The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 19, 1929, Page 4

Stuyves Worker, 26 Square, Adare New S and ma York City, N il all checks to Telephone Daily Page Four the PARTY LIF STATEMENT BY COMRADE MARKOFF. Lovestone and his followers in their latest document prove quite conclusively that complete degeneration has developed in their ranks, that from Party splitters they have graduated, within a short period, into full fledged agent provocateurs of the capitalist forces in the U.S. The document, “The Truth About the Raid on the Party Head- quarters,” is an attempt to demoralize the membership, to discredit certain comrades within the Party, to undermine the prestige of the Party. But it is my sincere belief that the blow they intended to direct against the Party will result in the complete unmasking of the counter-revolutionary tactics of the Lovestone group. Since my name is involved as signatory to a statement enclosed in the document, I wish to make the following declaration: On Thursday morning, September 5, I received a telephone call from Nemser asking me to meet him at twelve noon, that he formation of vital importance to the Party. I came at the appointed time and place, found Nemser,Anna Thompson, Ellen Lee and Dungee waiting. Nemser then told me the following: that through Dungee he was informed that a Negro, by the name of Jackson, who has been expelled from the Party some months ago, has informed Dungee that he, Jackson, knows where the documents stolen from the Party head- quarters, during the raid, are kept; that Dungee, who is a friend of Jackson, brought Nemser and Jackson together the day before; that Jackson told Nemser he is employed in the intelligence department of the government as a draftsman making hydrographic ma’ that this department is in the same office where various documents picked up in raids are examined, checked, decoded, etc.; that he, Jackson, is in ® position to read these documents. He claimed that several days be- fore, on or about August 30, several packages were brought in, with the name of the Communist Party on them; that he became interested and found an opportunity to look through some of them. He said he found cables from the C.I., letters to the Party from district organ- izers, a check book, membership lists, etc., that he then decided to warn some of his friends who are connected with the Lovestone group. such as Dungee and others, and promised to bring proof of his story the following day. Nemser went to meet Jackson, and all of us went to a restaurant, where Jackson, in my presence, repeated the story told to me by Nemser. He also produced some cables and four or five other documents as proof. He promised to bring more material the next day. Friday, September 6, the same group met and Jackson produced a few more documents, letters, notes, ete. All the documents produced bore the date of August 20,22, and 23, evidently things that came in to the National Office a day or two before the raid. He referred to Comrade several times, and every time displayed a personal ani- mosity against him, saying, “I will beat up that fellow before I leave New York.” To Nemser’s request for more documents he replied that he cannot take any more chances for fear of losing his job, and finally gave us to understand that for a montetary consideration, he was willing to steal some of the documents from the office, and turn them over to Nemser. When we left Jackson, Nemser suggested that we present a state- ment of all the facts to the Party. It was understood that this state- ment should be absolutely confidential, that it was only for the Party, for the purpose of further investigation. The following day, Nemser, Thompson, and myself met and the statement was given to me. While I was suspicious of the manner in which Nemser and Thompson pre- sented the whole thing, at the same time wishing to get to the bottom of this affair, I signed the statement together with Nemser. It is now perfectly clear: (1) That the entire affair, the meetings of Nemser, Jackson and the rest, was staged by Lovestone and his followers in order to cover up their own guilt in the raid. (2) That Jackson did not get the documents from the Department of Justice, but obtained them from an individual directly connected with the raid. (3 That Jackson, although possibly a government stool pigeon, was in this case hired by Lovestone to act his role. (4) That the insinuations made by Jackson regarding Comrade —— working for the Department of Justice are fabrications and lies invented for the purpose of discrediting this comrade; that Lovestone utilized the personal grudge of Jackson against the comrade for the purpose of throwing the suspicion on him and thus attempt to clear himself. has in- (5) That the Lovestone clique deliberately planned to use me, as a good standing member in the Party, to cover their own deeds, Here I wish to state that I committed an unpardonable error in allowing myself to be carried away with the idea that Nemser and Thompson were interested in helping the Party. I permitted my former | friendship for Nemser and Thompson when they were in the Party, to obscure the fact that I was dealing now not with members of the Party, but with enemies of the Party, with agents of Lovestone and the bourgeoisie. Because of my former close association with Nemser, Thompson and Dungee in the work of the Harlem section, in dealing with them now, it did not occur to me to be on my guard against them. I declare that I committed a very serious mistake in meeting with the renegades without consulting the Party, in permitting my signature to appear on any document together with an expelled member of the Party, The serious error committed by me points out the danger of con- tinuing friendly relations with those expelled from the Party and whom the C.I. and our Party correctly characterized as enemies of the Party. Not only must we break with them politically but personally as well. Personal friendship is impossible between politically conscious class enemies. I further declare that my actions in connection with this Lovestone plot deserves severe criticism even tho my intention was to aid the Party.- It should prove to every Party member the necessity of following the guidance of our Party and the CJ. in’all activities, We must not relinquish for one moment the fight against the Right Danger and against the renegades and all enemies of our Party. (Signed) ABRAHAM MARKOFF. The Development of Communism in the United States By CHARLES E. RUTHENBERG. (From “The Liberator” February, 1928) A little over three years ago the wrold “Soviets” and “Dictator. ship of the Proletariat” appeared for the first time in the program of a political party in this country, when the Communist Party of America was born in Chicago, in September, 1919. For three years the ideas which these words stand for have been taboo so far as open expression in the program of a political party is concerned. They came to life in the open again in the program adopted by the second cou- vention of the Workers” Party of Amefica, held in New York, Decera- ber, 1922, While the Chicago convention of 1919 and the New York conyention of 1922 wrote the same ideas into the programs adopted, there is a great difference in the movement behind these ideas. _The Communist Party of 1919 came to life on a wave of enthusi- asm inspired by the Russian Revolution. It was a spontaneous out- burst in this country of the forces generated by the first proletarian revolution. The 1919 convention was satisfied to make its declaration of Communist faith. It did that with fervor and enthusiasm, but the practical application of the Communist principles of the life of the American workers was not undertaken. In the three years that have passed since the open Communist convention in 1919, the Communist movement in this country has undergone a transformation. It is no longer a spontaneous outburst of enthusiasm. It has not lost its enthusiasm, but it has learned during the three years to direct this enthusiasm into the task of creating support for the communist principles among the working masses of this country. While it again publicly announces its faith that the Soviets and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat are the insrtuments through which the proletarian revolution will achieve its ends in this country as well as elsewhere in the world, it does not expect to con- vert the workers to a belief in the Soviets by merely holding up the example of European experiences. It proposes to teach the necessity of Soviets and the Proletarian Dictatorship to the workers through their own experiences in their struggles against the capitalists; and its rudlished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co.. Inc., daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union rate nt "16: 28 Union Square Cable: “DATWORK.” New York, N.Y: n of the Communist Party of the U.S, A. SUBSC! By Mail (in New York only): $8. By Mail (outside of New York): IPTION 00 ‘a yeas $6.00 a year; RATES: $4.50 six months; $3.50 six months; $2.50 three montns $2.00 three months THE SPOKESMAN | | | | | “the GN i; | | By L. CANDELA, Before and during the world war the political Party of the American workers was the socialist party. There were in it three distinct ten- dencies; the right wing, the left | wing, and the centre, which was also formed of social-democratic ele- ments, who were in control of the Party in spite of the fact that the majority of the membership was in favor of the revolutionary, left wing. The Russian Revolution has given a great impulse to the left wing | movement, but the bureaucratic and | reactionary tactics of the social-re- |formist leaders prevented the left | wing from taking over the direction jof the Party. In the election of | the. National Executive Committee held by a referendum vote, the left wing candidates received an over- whelming majo fused to turn the Party over to the newly elected committee. This was not enough; soon after the wars, they expelled from the Party State Federations of Michigan and Ohio, | the left wing members of New York, Boston, Chicago, Buffalo and other ies. Although the social-reform- ists, due to their reactionary acts, prevented the revolutionary wing from taking control of the Party, they could’ not prevent its develop- meni. The new revolutions and the |great mass movements in other | countries, the new success of the | Russian Revolution, brought new enthusiasm to the American work- ing masses. On May 1, 1919, in spite of police intimidations, great demonstrations, to which the masses responded splendidly, were held in cities like Cleveland, Detroit, New York, Chicago, Boston, where the left wing members were in control. The invitation to join the Third International had given still more impetus to the left wing of the socialist party, and on Septeicber 1, 2, 8, 1919, together with the revo- lutionary groups of the S. L. P. and I. W. W., formed officially the Com- munist Movement, with a total mem- bership of about 50,000. Since the foundation of this young movement, the social-reformists at- tacked it most viciously. The lack of connection with the European comrades had greatly ¢bstacied the | ideological clarification which could | have reduced to the minimum, at | least, its infantile faults. Anyhow, | the Communist movement was founded and although divided into two Purties, on superficial issues, it was considered by American cap- italism a menace to its privileges and it planned a raging attack on the Communist movement in order to destroy it, This made attack started on the night of December 31, 1919, and on January 1, 2, 1920; a violent wave of bourgeoisie terror broke loose against the Communist movement. campaigns and programs of action are therefore based upon the ; Simultaneously all the Conmunist. setualities of the life of the workers in the United States. | Jocals were raided by the police and OF TH y of the votes, but | the social-reformists in control, re- | E BOSS CLASS— STONTA 25 } all the comrades therein arrested. | Many comrades were also arrested at their homes. In the meantime, the capitalist press, on the basis of lies and the most fantastic news, was vomiting poison and inciting to lynching and violence against the Communists. The reactionary lead- ers of the socialist party tormed part and parcel with the capitalists and aided in denouncing the Com- munist to the police and appealing | to the sentiment of the hesitant ele- | ments, movement and return to the social- ist sheepfold in which they were told te be safe from imprisonment and deportation. The numbers of comrades arrest- ed were about 10,000, most of them were deported to their native coun- tries, others were thrown into dark American penitentiaries for short and long periods of time. The bourgeosie thought of raising a dyke before the advancing Com- munist movement, but it soon had to realize the futility of its made act, | because only three months later the |Communist Party, still divided in two parts, had reconstructed illegal- jly its central apparatus, and estab- lished its contact with many im- portant groups of the perifery, The Communist Party therefore, | before it could definitely consolidate its forces upon a Leninistic ideolog- ical ba: had gone through the enemy’s fire, and stood its test with | heroism. Later, it established con- tact with the Communist Interna- tional whose guidance has uniied all the underground forces, Meanwhile the S. P. was more openly assum- ing its petty-bourgeois and counter- revolutionary character until the 1e- maining revolutionary members split away from it in 1921, forming the group of the “Workers Counei!.” In this year, the C. P. was still out- lawed, but the terroristic and reac- tionary wave had been weakened Already the Party had formed legal organizations, but they were not sufficient.to embrage and solve.the manifold problems. It was there- fore decided to organize a legal Party to which were invited all the revolutionary legal groups, then ready to accept the line of the Com- munist International. (The Amer- ican Labor Alliance controlled by the underground C. P., the Workers Council, the Jewish, Finnish and German Socialist Federations, etc.) This Party was organized on Dec. 25, 1921 and took the name “Work- er’s Party of America.” Since then, it was clear that the W. P. of A. was destined to become the only expression of the American Communist movement, but much caution had to be used before liquid- ating the underground Party still in existence. On August, 1922, the Communist Party held an_ illegal Convention in the State of Michigan. The question of abolishing the un- derground Party was much discussed but the sectarian tendencies at that Convention prevented it from taking to desert the Communist | !such a decision. pected happened. The Convention | was raided by the police force short- ly before it adjourned. Many com- |rades succeeded in escaping, others |were urpested together with the |Party leader, Comrade C. E. Ruth- enberg, The Michigan trial resulted in a great blow to the state reaction and ; instead of being a trial against the | Communists, it seemed that capital- ism was on trial. The Communist Party, guided by the deceased Com- jvrade Ruthenberg, had been able to take advantage of this trial to un- mask the maneuvers of the bourg- eois reaction, to propagate its prin- ciples and to extend its influence | among the American toilers. | The Michigan trial thus hastened | the legislation of the Party and only | few months later the W. A. of A | was officially pronounced the only | Communist Party in the United | States. At the Fourth National | Convention (August, 1925), the W. P. was named the Workers (Com- munist) Party and its name has been definitely changed by the Sixth Na- tional Convention (March, 1929), to Communist Party of the U. S. A. The history of the Communist Party since 1923 has been the his- tory of the workers movement in this country. Under the guidance of the C. I. our Party has been in the years of 1923-24 an extraordin- ary factor in the movement tending toward the formation of a Labor Party. The most energetic and ag- gressive struggles of the workers in the last six years were led by the Communist Party. Today our Party is recognized as the stalwart leader of the workers in this country. The steel, automobile, building trades, textile workers, miners, ete, are turning to the Communist Party for leadership in their struggles against the infamous conditions created by capitalist rationalization. While the bureaucrats of the uion and the yel- low socialist party have put them- selves openly at service of Amer- ican imperialism, the Communist Party remains the only defender of the working class interests. The Party, due to the low ideo- logical evel of its members, has also committed many errors. It is not enough to proclaim one’s self a Communist and carry a mem- bership card in the pocket. To ba a Communist, in reality, one must be able to understand the problems of the revolutionary class struggle, must be able to understand the teachings. of Marx and Lenin and on this basis and by lessons gained thrcugh experience on the battle field of the class struggle, to analyze the objective situations, and adopt the proper tactics. It took 15 years of revolutionary struggle and ex- perience, before the Russian Bol- shevik Party could reach the homo- geneousness of its ranks. Our Party has been organized in a period of revolutionary enthusiasm and fervor by elements coming from the social- By Fred Ellis The Communist Party, U.S. A. Something unex- | ist party, I. W. W., anarchists and trade-unionists. It accumulated in its ranks the baggage of all these old ideological traditions, to which must be added those of the language comrades coming from the labor movements of: their original coun- tries. The revolutioanry enthusiasm had put together all those forces, but their revolutionary homoeneous- ness could be reached only through a long process of ideological «larifi- cation and experience of the new Le- ninistic methods of struggle. Great steps towards this direction have been made in the course of time, opportunistic elements (Lore, Aske- ly, Salutzky, Cannon, Lovestone) were expelled from the Party. One of the greatest steps towards Bol- shevization«has been made by the Party. with the reorganization of its ranks from territorial ana lan- guage branches into shop units. But even this problem has been a process (not yet definitely accomplished) conected with the general process of Leninistie ideological clarification. In recapitulating we can’ say: Until 1923 our Party was divided in two and sometimes three groups and had many infantile faults. From 1923 to 1927 the Party has made great steps toward its bolshevik maturity, but its specific activity has been mostly conducted on a propagandistic field due also to the objective conditions of the American Labor Movement in that period. From 1927 until today it has more actively participated in mass-move- ments; from a propagandistic Party it has made great steps towards be- coming a mass Party of the workers. The factionalistic struggle within its ranks, without a basic political difference has been one of the great- est faults of our Party. Behind the factions there were hidden many un- desirable elements from which the Party was impotent to free itself. Due to the factionalistic situation, the Party could not conduct an ef- fective struggle against Trotskyism, sccial-reformist influences and the right danger within its own ranks. The Party could not ‘prepare its forces for the struggle of the work- ers, which are ripening within the third post-war period. Among our comrades has been developed an in- dividualism conflicting with the Leninistic principles of discipline. The address of the Communist In- ternational, May 15, of this year | has given a death blow to factional- ism. The Party is now following the ‘Ways and Meurs Committee of the line of the C.I. Address. There are still in its ranks remnants of old factionalism. Many comrades do not yet understand what democratic centralization, Leninist discipline, colonization of the members and other fundamental questions really mean. There are still passive mem- bers; there is still a lack of self- Bolshevik activity. Among the mem- bers of the Party units many are affected with khvostism; the right danger is still a very great menace but the basis and line to correct| ci 1 SAW IT = 3% Translated by Brian Rhys MY § e LF ri Barbi Reprinted, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Hen) published and copyrighted by E. P. Dutton & Co» Incy New York AND WE WERE CELEBRATING PEACE. m SYNOPSIS Samuel Schwartzbard, an ex-soldier and a naturalized Franoh- man, returns to his native town in the Ukraine, which is under the control of the Ataman Petliura, and heads for the Jewish quarter, where the sabbath is being celebrated. ake him stands the Schenkmann’s little house, and the win- dow is ablaze with light. But not a sound can be heard. Sur- prising silence reigns. Samuel draws nearer. How is this? The door wide open! In the hall, a broken table, overturned chairs. The living-room: a big bed, and lying in it, someone with head exposed on the pillow. Strange, this dark head with its red beard and twiste) smile! One nearer look: it is battered in, slashed, black with blood. 1 a beast of some kind, one would say, wet and glistening with brig), drips in the light of the electric lamp, and the bright splashes of blood are also conspicuous on the sheets. This is the father of the family: In one corner, a big round lump, oozing blood, covered in crimson rags —the mother, Mrs. Schenkmann, hacked and pierced with swords thrusts: There, on the ground, the headless bodies of two children, | little Moich and his sister; their heads have rolled under the bed. And in the brightly-lit houses close by—Blackman’s, Averbruch’s, | Semelman’s, Kretchak’s—and in ‘all the rest down the street, the same scene over again. Under the electric light of the lamps which had lit up of their own accord, nothing but dead bodies—five, ten, fifteen, twenty and more at a time—slit up, pierced through, twisted into strange death- agonies; children and babies lying on the hearth, some decapitated, others with heads cracked open like eggs on the mantel-piece, Every mantelpiece bore traces and fragments of children’s brains and en- trails. * * * fee streets were thick with corpses like stretches of ground on a battlefield. A few, recognizable when one bent over them, seemed to be struggling and imploring mercy still. Against one corner was the body of a girl, head propped up against the wall, stayed there in an upright position; with her bloody hands she was holding up her dress, showing her loins and thighs, gashed by a slashing sword or axe. “Pull up your dress, we’re going to whip you,” they had said; and the soldiers had laid on as hard as they could with scourges of steel. A great many bodies were neatly laid on top of one another; children, girls and young men had been forced to lie down at full length on top of their relations and then, with one thrust, nailed to earth with sword and cutlass, as their bodies lay in tiers. r — Samuel Schwartzbard, pale, staring with a drunkard’s eyes, from house to house. Under the crude light the whole Jewish quarter lay in death, There was one house where he saw movements behind the curtains, but when he staggered up to the door, figures hastily stepped over bodies and broken chairs and fled: this household had been murdered too but had been entered by thieves. Wherever he went, all were dead, or nearly all. An appalling silence and a fresh slaughter-house smell reigned throughout the ghastly quarter. Blood still dripped from the wounds, and the pools could be seen slowly spreading. When the young man instinctively drew down the clothes torn aside to dis- able—his hand told him that the body was still quite warm. ».. It vasn’t very difficut to see what had happened: this was the work that the Cossacks of Semessensko and Petliura had been doing betwen the hours of two and five—the work of those smart troops which had marched so grandly past, bands playing, before and after. In every lighted interior death lay, but there were some houses in entire darkness. In these, there were still signs of life. Survivors had run to earth there, As a signs of mourning, and through fear and sense of decency and shame, they had put out the lights and stayed where they were. Soe felt his way into one of these houses, among these shadows of misery and grief; some were groaning without pause, som drinking their tears, some trembling like trees, some had even for gotten how to cry. At last they became dimly visible, like fountain: and landmarks. And from their lips came low-voiced complaints, inter- spersed with pitiable shuddering maledictions, telling of things such as these: . * * 1 This they had done, and this: a father tortured and dismembered in the midst of his family, forcibly gathered round to watch the sight; then his wife and daughters and little girls brutually assaulted, then all hewn down and shattered; all with great dispatch, without loss of time, by numbers. (To be Continued) Aim of the Communist Party By CHARLES E. RUTHENBERG, (From “The Farmer-Labor United Front,” 1923) What is the aim of a Communist Party? For what purpose is it organized? When we answer these questions we will lay down the principles which must guide us in all our work. As a Communist Party we are fighting to bring about in the United States the pro- letarian revolution, establish a Soviet government and the dictatorship of the proletariat. That aim is the reason for our existence and all our policies must lead us to the achievement of that aim. If they Jead us in that direction then they are correct Communist policy. Lenin said, in one of his articles, that the conditions for @ pro- letarian revolution were: First, that the capitalist class could no, longer rule, the second, that there must be a will to power on the part of the working class. fen The inability of the capitalists to rule is not something whic! grows out only of the work of our party, but this condition ¢ into existence as a result of the development of inner economic for of the capitalist system. The task of our Party as a Communist Party is to create the second condition for the proletarian revolution; that is, the will to power on the part of the working class. In order that such a will to power may exist we must win the support of the majority of the working class for the:proletarian revolution. How can this be done? This is the problem which faces us as a Communist Party, o these faults are laid down by the Address of the C.I., which has al- ready proven its correctness and will year of life is stronger, more homo geneous ,more consolidated, ant more united than ever. Not anj close a jagged pit in the stomach of a little girl—her face was ador- | help to raise the political level of the membership. For the enemies of our movement and especially pharisees of the so- cial democracy the faults of our Party are signs of decay, They are glad and speculate when we point out these faults. Thereby the sate- lites of social democracy can hide their true color of counter-revolu- tionists and betrayers of the pro- letariat. We, however, need not be afraid of them. By pointing out our faults, it-means that our Party is healthy and ‘can stand constructive criticism and correct its faults The same cannot be said of the socialist pay which is basically counter- revolutionary and can only correct | its faults by eliminating itself. The Communist Party in its tenth more divided into two or three sect generous, more consolidated,, . and longer a simply propagandistic ox ganization, not any more a Part; divided in factions, but, an organisn going well towards its bolsheviza tion, a Party already capable a guiding big mass movements, 4 Party that has already penetratel in the shops, mines, mills, ete., et¢, which is the political and revolutio: ary guidance of the North Ame: ican workers, a Party that has b come the real vanguard of the ex ploited masses, that at the head the American workers will trans form the coming imperialist wat into a civil war for the establish ment of the Soviet Workers Repub- lic of North America! This is today the Communist Party of the USAJ J 1) 26° Sheet