially necessary that we fight for the streets. The above motion also proves that Comrade Garfin and the others here do not understand how to build up the ILD and defense organizations. Only thru activity can we build up the ILD. “The facts are that we have gained much support from left wingers and others in the fraternal organizations which we did not have before the arrests. The attitude of the comrades toward mass-work and street meetings is entirely wrong. They are all so sectarian that they do not even wish and in some instances have refused to attend the street meetings. They do not want to fight for the streets at all. As far as defense is con- | cerned, we could easily arrange adequate defense if the members here did not sabotage the work by refusing to try and get sympathetic or- ganizations to help us.” Against such tendencies of passivity the Party must wage a mer- ciless struggle. It cannot be tolerated that leading bodies of the Party refuse to go out fighting for the right of the workers to the streets, ‘Anti-Imperialist Fight Joined by Pittsburgh) Workers, Simons Says PITTSBURGH, Sept. 22. — Keen interest in the struggles of oppres- sed colonial peoples against the All-Union Trade Union Council im- | we examine the number of states represented we have a similar picture. | siastic ever held in the history of the revolutionary trade union move- | dustries on the part of all delegates. | ferences were on a high level. | the writer had the privilege to participate, was attended by delegates tions, Simons said. These included: from steel plants in Indiana, Youngstown, Pittsburg, Cleveland, West of the Soviet Union, the Pan Pacific! workers and Negro workers actively participated in the discussions By Mai! (in New York only By Mail (outside of New York): SUBSCRIUTION RATES? 00a veal 36.00 a year; $4.50. six months; $3.50 six months; $2.50 three months $2.00 three months By Fred Ellis. Robert Barry, a correspondent for the New York Evening World, has been writing a series of scurrilous and lying news stories about conditions and persons in Gastonia, evidently at the dictation of the mill bosses. TUUL Proves Workers Roused By ANDREW OVERGAARD. The splendid spirit and enthusiasm, shown by the proletarian dele- gation of 690 delegates from basic industries at the Cleveland Trade Union Unity Convention should be an inspiration to all workers and prove to the most sceptical the correctness of the decisions of the Fourth Congress of the R.I.L.U. 1927-1929—A CONTRAST. What was the composition of the delegation in this convention compared to the 1927 convention of the T.U.E.L.? The 1927 convention was participated in by only 297 delegates with the majority of representatives from the needle trades and build- ing trades. For example: 107 delegates from needle trades; 50 from building trades and only 19 from metal and automobile; 28 from the miners, with 172 from New York where the convention was held. 1929 we see an entirely different picture. 690 delegates with 189 from the mining field; 66 from metal and steel; 52 from. automobile; 11 from electrical appliances; 38 from textile centers; 20 from rail- roads; 8 marine transport; food industry, 35 and needle trades, 38. | The convention was further participated in by delegates from a greater number of A. F. of L. unions than the 1927 convention as well as dele- gates being present from such industries as lumber, tobacco, rubber, shoe and leather, etc., to a much greater extent than ever before. If In 1927 ten states were represented and in 1929—19. BIG NEGRO DELEGATION: GREAT SIGNIFICANCE. The most significant representation was that of the Negro dele- gation in 1929 compared to the 1927 convention. In 1927 one Negro delegate, but in 1929 the Negro delegation numbered 64 from all basic industries. The women’s delegation of 72 at the 1929 convention was many times as great as the 1927 convention. This as well as the splendid youth delegation shows the new factors in industry are ready for struggle, under revolutionary leadership. INDUSTRIAL CONFERENCES SPLENDID. The various industrial conferences were the most lively and enthu- ment and showed a determination and willingness to participate in the | solving of all the problems confronting the workers in the various in- The discussion in all these con- The metal workers conference in which Virginia, etc. A. F. of L. unions. Foundry workers, machinists, ‘women Trade Union Secretariat, and the) and worked on committees and the National Committee elected by the perislism was expressed by workers who heard a report on the Frank- fort and Montivideo anti-imperialist congresses given by William Si- mons, national secretary. of the U. S. Section of the All-America Anti- Imperialist League, at the Labor Lyceum, 35 Miller St., The Frankfort Congress was marked by greater participation of revolutionary trade union organiza- last night. | Latin-American Trade Union Con- federation. Eleven members were | enrolled in the league. - 98 PHILA., Sept. 22. — Plans for anti-imperialist activity were formu- | lated by the Philadelphia branch of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League, U. S. Section, at a meeting at which national secretary William |Simons reported. , Support for the Gastonia workers » fined $3, which was paid’ by the | about a month ago was postponed Blevater Crash Kills Wm: Fried, Active in | Communist Party Comrade William Fried, member | Technical Men’s Union. | of Section 8 Bureau, District 2, District 2, Communist Party, and! Communist Party, was killed in an|the Executive Committee of Section elevator accident several days ago.|8 have adopted a resolution express- He fell eight floors, fracturing his | ing their deep sorrow at the untime- skull and died several hours later. |ly death of Comrade Fried. The Fried was a charter member of resolutions point out that Comrade the Party and at the time of his|Fried’s death can be laid at the door death was the director of Agitation |of the corrupt Tammany Hall ad- and Propaganda and Election Cam-| ministration whose inspectors per- paign Manager of the Brownsville|mit elevators to operate without Section. He was a member of the! safety devices. Two Workers Aiding Gastonia Defendants Are Arrested Here Ida Greenberg, arrested distribut- terday. The charge was dismissed ing leaflets for Friday night’s meet- when she was arraigned in Jeffer- son Market Court. Jacques Buiten- ing at Central Opera House where kaiit, LD. ationiey, append as counsel for both arrested work- ers. The trial of seven others arrested ‘was pledged, was convicted in the W. 54th St. Magistrate's Court and International Labor Defense. | until next week when they were ar- Gussie Rosensky, was arrested|raigned in the 12th Magistrate's; funds for Gastonia yes-! Court yesterday. eres conference, consisting of all these elements will be a great factor in the organization of the five million organized metal workers in the U.S. A. DEMONSTRATION FOR GASTONIA. The demonstrations in the convention in response to the speeches and reports and especially for the Gastonia delegation, showed further. that the American workers are not only ready to fight for elementary demands but ready to take the offensive and defend themselves against | the fascist methods of the capitalist state. The general enthusiasm and fighting spirit of the Cleveland Convention drowned all these pes- simists, who have lost confidence in the American working class, ability to fight and who doubt the radicalization of the masses in the present period, ROLE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY, The convention was a further proof of the correct analysis of the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International regarding the - * radicalization of the working class and that America is no exception to the general crisis of capitalism, notwithstanding the rantings of the renegates Lovestone and Cannon and Company. What was the role of the Communist Party? After being freed from its opportunist elements, the Party was able to reorientate itself to a correct line and this was ably shown at the covnention. The leadership of the Party was clearly demonstrated not mechanically but ideologically. It was accepted without question by the non-Party dele- gations, not with doubts but with enthusiasm; and the only forces who were atempting to challenge the party were the Lovestonites, but they were completely swamped by the convention, which refused to have anything to do with their opportunist resolutions and completely ignored their so-called leaders. The Lovestone group expectations that a former niass leader would stir up the the convention to clamor for him failed to materialize and he succeeded in getting two votes for himself as a member of the National Committee. The proletarian delegation to the Cleveland Convention followed the Party leadership instead of individuals, who are trying to set themselves above the Communist International and its American Party. The Cannon group rantings failed to be noticed by anyone as they were only represented by “observers” from the gallery. COMINTERN ADDRESS PROVED CORRECT. The Cleveland Convention had a great affect on those Party mem- bers who were still in doubt as to the correctness of the Comintern Address. The real proletarian elements who are willing to struggle against capitalism will come back to the Party and those who fail to see the present developments in the American working class will follow Cannon and Lovestone through different doors into the Muste reformist groups. Many subsequent events in the class front should prove further the correctness of the Comintern Address. Let us for a moment take the recent strike of metal workers in Cartaret, N. J., and what is its lessons? Here we have 2,500 workers on a spontaneous strike against the bonus system and for an increase in wages, time and a half for over- time—skilled and unskilled together; Negro and white workers out together in a community where Negroes were driven out three years ago in a race riot. Most workers are owning their own houses on installment plans, etc., and in spite of such factors, all are on strike. The Lovestone group may argue, “that we. have not secured the lead- ership, therefore it is not a sign of radicalization.” But we must re- member that radicalization of the workers does not mean the accep- tance of Comniunist leadership, but that the workers are ready for struggle and it is up to the Communists to give leadership and gra- dually win the workers’ confidence. Anyone who fails to see the signi- ficance of Gastonia, the general unrest in all industries, the struggle against police interference in all demonstrations, the development of workers’ defense corps, the August First demonstrations, etc., is not a Communist and is on the road to become a servant to the enemy classand the sooner the C.P.U.S.A. cleans up its ranks of such ele- ments the better it will be able to lead the masses in the everyday struggles against the bosses and prepare for the final overthrow of capitalism. NEW TRADE UNION CENTER MUST BE BUILT. Our answer to these renegades must be: the following up the Cleveland Convention by mobilizing our Party membership to build the Trade Union Unity League in all centers, strengthen our shop committees, intensify the struggle in the old unions against the fakers and the building of new industrial unions so that the next convention of the T.U.U.L. shall witness the new trade union center as a power- ful instrument in service of the Amer.zan proletariat. Through the coming economic struggles we must bring into the Party new and fresh proletarian elements, not poisoned by factional corruption and bourgeois conceptions but fresh from the front of the class struggle. INTO THE SOUTH TO ORGANIZE NEGRO WORKERS Under a special Negro organizer,| arate Negro unions, in industries James Ford, the Trade Union Unity | controlled by the revolutionary the A. F. of L. bureaucracy which national office full representation prevents the Negro workers from on all T. U. U. L. committees, and League is starting its campaign to organize the 2,000,000 working Ne- groes in the United States, The program for the organization work is outlined in a resolution unani- mously adopted by the 690 delegates at the T. U. U. L. convention in Cleveland, August 31, Sept. 2. It states: T. U. U. L. Champion. “The Trade Union Unity League must become the champion in the | struggle for the rights of the Ne- groes in the old union, and in the | organizing of new unions for both Negroes end | whites, as well as uep- unions and in which we have no new militant union. The organiza- tion of special trade unions for the Negro workers in these industries must be carried out as part and parcel of the struggle against the restriction imposed upon the Negro workers and for their admission to the white workers’ unions, “The creation of separate unions | should in no way weaken the strug- ble in the Trade‘ Union Unity | League, through its contracts in the cld unions and by all possible means outsidenct of these unions must wage a merciless joining the white workers’ unions. In all locals of the reformist un- ions in which the influence of the left wing is strong, Negroes shall be admitted in direct violation of A. F. of L. restrictions.” Into the South! The resolution points out that the main field of organization work among Negroes is in the South, where increasingly rapid industrial- ization is bringing them to the fac- tories, mines and mills. A fight on race prejudice is pro- posed, with special Negro literature ess struggle agains}! to be tysued from the T..U. .U. Lt a constant linking together of the Negro and white workers in mili- tant campaigns for immediate de- mands through strike action. Factors that make for the success of organizers among the Negroes are the rising resentment of Negro working masses against the attacks upon them, by bourgeoisie, land owners and A. F. of L. lead the cam- paign of wage cuts, speed-up, the mechanization of agriculture and the growing war di Build Up the United Front of 1 SAW IT == so maievonm NAY SELF. Reseseree, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Henri Barkusse, blished amd copyrighted by E. P. Dutton & Co. Ince New Few | THE EMBRACE. SYNOPSIS Andreas and Rita, lovers, are thrown into a Hungarian prison! and for punishment are bound together with rope. Days, weeks pass; the resultant satiety kills both love and pity and finally gives birth te mutual horror. PI Cres, 6 1 HAT has come over you so suddenly, Andreas? You are excited, you rise to your feet!” “Do I know myself? Which was the worse, the horror of the flesh, or the horror of the mind! When ‘I love you’ is said no more, when each withdraws into himself or herself and then you groan, and then you begin to cry aloud until hate is heard in those cries and the glances that flash to and fro put out the light of your eyes, “So down we fell—down through all worlds of exasperation, tor- . ment and disgust. I reproached her with being herself; she re proached me for being myself, the length of time, to which we suc- cumbed. But it must be admitted, neither of us held out very long. Even the crime that two might commit together, the shame in the passion two might feel towards each other are things which at least are over and done with quickly. But time brings its fearful revenge when an intimacy is prolonged. It becomes a thing of disease, of madness, of blood and death. There are sufferings which as far as one can tell’ may have only lasted for a few moments, but in the long run, they fairly make you howl. And ‘in the long run’ means after a few hours. “It was after six months that we were released, and were free to turn our backs on each other. “And now as I see her in my mind’s eye, again she seems dis- torted, and my eyes seem to ache at the sight. Again I am turned into a beast, It was impossible for us to forgive.” “DUT what of her? Will she not... 2” “No, never! Far less soon than I could.” “,, . But, Andreas, think what tortures countless others have en- dured.” “I know. Some I have witnessed. I saw C —— (and even now, such were his screams, such the sound of those instruments, that I still have him before my eyes when I close them)—I saw how he was tortured. All his teeth were knocked out with a log of wood; then they made him swallow his teeth, and to send them down, when they had been shoved into his mouth, he was forced to swallow the contents of a pan that one of the gendarmes fetched from the infirmary. The pain and physical disgust killed him. And I saw S ——’s face, at first convulsed, rigid at last, when they were stripping the soles from his feet like the sole of a boot And Comrade L ——, I saw the shapeless lump of meat that was left when they forced her baby back alive, in- side her, using lances, axes and clubs. And, there was that Hungarian Peasant—a noble figure, straight-shouldered and self-contained, the giver of cold replies—I saw him go by one day on his way to the prison judge’s room. We could hear everything through the door (I was there, waiting my turn). And as he would not lie and confess to a conspiracy and give the names they needed, as he would not even open his mouth, they wanted to draw cries from him. We heard the whistle and slap of the sword blades on his flesh, the knock-knock of the sharp steel on his bones, then there was a sudden silence, while they were doing something we could not hear—but not a word, not a cry from his lips. And then, at last, a terrible scream, . . . bh eens the door opened, and past us he went, with the tramp of heavy feet about him. The man who had held himself so straight but half-an-hour before, was crumpled up on a stretcher; so silent then, he was yelling and foaming abundantly now. The clothes round his middle had been torn away, his stomach was exposed and below that, a red hole. The police agent who had emasculated him had used a rusty knife; he was also heard to boast that, for once, he had gone to work with a pretty heavy hand. “Why do I tell you all this? Ah, yes, only to prove to you that I too, like all those who have been through the gaols of Hungary, not as tourists, have seen these things. But there are places where I have seen worse than that; I have seen Death, in uniform, sword and stripes and all, stalking into houses, compelling fathers to denounce their sons, children to grasp their fathers in self-defense like a shield, and be- lievers—Jews even—to blaspheme against their faith. But I say that the ‘monsters who bound fast together two beings in the prime of life and love and youth, carried the fiendish devices of cruelty one step further. With their instruments of torture, they have plucked out even the secret life of their hearts. “Comrade, every human being, whether he knows it or not, has a red flag rolled up inside his heart. Such as I am, I am eager to set to the great work, and help to unfurl them, every one, and set them flying over the earth, “For see, while bodies in prison are waxing old, the gospel of rev- olution is younger than ever, and goes forward exulting. I tell you, my hatred of the ruffians who lord it over the masses in all countries, save one, is uplifted today in a mighty outburst of joy. Hurarh!” Workers Aid Gastonia Strikers Roused to most militant resist- ance by the reports of the fascist terror of the cowardly Manville- Jenckes bosses and their hirelings, workers of 49 organizations through- out the United States have sent protest resolutions to the Interna- tional Labor Defense at 80 E. 11th St., New York City. The list of organizations that sent resolutions demanding the free- dom of the Gastonia strikers, the cessation of the fescist brutalities and who took part in the great mass collection days September 21 and 22, are: Finnish Education Ass’n, Cleve- land, 0.; Lodge No. 434 of C. F. U. of A., N. S, Sacramento, Calif.; Herman Workers Club, Sanna Rantz, Herman, Mich.; Finnisa Workers Club, Monossen, Pi Washington Temlell Ass’n, Otto Witala, Uwas- co, Wash.; Finnish Workers Club, Winlock, Wash.; Florenton Farmers Club, Florenton, Minn.; Palisade S. T. Y., Palisade, Minn.; Twin City Workers Cooperative, Jennie Sam- meli, 2109 Aldrich Ave., Minneapo- lis, Minn.; Worcester Labor Society, Worcester, Mass.; Finnish. Progres. sive Club, Huntington, L. I.; Fin- ish Workers Ass’n, Clinton, Ind.; Workers Club, Pelkie, Mich.; Fin- nish Workers Club, Wilton, N. H.; S. T, Yhdistys Janii, Hancock, Mich.! Finnish Federation, Brooklyn, N.Y.; Finnish Workers Club, Cromwell, Minn.; Finnish Workers Club, West Orange, N. J.; Needle Trades Angeles, Calif.; Finnish Workers Club, Pittsburgh, P% Toivola Workers Finnish Federation, Toivola, Mich.; W. E. Society, Superior, Wisc.; S. Tyovaen Yhtistys, Chas- sell, Mich.; Finnish Workers Society, West Allis, Wisc; F. W. Hendrickson, R. F. D. 1., Lakeland, Flo.; Workers Club and Communi: Youth League, Newberry,, Mich.; Enfield Working Society, Enfield, N. H.; Canonsburg Workers Club, Canonsburg, Pa.; Finnish Workers Society, Warren, O.; Finnish Work- ers Society, E. Chicago, Ind.; Fin- nish Workers Club, . Amesbury, Mass.; Pine River, Cloquet, R. 2, Minn.; Finnish Workmen’s Ass’n., Norwood, Mass.; Northern Farmers Cooperative Society, Angora, Minn.; S. T. Yhdistys, Pittsburgh, Calif.; Sax Finnish Workers Federation, Sax, Minn.; Finnish Workers Edu- cational Ass’n, Baltimore, Md.; Finnish Workers Local, Fairport, Ohio; Finnish Workers Club, Gard- ner, Mass.; Finnish Workers Club, Minneapolis, Minn.; Fitchburg Wor- kers Club, Fitchburg, Bal- am F. W. C., Bovey, Minn.; I. L. D. Eng. Br., Ne ark, N. ; Ny Hno, Philadelphia, Pa.; ‘Tyoraen Yhidis- tys, Trout Creek, Mich.; Wilkes- Barre Conference on Gastonia De- fense,, Wilkes-Barre, Pa.; ‘National Miners Union, Locals No. 501, Bend, 3|IlL; No, 524, Carlinville, Ill; No. 544, Panama, Il; Pat Toohey, 119 Federal St., N. S. Pittsburgh, P: International Labor Defense, M. 8, S.