The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 16, 1929, Page 4

" 0.5 New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Stu jquare, sa ral daily, e sant a pu@iAddrees and mail all checks to the Daily, Worker, 26-28 Un heres = except 16 By Mai) (in New York only) SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $8.00 a year; By Mail (outside of New York): « $2.50 three months $2.00 three. months ° $4.50 six months; $6.00 a year; $3.50 six months; “PARTY LIFE The Thea Suan ‘and Tasks of apa Lovestone’s Political Bankruptcy By E. R. In order to fully appreciate the complete political degeneration of Lovestone it is only necessary to have a talk with him. He has become the worst enemy of the Party and his political line, defintely and reeking with opportunism, is supported by the most vic ers against the leaders of the Communist International. ever he emphasizes his line of American exceptionalism. He further and tries to deny for most of the other countries the r zation of the working class that he so long denied in this country. Lovestone’s first reaction on meeting me sometime after hi was to denounce in the most abominal un-Communist manner all the leading comrades who were following the C. I. emotionally. that one could not recognize the former lea Party. Some of his choice remarks were that most of our comrades who had repudiated him were rats, crooks, squealers, job seekers,—that he had never trusted any of them—which is very significant, in view of his present treachery. The purely bour- geois reasons he gave for the support of the C. I. by our present leaders were that one was supporting the C. I. because of his wife, other because of his children the otier because he wanted to be s! tary and.so on until it became too ridiculous to listen to. He exposed himself completely as a counter-revolutionary, outdoing Trotsky in his assault, when speaking of the C. I. To him the C had degenerated into an anti-working class group—Stalin was a Gengas Khan, pursuing a policy of terrorism against all good Com ist ele- ments; he was deliberately wrecking the C. I—the C. P. U. A. was being destroyed in order to secure credits and recognition,—that the Czech, the German, Italian and French parties were almost completely destroyed—that Brandler and Thalheim had 000 dues paying mem- bers in thei¥ Party which was sufficient evidence of the decay of the German Party.” In the Czech Party 100,000 members had left, leay- ing only a few thousand in the Party—that the Italian Party was almost completely wrecked—that the terrorism against the real Bolshe- viks—Bukharin et al in the Russian Party—against Ewert and the other conciliators*in the German Party—demanded a similar terrorism on the part of such great defenders of the C. I. as Lovestone and his gang against Comrade Stalin. This was evidenced by their statements here and letters written from Berlin immediately after they left Mos- cow. Such actS are only paralled by the fascists. This personal hatred of. our gréatest ‘Bolshevik leader at the present time, together with their revision of Leninism, and their criminal acts against the Party should warn the-comrades against any vacillation and concilliation on Lovestonism. On the question of the Berlin May 1st—he denounced the German Party leaders and called them adventurers and murderers. He ridiculed the theory of radicalization of the American workers, declaring we were insane; he defended his theory of exceptionalism of American imperialism. He denounced the Five Year Plan as stupid and predicted the early smash up of the whole plan, in fact hoped for the breakdown of the most stupendous job yet attempted by our Rus- sian comrades, in order that Stalin might be overthrown. Hoover speaks the same language. . He categorically stated that the present leadership of our Party would be overthrown within a month, that the Party would smash up before that. The Party has answered this renegade properly by in- tensifying its work and ridding its ranks of right wingers, oppor- tunists and anti-Party members generally, thereby strengthening our ranks for a réal Bolshevik struggle against all our enemies including Lovestone and Co., who are today the most vicious enemy of the work- ing cla leading hypocrits, Latin American Briefs By ALBERT MOREAU. Secialists Betray General Strike in Rosario. The general strike in Rosario was an indication of the resistance cf the workers against capitalist offensive. It started with the flat refusal ofthe mill workers of La Metal and Minetti to accept the pro- posed cut in wages and open shop by the mill owners. The dock work- ers of Santa Fe, port of Rosario, refused the shipment of cereals un- less the bosses dropped their proposals. The port was completely tied up. The railroad workers followed. The situation became acute when all the workers on strike joined forces and formed “Committees of Action.” It became particularly menacing to the bourgeois order when the workers in Buenos Aires were preparing to eat the general | strike over the Republic, In Rosario, the strike took on a genuine class euneacees The Communist Party, true to its class program, came out unreservedly in | support of the strike. It was a struggle against capitalist offensive which is threatening to extend over Argentine. It tended not only to ‘lower the living standard of the workers, but also to break their spinal column: the trade unions, especially in the docks with a 100 per cent organized labor. On the dgy after the agreement, police terror was begun under the direct orders of President Irigoyen—raids, persecutions against the militant leaders of the Committees of Action. The workers were forced to’ return to. work. The bourgeois and socialist press centered their fire upon the Communists who were the driving force behind the strike. The general strike in Rosario marked a new epoch for the combined power of the workers against the capitalist offensive. It also taught the workers that the socialist leaders do not hesitate to join the enemy. The capitalists of Argentine have won a temporary victory. The work- ers have made a tremendous stride forward: it was the first time that 100,000 workers paralyzed Rosario. Workers, irrespective of their trade, were conducting their struggle under the leadership of the Com- mittees of Action. Furthermore, the treachery of the reformist leaders | will never be forgotten by the workers. them to reckon with the This treachery will compel “inside enemies” when the next battle comes. THE TERROR IN INDONESIA By REESEMA. The Indonesian Independence movement has tried to reestablish | itself in spite of the permanent terror exercised by the Dutch govern- ment during the last years. This has mainly taken place in the form of a revival of the trade union movement. The Dutch government has now delivered a fresh blow to the ~moyement, The Dutch papers report that at the end of July in Sura- baya, Djokakarta, and Solo in Java, and in Medan in Sumatra, 25 leaders of the independent trade unions were arrested. House searches took place in the editorial offices of the Malayan paper “Pewaita Deli” and of the Chinese paper “Sin Huan Po”; Kusuma Sumantri, a bar- rister, was arrested. The Dutch Telegraph agency (Aneta) reports that the independent trade unions (Sarekat Kaum Buru Indonesia) are under the leader- _ ship of the Communist Marsuti; that the government had long been in possession of information regarding the activity of these trade unions but only intervened at the moment when the Sarekat Kaum Buru Indonesia affiliated to the Anti-Imperialist League. All the ar- rested are:to be-interned on the isle of New Guinea. The Independent trade unions were founded after the insurrection at the beginning of 1928. The organization took the form of a unity federation; issued a paper and recently organized the metal workers, the railway mien and the post officials, before all in Eastern Java. The government intervened as soon as these trade unions started to organize the workers of the powerful sugar industry. This policy consists in the sharpest terror against the Left ele- ments while at the same time trying to corrupt the Right nationalists by appointing ‘these elements to government commissions, by promising measures for raising the position of the native middle class and the native trade and by holding out to the moderate nationalists the pros- pect of a greater freedom of movement being granted to them. "In this: policy the Dutch government enjoys the support of the Dutch social democracy. The arrest of the leader of the independent trade unions was the first act of Muhlenfeld, the social democratic Director of Indonesia’s Ministry of the Interior, on assuming office. Stockvis, a member of the Executive of the Dutch social democratic party, who quite recently was aetive in Indonesia and during the insurrection advised the gov- ernor general to'hang the arrested Communists, some weeks ago came forward as a denouncer; he wrote in the Dutch:social democratic daily “Het Volk” that Communist nuclei are working inside the left na- tionalists and the independent trade unions. At is an undeniable fact that the new wave of terror in In lonesia {is inspired and carried out by the Dutch social fascists. y ~ el aT Fe the Communist International Report of Comrade Kuusinen AT THE TENTH PLENUM OF THE EXECUT *1VE COMMITTEE OF THE COMINTERN Social Fascism. Along with the fascisation of the bourgeois class rule there goes on also the process of fascisation of the reformist trade union bureau- y and of the parties of the Second International. Reformist and social democracy develop into social-fascism. One might think this ription to be only a term of abuse. No, deeds characterise the real ndpoint of a political party. One should not look into the mouth of the social democrats, but into their fists. At the first congress of the Second International it was resolved to organize everywhere na- tional demonstrations and manifestations on the First of May. Today the German section of the Second International carries on armed police attacks against the May Day demonstrations of the German workers. The German social-democratic leaders have become police-socialists. The reformists are working everywhere in the different class struggle organizations of the bourgeoisie, in the organs of compulsory arbitra- tion, in the “central economic councils,” and the like. Yesterday we could read in the press that in France the compulsory arbitration act was passed by parliament. I do not know, but I am firmly convinced that at least a section of the social democrats have voted for it (A voice: All of them!) This is what could be expected. They have voted also for the Boncour Law. They have voted for the exceptional laws against the revolutionary labor movement. part in the war preparations. They are rendering thousands of services, big and little, as the executioners for imperialism, as administrative authoriti both in France and in the colonies. Do not all these prac- tices constitute fascist actions? They do. But are the social democrats the same as the fascists? Not quite so: they are social-fascists. There is a difference. What is the difference? The fa ts are nationalists, imperialists, war-mongers, enemies of socialism, enemies of democracy, stranglers of the independent labor movement, workers’ assassins, and so on. The social-fascists are acting as a rule like the fascists, but they do their fascist work not with an open face, but behind a smoke-screen, as is done in war. This belongs to the nature of social-fascism: imperialist policy in the name of inter- nationalism, capitalist policy in the name of socialism, abolition of the democratic rights of the toilers in the name of democracy, abolition of Teton in the name of reformism, assasination of workers in the name f labor politics, and so on, The pathos of “pure” fascism is expressed in the slogan of “the nation” and in the open incitement to imperialist expansion. The pathos of the social-fascists is expressed in the slogan of keeping up the state. “We have saved the state!” “Without us the state would have perished!” The simple fascists may also be connected with certain masses; for instance, this characterises to some extent the nature of Italian fascism. But the social-fascists are more con- nected with the proletarian mass movement, with the historically de- veloped mass organizations of the workers which they are trying to use against the working class. The simple fascists pursue simple tac- tics, the tactics of fire and sword. Social-fascists must apply combined, more cautious and more elastic tactics: they’ must resort more to maneuvers, to the backstairs methods of parliamentarism and to all the dodges of electioneering demagogy, to pacifist phraseology in for- eign politics, and so on. The aims of the fascist and the social-fascists are the same: the difference consists in the slogans, and partly also in the methods. There is also a certain difference in that “pure” fascism does not employ any left wing, while to social-fascism such a wing is absolutely necessary. And as soon as its “left” becomes politically discredited, it must create a new left wing. It is the special task of the left wing of social-fascism to operate with pacifist, democratic and “socialist” slogans. It is clear that the farther advanced the progress of social-fascism, the closer it gets to “pure” fascism. Yet this development is a lengthy process. In the social democracy of the different countries there are different stages of this process to be observed, British laborism can perhaps be discredited as social-fascism in the caterpillar stage, where- as the S.D.P. of Germany is already in the butterfly stage. At our last World Congress we spoke about the “germs” of social-fascist de- velopment in the Second International. Now these germs have #fready grown luxuriantly. In the course of further development it will be ever more difficult for the social-fascists to obliterate the glaring con- tradiction between their words and their deeds. This will eventually c The Trade Union Unity Convention and the Lovestone Opposition They are taking an active | ! cause social-fascism to lose its specific role. It is not difficult to un- mask the simple kind of fascism, The simple fascist openly acknowl- edges his fascist faith. But the social-fascists, exposed as such, is like an exposed agent provocateur: in this function he is of no further use to the bourgeoisie, he has to be either discharged or put in some dif- ferent service. The unmasking of social-fascism is therefore a highly important task for us. When Wels spoke out openly at the Magdeburg Congress of the German socialist party in favor of the dictatorship, it seems to me that he was rather rash and imprudent in his speech. He should® have previously consulted Kautsky whether dictatorship or democracy was the est suitable slogan for social-fascism. Since Ger- man fascism openly declares in favor of bourgeois dictatorship, since social-fascism openly shows itself up as fascism, it will no longer be difficult to win the majority of the working class in Germany for the proletarian revolution. In view of the ever-growing crises, the bourgeoisie in Great Britain and in Germany is compelled to make use of the social-fascists for government purposes. In these countries it is very difficult for the bourgeoisie.to maintain itself without the aid of the reformists and of “industrial peace,” as well as to cover its war preparations by the cloak of pacifism. When Chamberlain or Baldwin speak of “securing peace,” of the “democratic rights of the colonies,” or of “labor policies,” no worker has any faith in them. They have tried it to the best of their ‘ability, but the result was that eight million votes were polled j{ by the Labor Party. That is why it becomes necessary for the British bourgeoisie to resort to the services of the Labor Party. The present function of the social democracy consists, firstly, in misleading and ‘sidetracking the petty-bourgeois opposition to the im- perialist policies of finance-capital, in overcoming its pacifist and demo- cratic scruples; secondly, in overcoming the reformist labor opposition to capitalist rationalization and other offensive measures of finance capital, and°in recruiting direct supporters of fascisation of the state regime among certain privileged strata of the working class; thirdly, in curbing the process of radicalization among the large masses of the workers by attempting to split the workers’ front and to break up the Communist labor movement. Naturally, it is a different question to what extent the social democracy succeeds in carrying out these func- tions. The Left Development of the Working Class. As against the fascisation process of the social democracy there is the great. process of the left development of the working class. What does this left development mean? It means the development of the large masses of the proletariat from the standpoint of reformist opposition to the revolutionary mass struggle. It is the great move- ment within the working class that characterizes the present period. How is this process going on? What does the course and the pace of this process depend upon? This is a highly important question. for our practical policies. I might answer to this that the radicalization process among the proletarian masses depends upon the revolutionizing experiences gained by these masses during the present period. These are, above all: (1) experiences as to the changes in the objective situa- tion, ie, in their own situation as well as in that of the bourgeoisie; (2) experiences as regards the social-fascist policies of the social de- mocracy; (8) experiences of the working masses as regards the struggle and activity of the Communist Party. The absolute worsening of the economic conditions of the working class which is going on under various forms yields valuable new ex- periences to the prgjetarian masses, which increase the proletarian class consciousness of the workers while shattering the reformist illusions. The mass unemployment, the general insecurity of the workers’ exist- ence (even in the United States where the existence of the working class used to be considered the most secure), these are among the most essential factors in. this worsening of the conditions of the working class,. There is also a large section of the skilled workers steadily losing their privileged position. You will recollect how even some Com- munists used to speak about a tremendously large labor aristocracy; this was quite true in the past, but it is a good deal less the case at the present time.. The imperialist facilities for the corruption of cer- tain elements of the working class are becoming more circumscribed; the impoverishment, and consequently the resentment (as Marx puts it) is-growing at an extraordinary pace. “(To be Continued) The Lovestoneites at Cleveland PART Il. By JACK STACHEL. There was no challenge to the main line laid down at the Trade Union Unity Convention. There were no “official” Musteites at the convention. The one or two Cannon followers did not dare raise any issues and the Lovestoneites, in the face of the proletarian convention full of militant spirit, could not find the courage to present their line. Their cowardice did not allow them to venture into opposing the main line of the convention. Before the convention the Loyestoneites_by casted circulars in which they spoke of the “decisive test at the Cleveland Convention.” They sent out instructions to their few followers asking them to elect delegates “who hold our opinions on the Sixth World Congress,” but they did not have the courage in the face of the successful convention to present their “opinions on the Sixth World Congress.” And they calculated correctly this time. Their few lieuten- ants at the convention would have been given the thrashing of their tunist anti-Comintern line. They merely challenged the line of the convention on two questions—the Labor Party and on the Gastonia Defense. | The Lovestoneites who claimed that they “submit” to the decisions, tho they disagree, and, who, in their private caucuses and in their circulars, still try to fool some of their hesitant followers by the pledge “that we will not fight the Party among the masses,” showed that their failure to put forth the opportunist Lovestoneite-Anti-. Comintern line was due entirely to their isolation and cowardice, and they openly challenged the Party line on the above two questions on the convention floor. It is interesting to note that one of those who introduced a resolution, (Gastonia) Frank Vretaric protested most strongly before the District Committee that he will carry out all deci- sions. Indeed; Vretaric did carry out decisions. But not the decisions of the Comintern and the Party, but the decisions of the Lovestone opportunist splitters and the International Right. Lovestoneite Liberal Gastonia Resolution. The two resolutions—the one on Gastonia put forth by Vretaric, and the Labor Party put forth by Gitlow both accepted the Muste position against the line of the Party. The Gastonia resolution is a purely liberal resolution challenging the line of the Party which - speaks of the right of the workers to organize themselves for their defence and the defence of their organizations and substitutes for it the slogan of frame-up as the chief slogan. The resolution adopted by the convention did not fail to point out that the capitalist courts will use frame up methods against the Gastonia workers, but it lays down as the main line the class line of the workers right to organize for. self defence. The position of Lovestone is the same as that of Cannon, Must, Thomas and the Civil Liberities Union, unanimously adopted resolution on Gastonia and the show of solidarity of the convention with the Gastonia victims showed that the Lovestoneites have nothin in common with the proletariat. # on lives had they dared make the convention a forum for their oppor- | Opportunist Labor Party Resolution. The Labor Party resolution introduced by Gitlow is an out and out endorsement and pledge to work for the Labor Party not on the basis of the decision of the Sixth World Congress which states “that the Party concentrates on the work in the trade unions, on organization of the unorganized, etc., and in this way lay the basis for the practical realization of the slogan of a broad Labor Party, organized from be- low,” but on the same basis as that laid down by the Musteites. Little wonder than that this Labor Party resolution introduced by Gitlow does not attack the Musteites does not even mention them. Lovestone’s Mouthpiece of Muste. The Lovestone group in ‘the convention was the mouthpiece also of the Musteites and the Cannonites in putting forth these two resolutions. The proletarian convention consisting overwhelmingly of workers from the shops unanimously rejected the two opportunist resolutions and unanimously adopted the resolutions presented to the convention em- bodying the correct line, The few Lovestonites did not even summon enough courage in the face of the defeat. they suffered to vote for their own resolution: Also’ they merely presented their resolution in writing any of the other Lovestoneites took the floor, Throughout the convention, neither Gitlow who attended most of sessions as a member of the National Committee of the T.U.E.L. nor any of the other Lovestonites took the floor, In the election of the National Committee Gitlow was nominated from the floor and received but two votes out of 690! ; August 1 and August 31° August 31 like August 1 has demonstrated the correctness of the line of the Comintern and the criticism it has made of the past line and work in the Party as embodied. in the Open Letter to the convention and in the Address. ‘The Central Committee in correctly. applying this line in the August 1 demonstrations and in the Trade Union Unity League Convention has been able to mobilize masses in the struggle against American imperialism in larger number than ever in the past. This was accomplished in spite of the fact that the Party did not yet succeed-in making clear to the entire membership the full meaning and significance of the decisions of the Sixth World Congress and the Address. \ This was accomplished in apite of the fact that the Party has of necessity diverted much of its energy in purging itself from the opportunist elements. This was achieved in the face of the fact that there still existed in sections of the Party underestimation of the radi- calization and: pessimism. The results achieved are only a fraction of what could have been achieved if it were not for the wrong line followed by the Party for some time, particularly between the Ninth Plenum of the E.C.C,I, (February, 1928) and the arrival of the Address (May, - 1929), The convention demonstrated: that the masses are ready for ‘militant struggle in increasing numbers, That the Party did not keep pace with the developing ‘mood of the masses for struggle. The con- vention, however, also demonstrated that on the basis of the correct line of the Comstatesn and its ares arena by he care Sa E SAW UT ve thasiser' Reprinted, by permission, from “If Saw It Myself” by Henri Barbusse, published and copyrighted by E. P, Dutton & Cou Imes New York. — THE WORST TORTURE OF ALL. “CPHAT’S just what they did with us. They prevented us from sink- ing into the depths of apathy and despair, from taking our lives, only to show us more clearly that we were done for, and that the great cause we cherished counted for nothing in the world. They gave us a few hours’ indulgence to have the laugh of us all the more surely, and this time, for good and all. “Comrades, you have told us of tortures—and we have known them too—that rouse the old Adam in man as nothing else can. But I tell you that this stunt of organizing labor day celebrations inside the walls of a bear garden, and between two stiff doses of ill-treatment, was more than we men could stand.” Having thus told their tales in turn, the five nightmare raisers. up to make for bed, for its was late, and next morning they were start- ing out to begin life over again in the land where the day’s work crowns the day with light. But before we parted, one of them growled out these final words: “When will the workers understand that they are like a gang of prisoners whom their governnors fool now and then with occasional feast days and shows, only the better to deceive them and spite them— punish them for being what they are!” CONTAMINATION fiat background to this knot of men was so hot with light that one "s. eyes were dazzled and blinded—flowers, greenery, the sea like a tiled floor of blue, and the sun striking down over all the shore. The spot where they were sitting, in the shadow of a growing’build- ing, was marked by heaps of rubble, wet mortar and bricks. They wore tattered clothes smeared with plaster, and workmen’s shoes. | Italian was the language they spoke, for they were Italians, driven out by barbarians from a country not unlike France, until the black shirts defiled it.: They were working on the Cote d'Azur, in the hands of a large contractor, who took advantage of the fact that they were spied on by the Italian police, to sweat them like a herd of beasts, and keep them penned up here. It was the first time they had come together in this place. They did not know one another, Among this knot of Italian slave refugees there were three work- men from another country. Their grey caps and their mufflers—one blue, one orange and one black—marked them out, They did not un- derstand a word of Italian. a ee ee, , E one who wore the orange muffler was a fat fellow, with a beard as curly as astrakhan. He was always puffing and going, zizi, even when he wasn’t speaking. As a rule he was rather silent, but sometimes told queer little tales in tolerably good French. With his hand he pointed—for it was time to go easy now—to something far away. “A small house out in the snow.” He explained “snow.” What a contrary fellow to talk of such things in sunshine like that! He stared at us, hard, one after another, to drive home what he was saying. He showed us his landscape—white, white as a sheet of paper; trees as dry as old feather dusters, swathed in snow; a few pines, however, with green shavings. Here, a big heap of stones on which lay snow, sacks full. There, farm implements, all made of wood} even the plough was entirely made of wood. There, a church tower. And over all—with a downward sweep—snow shavings. His description made one shudder with cold, We said: going to tell us about a murder.” But no: “There were children playing.” “What country are you frem?” one of us asked. “That’s Bulgaria,” he said. ‘i “Does it snow there? It’s in the south all right.” He explained that even in fine weather countries it can be cold too; (for the matter of that, Bulgarian weather is not particularly good) and that countries are like people; all pretty well alike at bottom. Wit- ness this village, this church, these children. playing. (To be Continued) le “He's portant shortcomings. The convention shows the great possibilities in the immediate work. 3 No Relaxation in Activity. *7 The big task before us now is to follow up the convention activity in the most energetic manner. We must carry on a struggle against all right wing tendencies, all forms of pessimism, and prepare the entire Party ideologically for the big tasks before us, The entire Party must be mobilized for mass work. The Trade Union Unity League must be built in all industries and localities. The program of the T.U.U.L. must be popularized among the millions of exploited workers. Special efforts must be made to organize the Negro workers. An ideological struggle against white chauvinism must be carried on. The Party must recognize the important role of women and youth in ration- alized industry and develop special methods and forms for assisting the T.U.U.L. in the organization. Post Convention Tasks. The T.U.U.L. will be built in the huge struggles that will take place for the organization of the unorganized in trustified basic in- dustries. We must guard against the T.U.U.L. becoming a small self- satisfied organization of propaganda uniting merely the present small organization. From the very beginning the T.U.U.L. must enter into struggle and really become the center uniting the struggles of the un- organized workers, and organize them into industrial unions, The T.U.U.L. must increase its activity in the A. F. of L. unions in which there are still large masses and win them to the support of the Trade Union Unity League and destroy the influence of the social reformists in the ranks of the workers and the trade unions. The Party member- ship must realize that this means for us no letting up for a moment after the convention but on the contrary the most energetic revolu- tionary activity—the building of shop nuclei, particularly in the basic industries, the publication of factory papers, the organization of fac- tory committees, the building up of the Party Press, particularly the Daily Worker. The Party districts must assist the LL. in the work of the formation of local unions among the unorgani ed. as part of the already existing national unions, or as a basi: tional industrial unions. New Forms and Methods. % The Party must make clear to the membership the decisions of the R.LL.U. and of the T.U.U.L. The special methods of work, strike strategy, workers’ defense, struggle against social fascism, the develop- ment of initiative of the workers, genuine proletarian jocracy, ete, must be popularized. The T.U.U.L. must become an important inatrument in the struggle against imperialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union, 4 eal Me Wg Ps) a Defeat Right Danger. ‘August 1 and August 31 have been’ vietéries ‘to the Party and have not only brought defeat to but have further unmasked opportunist Lovestone splitters. The Party is today healthier, ‘strot ; bettér-pre- pared for the struggle as a result of the correctionof. the Aine. of the the Party by the Comintern and the purging’ of the Party of Saenger elements. The Party must not only conduct a struggle Lovestone splitters but against all manifestati on the basis of the defeat of all opportunist ter er sie: ony itself of the incurable opportunists, will the Piryocee into’s mags Party and become fhe leader of th nasses, , ; | “With opportunists and mensheviks thi its eR iy foge revolution cannot triumph or maintain ens (Lenin: On Speeches About Freedom.). . OEE a2 In this spirit of the teaching of Lenin the Party will. | procesd te in the struggle against opportunism, increasing its activity among the ‘masses, winning’ their support. for’ the~proletarian revolution. ‘The T.U.U.L. convention is only a small: beginning but an important step. towards the mobilization of the workers of the U. S. for the overthrow ofAmerian impli, woe es tie ei ‘