The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 12, 1929, Page 4

Page Four Baily Bas Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. Daily, except Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Inc... Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New York City, N. ‘Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable: “DAIWORK.’ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mati (in New York only): $4.50 six months By Mail (outside of New York): $3.50 six months $2.00 three montn> | $3.00 a year $2.50 three months 36.00 a year Adéress and mai! all checks New York, to the Datly Worker, 26-28 Union Square PARITY LIFE Statement of N. E. C. of Y. C. L. SUPPORTING THE NATIONAL YOUNG WORKERS SCHOOL. The National Young Workers School has opened! an its five weeks of intensive study at Cleveland on September 2nd with 45 workers present as students, joey pest in the history of our movement. All of the students are young workers and the big majority of them are from the basic in- dustries: young miners, young metal workers, etc. They come from crery section of the United States, from Boston to Seattle and from North to South. They are predominantly Americanized young workers ‘ho will be able to go out and organize the basic sections of the young workers for our movement. ‘The National Young Workers School opened despite the greatest obstacles and handicaps. Insufficient money had been collected at the time of the opening. At least $1,000 was needed immediately if the school was to continue. It was necessary to start the school, how- ever, despite all these difficuRies because trained proletarian forces at the present tim munist League and for the revolutionary workers. Nn L districts made it impossible to postpone the school a single day. e both for our Young Com- mass organizations of the A wire has been received from Cleveland stating that: “School closes this week unless five hundred dollars rushed immediately. Comrades! We cannot allow this important school to fail! We cannot let these students representing the best composition ever gath- ered together for a National School of the Party or League, go home without completing their five weeks of study. We cannot close this school without accomplishing our purpose in the training of new prole- tarian leading forces which is such a vital necessity for our movement at the present time. MEET THIS EMERGENCY! Don't allow the National Young Workers School to fail! Every working class organization should make an immediate donation to the school. Every sympathetic worker should give his help. Every Party and League unit should donate something immediately. RUSH ALL POSSIBLE FUNDS TO NATIONAL YOUNG WORK- ERS SCHOOL COMMITTEE, 2046 E. 4th St., CLEVELAND, OHIO. NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE, U.S. A. Decision on Bert Miller and Sam Levitch. Bert Miller, the first of the supporters of the Lovestone right wing | group to mobilize a concealed opposition against the Party, is expelled from the Party by action of the Central Control Commission. Miller was the New York leader of that element that accepted in words the ‘Address of the Communist International but tried covertly to carry on splitting propaganda based upon the right wing line of Lovestone. Sam Levitch was one of those most active in support of Miller’s political adventurism and petty bourgeois individualism. He stands expelled from the Party with Miller for his support of the right wing line of the renegade group of Lovestone. Louis Hendin, an incurable opportunist and adventurer, who went over to the camp of the social-fascists, is expelled. The same fate befell Anthony Jenkins for his betrayal of the Party and his support of the treacherous line of Sidney Hillman. We herewith publish the decisions of the Central Control Com- mission of the C. P. U. S. A. on the expulsions of Miller, the expulsion of Louis Hendin. By recent action of the Central Control Committee of the Party, Bert Miller-and Sam Levitch stand expelled from the Communist Party of the U. S. A. for anti-Party and anti-Comintern activities, as agents and supporters of Lovestone and his splitting efforts. Bert Miller (a teacher by profession) and Sam Levitch (an elec- trician), who both had been in responsible Party positions in District 2, New York, were called before the Control Committee shortly after the receipt of C. I. Address, and were questioned about certain acts of opposition to the decisions of the C.J. and of the Party; but both de- clared their acceptance of these decisions while stating their disagree- ment with them. Their subsequent actions in attending Lovestone caucus meetings, distributing factional documents, etc., proved that their declarations of acceptance were mere subterfuge in line with Lovestone’s splitting tactics. Every action of Miller and Levitch gives the lie to their assertion of submission. Every action was calculated to mobilize against the ‘Party and not to demonstrate Bolshevist discipline within the Party. The Party.cannot tolerate within its ranks those who are op- posed to the line and decisions of the Comintern and of the Party, and who, under one pretense or another, seek to remain in the Party only to carry on better their fight against the Party and against the Comintern. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE C. P. OF U.S. A. CHAS. DIRBA, Secretary. * EXPEL ANTHONY JENKINS. The Central Control Committee has expelled Anthony Jenkins from the Communist Barty of the U. S. A. for flagrant violation of Party policies and for betraying the interests of the workers. A member of Party Sec. 6, Dist. 2 (New York), Jenkins was also Lithuanian organizer for the Amalgamated Workers of America. In the latter capacity he went from city to city, knowingly violated specific Party policies, went out of his way to serve the Hillman machine, and helped them all he could to push through their class-collaboration pol- icies and their betrayals of the interests of the workers. CENTRAL CONTROL COMMITTEE C. P. OF U. S. A. CHAS. DIRBA, Secretary. * THE EXPULSION OF LOUIS HENDIN FROM THE COMMUNIST PARTY, U.S. A. * Louis Hendin, by. profession, dentist, Party history previously ex- _ pelled from the Communist Party in 1922, joining the social reformist, Salutzky, in his attempt to liquidate the underground Communist Party and converting the Party into a reformist organization. Reinstated in 1925, after admitting publicly his opportunism in fighting the C. P. and Communist International. Since that time kept in the Party on probation, has participated in little or no activity in general Party work, has now relapsed into his former opportunist positiow and has gone over completely into the camp of the social fascists, the socialist party. Hendin has become a writer of the Jewish Forward, the organ Party as an enemy of the Party and Communist International, op- portunist adventurer and petty-bourgeois element opposed to the prole- tarian revolution. DISTRICT EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, COMMUNIST PARTY, U, S.A. DIST. 2. It began its | This great need for new forces both nationally and in the | Levitch and | Jenkins, and the statement by the New York District Committee on | | } | The composition of the students | use of the tremendous need for | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1929 The International Situation and Task the Communist International Report of Comrade Kuusinen AT THE TENTH PLENUM OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMINTERN THE REPARATIONS QUESTION. | Ten years ago, when Muller signed the Versailles Agreement, the | situation in the reparations question was not as complicated as it is now. The dictum then was: Germany must pay, it must pay a great deal, and if it does not pay, we will beat it as one beats somebody | else’s pig.” And Germany was beaten, corridors were made in East | Germany, whole regions were occupied in West Germany, and thus the | country was surrounded by walls and besieged. But after a few years one could see that—as an old proverb says—no walls are so high that | a donkey with a load of gold could not get over them (today a donkey | with a load of gold is no longer a donkey). The dollar came from America, and Germany began to pay with dollars. This was the turn- | ing point. Ten years ago, when the saintly Wilson was in Versailles, he said to the Allies in the name of American capitalists: “I am for self-determination of all peoples, do &s you please, but on the sole | condition that you pay me back every dollar you owe; where you are to take this money from, does not worry me, and if, in this connection, you will show no respect for the self-determination of other peoples, I can look the other way, in order not to see anything.” But the Dawes | and Young method is quite different. America, said Lenin, robs the | world in an “original” manner, i.e. for the time being, in a business-like manner. One can see that this applies elso to the manner of the present solution of the reparations problem: abolition of the political commissars of the victorious powers in Germany, and their substitu- tin By bank commissars; the contemplated evacuation of the Rhine- land; the substitufion of military occupation methods by the financial machinations of the new international reparations bank; fixation of the maximum amount of the war contribution; abolition of the transfer- protection, commercial mobilization of the reparation debts of Ger- many. What is the speculation of the four chief partners at the Paris gambling table? The pretensions of the French government were nearest to the original Versailles standpoint: as many contributions from Germany as possible without opening the door even the least bit for imperialist expansion by Germany. In regard to the maximum amount of the contribution, the French government was compelled to make concessions, but in the agreeable form that French imperialism is to get a great deal of money in the next years (through the com- mercialization of reparations), but naturally at the expense of the future and at the price of renouncing direct colonization policy as far as Germany is concerned. This form is agreeable to the French im- perialism because it cannot of course know what the world will be like in 387 or 58 years, and therefore every franc in the pocket is worth much more in the next years than the finest promises for the dis- tant future. Thus, its consent rested on a very real calculation. What was the speculation of the German “understanding” politicians in Paris? They said: “Although we are incapable, of paying, as, our experts can prove, we are prepared to pay even more than your ex- perts think possible, provided you give us certain colonial mandates and such-like things. This was said (or hinted at) especially by the unofficial German representatives in Paris. This naive speculation, to be able to secure, through the goodwill of France and Britain, pros- pects of colonial expansion, has completely failed in Paris. Moreover, the British government wanted in Paris to tie Germany more securely to the Anglo-French bloc (of course, without itself losing any financial advantages), and eventually to separate Germany from the United States, especially by linking up the question of German reparations with the demand to reduce the inter-allied debts to the United States. But also this speculation failed to a great extent. On its part, the American imperialism, represented in Paris by the Morgan firm, showed its willingness to negotiate financially Ger- many’s release from the Glutches of the direct colonization policy of France, but at the price of satisfactory economic and political provision: the prospect of gradually placing Germany under American financial control, of using it subsequently as a basis of American financial con- trol, also for various parts of Europe, and in the future eventually even as a political counterpoise against British imperialism. It seems to me that this American speculation has been given a good chance through the Young-Plan. Without the participation of American capi- tal, nothing could have been done. The Americans know that this Young-business requires capital, but as everyone knows, with the Americans finance technique is a high art, with a relatively small in- vestment of capital they manage to secure a maximum of power and control, THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY In fact, the attitude of American imperialism has undergone a considerable change in these ten years. The Monroe doctrine is all right, but it no longer satisfies American imperialism. The export of American capital is playing an important role. Once this mass ex- port of capital from the United States has started, why should this capital be invested only in China or in the backward countries in gen- eral surely, a highly developed industrial country such as Germany will do at least just as well in regard to working for the accumulation of American finance capital. As a vassal state under American con- trol, Germany would certainly be made welcome. ...* Lately, such specluations have sometimes been revealed by certain remarks in Ameri- can financial circles; very characteristic was also the advice given recently in the bulletin of the New York National City Bank in regard to the solution of the German reparations question. Germany must work more and eat less. According to the Young Plan, Germany must pay, pay a great deal, but the export possibilities of the German capitalism have not been extended. This very important question has not even been dealt with in Paris. Can Germany pay or not? Keynes, in his last. article, thinks that it cannot, Comrade Varga thinks that it can. .We should therefore be cautious in our statements. What is going to happen in 87 or 58 years time, is a special question (we have our own views on this matter), but as to what will happen in the next few years, we can safely prophesy that enormous difficulties are in store in regard to the carrying through of the Young Plan. As I have already said, the German bourgeoisie, on its part, is not prepared simply to rest content with the modest role of paying the yearly war contribution; it too is determined to go in for an imperialist policy. This policy implies that Germany must to a ceftain extent comply with the existing system of the imperialist world forces such as they are. But this system is full of great antagonisms, and the position of the inadequately armed German bourgeoisie cannot be an easy one. The “understanding policy” in its present form will serve no purpose after the evacuation of the Rhineland. What then? I reckon with a growing American orientation of the German bourgeoisie, Does this mean immediate definite wheel- ing round to an anti-British or anti-French policy on the part of the German bourgeoisie? Certainly not. The position of the German bourgeoisie is precarious. This prevents it taking up an uncompromis- ing attitude to this greatest antagonism between the imperialist big powers. In the small town where I went to school in my young days, there lived a merchant, no Croesus by any means according to modern ideas, but certainly the richest man in the said town; there were two parties in the town, and before every municipal election, when he was asked by his cutomers for which party he would vote, he said: “I am not rich enough to have political principles.” Neither is«the German bourgeoisie already rich enough to choose between Britain and America. | « But in any case, the law of dependence of bourgeois ideology on the golden chains, will assert itself. The relation between debtor creditor is sounder than the relation between buyer and seller. Accord- ing to the Young Plan, American imperialism plays in regard to Ger- any the role of chief creditor, who is moreover always prepared to give new loans. From the standpoint of the German bourgeoisie and its imperialistic pretensions, the American orientation can appear, if not and | | | very much, at least a little more promising than the present practical | capitulation policy before the Franco-Polish expansion. In his last speech, Stresemann mentioned ‘coloni in the policy of American imperialism. This is corr exist. But considering that Stresemann did © 9t discover in his former speeches such tendencies in the French imperialism which occupied the Rhineland, we can assume that in the next years he will be im- pelled to give fulsome praise to the growing dependence of German im- perialism on American financial control, as being in the “national in- terest of Germany.” Or, if he be not prepared to do so, the Gerr bourgeoisie will be probably compelled to look for another Foreign Minister. ation tendencies et, such tendenc THE “SOLUTION” OF THE IMPERIALIST ANTAGONISMS. Does the provisional attempt to solve the reparations question mean a “bridging over” of the imperialisy differences, Comrade Varga thinks in his amendment to our draft theses? It does not. At- tempts to bridge over, is one thing, but the result of these attempts, is another. The Young Commission itself has expressed its apprehen- sions as follows in its report: “Should their (the participants’) attitude show any of hostility or even district, or should it show a desire to br about or continue one-sided economic discriminations, then a settlement which could be effected provided there be goodwill, would meet with difficulties sooner or later, so that the slow, painstaking and patient work of the reconstruction of Europe would experience a lasting setback. For without goodwill and mutual confidence all agreements and guarantees are worthless.” To reckon on “good will” in the existing imperialist contradictions, | does not sound very hopeful. Or gan one really imagine that the existing imperialist contradictions will not assert themselves in the international reparations bank? I think they will. I will not speak at this juncture about the prospect of an accentuation of the internal class differences in Germany, I will come to this later on. But firstly, there is no prospect whatever of getting rid of the Anglo-American contradiction through this solution of the reparations problem, we must rather expect a sharpening of the contradiction. Secondly, the Franco- German relations are bound to become more strained. Thirdly, we must reckon with the following prospect: enormous difficulties will arise in the carrying through of ‘the Young Plan, because the question of export markets for Germany has remained unsolved. Where is its solution to be found? In some African colonies for Germany? But this is ridiculous! They will look for this solution everywhere, but above all in the East, in the Soviet Union. No other country stands in such need of the markets of the Soviet Union as precisely Germany. The pressure of the capitalist world on the Soviet Union will increase. The old slogan “Germany must pay” will be gradually converted into new slogan “Russia must pay, Russia must buy, and if it does not want to, we will establish a blockade of the whole capitalist world against the Soviet Union.” This will probably be the subject of the forthcoming conversation between MacDonald and Hoover, and the big speculators who will be sitting in the International Reparations Bank will cer- tainly pursue the policy of increased pressure on the Soviet Union. Then, this anti-Soviet policy will be pursued with the direct participa- tion of American imperialism, perhaps even under its leadership, and this means a big step in the direction of establishing the general capi- talist united front against the Soviet Union. Not only in the German reparations question is the old frame- | work of the Versailles Peace Treaty becoming too narrow for the ex- pansion of American imperialism. British, French and Japanese © pansion can go on more or less comfortably on the basis of the Ver- sailles Agreement, On the other hand, the expansion of the United States outside the American Continent can for the time being achieve’ only economic gains. Not only Europe is to be open to American financial expansion, not only freedom of all the seas, b.t open doors in all continents, has become the slogan of American imperialism. The Monroe Doctrine is all right, but not wide enough for this imperialism which has become so gigantically strong economically. Shut the doors of the American continent, but open the doors of all other continents! THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ANTAGONISM. The economic struggle between British and American capital is as- suming ever-growing and sharper forms. In South America, we see a vivid example of this. Inevitably, the economic struggle is converted into political struggle. The competition in armaments is assuming a feverish character on both sides. Does this stage of mutual war pre- parations exclude the continuance of negotiations about “limitation of armaments,” “maintenance of peace” and “outlawing war?” Certainly not. Negotiations concerning peace are a necessary component part of war preparations. We know this well from the history of the nego- tiations between Germany, Great Britain and France on the eve of the imperialist world war. The “success” of these negotiations was trum- peted everyday in the whole capitalist press, and some diplomats eve! thought that the prospects of the peaceful settlement had greatly im- proved just at the moment when, suddenly, the war broke,out. Sud- denness, surprise, belong to the launching of an imperialist world war | just as much as the preceding pacifist negotiations. Such negotiations are necessary from various viewpoints. Firstly, in order to prepare the mass of one’s own people for the event of war. Especially after the experience of the last imperialist war, which is still in the memory of the peoples of the capitalist countries, it is necessary to bring pacifist slogans into play on a large scale up to the very outbreak of war. This diplomatic game is also necessary for the wrestling-match for allies, and also for the purpose of postponing the outbreak of war till a suitable moment. The new imperialist world war will be a very risky affair. Just imagine it from the viewpoint of the British bourgeoisie. This war will be a trial of strength in which the whole destiny of the present British imperialism will be at stake. It is but natural that the British bourgeoisie cannot make up its mind to force on this war with- out trying to postpone it and to achieve its imperialist aims without it. Neither has American imperialism any particular reason for accelerat- ing this war, because time works in its favor. The negotiations of the imperialist governments about maintenance of peace mean nothing but struggle for more favorable conditions for launching war, and in this sense, they belong to the necessary methods of war preparation. MacDonald wants now to have a personal conversation with Hoover on the principles of peace! Well, this will affect very little the prac- tical accentuation of the big objective contradictions. Not only such meaningless conversations, not only negotiations, but even solemn agreements are likely to be made. But one thing is certain: the com- petition in armaments will continue, the economic and political struggle will become sharper, the moment of the great collision is getting nearer. The political atmosphere is becoming very strained throughout the world, through the differences between world imperialism and the So- viet’ Union, as well «s through the Anglo-American antagonism. In regard to the latter, an important regrouping of forces is going on. Canada and Australia are irresistibly drawn into the course of Amer- ican imperialism. Italy must make up its mind, and shows more and more inclination for the American orientation. Japan must also make up its mind, and its leanings are towards the British camp. The effect of this contradiction is becoming more and more evident in the most important colonies of the British Empire. Moreover, American im- perialism is very cleverly making the most of the possibility of op- erating for the time being—thanks to the objective situation—with methods and slogans other than those of the British and Japanese im- ’ perialism, in order to penetrate into the spheres of influence of others, for instance, with the help of the slogan “self-determination of nations,” as shown recently in connection with the Kellogg Pact and the Amer- ican beau geste in regard to Egypt, or with the help of the open door slogan in China, This is bound,to have a certain amount of influence on the orientation of the national-reformist bourgeoisie in ‘he colonial countries, 6 B (To be Continued) E SAW [FP some tharos Reprinted, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Henri br 7 published and copyrighted by E. P. Dutton & Co, Ineq New! forks THE WORST TORTURE OF ALL, i s¢THE Chains,” said Catareou, coming back to Rumanian prisons for the last time; “there’s nothing more awful than that. What # weight, what a clatter, what cold! Twenty-five pounds of {cy iron.; A clinging monster that draws the last of your strength while you: drag it along with yourself, Lie still, and the weight binds you downy get up and walk, and it bites into you at every step. : “As a rule, your chains are invisible, for you live in underground corridors and cells, where night is night and day is gloom, But there are times—when they’re transferring you or fetching you up before the judge or the prison governor—when you see those chains of yours , for a few moments, see the black-lined monster underneath the flesh, serips you at ankles and wrists with fourfold jaws, “Though I left my chains behind me, they’re living yet, I know.” * * T was not so very far across that frontier; all this had happened not so very long ago. For we were in Turkey; these five men had escaped from the Rumanian prisons and now were bound for Russia, As is the habit of men fresh from nightmares, they were recalling odd snatches of their nightmare from which they had so miraculously escaped. And as we sat there, in Eridneh Capou’s little wooden house, the scene was reminiscent of those village everiings when each man tells a hair-raising tale, calls up a ghost in his turn. % listened. I knew that what these escaped prisoners were saying was true. So I listened and’ stored up their words, to remember the things that were done in the Europe of 1926, and declare them, i “Yes,” said Spiridon, “But there’s worse than that.” a | The Cage. 4 “The cage—a kind of clockwork case, as Basil Spiru said. They shove you in standing upright. But a clock at least can swing its pendulum, while you can’t as much as stir a finger and you're wedged inside like a wooden soldier standing to arms. It’s a cell and a strait= jacket, too, a coffin and a cuirass.” We had heard of that cage before, but Spiridon’s description made it live again; his words seemed to quiver out of his very flesh till we felt we were in that cage, that our bodies were constrained. “Ten days they kept you there. The food you get is water and a bit of maize bread; sometimes nothing at all—starvation. After three days your legs begin to swell, and the swelling creeps upward. Then your chains break through the skin and eat into your flesh. Sometimes, after a day’s rest—when you drop to the ground like a broken China—they put you back for ten days more; that’s what hap- pened several times over to Max Goldstein. He was a tough ’un, if you like; had to make tremendous efforts before he could die! ee «AND what about the Gherla?” said Jon. “The Gherla, my boy! A hole hollowed out in the rock. If you were to stand up in it, your head and shoulders would be sticking out. But you’ve got to disappear in it, so that there’s nothing visible over the top. For that, you must squat inside like a toad. So they make you fast, press you, forge you with chains fixed to the sides, until you block up the hole nicely. “There you stay, for three to twelve months, and three times a week only you get a filthy allowance of maggots and beans. Some- times, too, they pour water into the hole, but they don’t fill it up to the top, because then you’d be drowned and would suffer no more. “When I looked at myself in the glass—after coming back to the upper world, I saw an old man there,” said Jon; “I looked like one of of my father’s poorer brothers. “Now see here,” were his final words, addressed to us.all, “I don’t being contradicted. Very well then; if there’s anyone ready to call out: ‘You're a dirty liar!’ and tell me why, I’ll be downright pleased!” ee 1 BUT it was Virgil who now broke silence to continue the ghastly ‘tales, “There’s worse than that—worse than hammering your bones, worse than the bits of flesh they tear and clip off you; only just stops, ping in time to prevent your dying (for out there, you know, they, have several dodges for killing you off simultaneously). “There’s Disease; they shove it into your body.” g “The ce and the gherla both guarantee you consumption,” ‘aid Spiridon and Jon. { “Yes, but I’m talking of disease dealt out to you straight, like the bastinado, I'll tell you about one disease—typhus. exanthematicus, to ive it its true and horrible name. That’s another of their dodges for ing the spirit of political prisoners in Rumania. Only this one can’t be seen, and it gets in everywhere. “There’s one prison absolutely steeped in this disease—soaked with it—Galata. For the matter of that, the bourgeois newspapers said it Now when you’re a bourgeois paper and say that, then it’s a thing you can’t hush up. Galata reeks, sweats, showers down typhus. It lurks there, under the top skin of the floor, under the skin of the walls, in the dirt around the doors, even in the spines of the columns and pillars. x “The prisoners with typhus mix, of course, with the others. The lice, gorged with their blood, have nothing left to do when their patient is put underground, for they only like hot meals; so they apply to the survivors. | * lik oes (To be Continued) ee Latin American Briefs By ALBERT MOREAU. What Is Brewing in Colombia? The presidential election campaign is at full swing in Colombia. While the workers and peasants are called upon to vote for either the conservative or liberal candidates, they are deprived of their rights to select their own. The farce of bourgeois elections is clearly shown in Colombia, particularly at this time where the country is going through a deep economic crisis. The national bourgeoisie will not take the chance to allow the workers to have their candidates.’ The Archbishop of Colombia has approved and given the Papal blessing to the bour- geois Wall Street candidates, Valencia and Cabo. The drowning in plood of the recent banana plantation workers’ strike has not solved the problems in the Magdalena Region, but, on the contrary, rendered them more pressing. The United Fruit Company has increased its ex- ploitation and is ruling with an iron hand. The workers are again up in arms, determined to fight starvation wages, jailings, assassinations, Their best leaders are rotting in jails, but new one have sprung up. Over 7,000 railroad workers have joined the strike and the government — ix unable to cope with the situation. Thousands of workers in the oil ~ fields are participating in the general struggle against wage cuts and cppression. The dictatorial way with which the election campaign {s being handled by the national bourgeoisie, with its determined will to an- nihilate any vestige’ of working class independent political action, is forcing the workers to rise against the state. At this critical jod, the liberal-socialists—as it is expected—have sided with the bourgeoisie, The Communists in, Colombia are the most persecuted. They are . the leading elements in this almost general upheaval directed the state dictatorship which rules under the orders of American ciers. In this struggle the workers of Colombia are learning to shape their instruments with which they will wipe out their imperialist op pressors and ruthless dictators. Boh ee, To The Rescue of Radowitzki! The militant workers of South America are demanding in huge demonstrations the release of Radowitzki, who is in a critical eondi- tion within the four walls of Usuhaia prison, Buenos Aires, Radowitzki has been in jail since 1909 after he confessed killing Colonel Falcon, arch enemy of the workers who conducted a wholesale execution of workers on the First of May, 1909, at a peaceful demonstration in Plaza Lorea. The young revolutionist who eyewitnessed the mas- sacre under the direct orders of the dread Falcon, decided on the fol- lowing November to take revenge for the victims of Plaza. While the workers of South America recognize i = dividual acts of terrorism and that the efficient stru| batt bag in hangmen is a mass struggle and the organizations of the workers and peasants for the overthrow of. capitalism, Radowitzki ig today. the symbol of the heroic act of an ardent~fighter-for the cause of the workers. Radowitzki must-be freed. The workers of the United Stat must demand the freedom of this agonizirtg fighter. We must help our brother workers of South’ America in this huge campaign for the freedom of Radowitzki. To the rescue of Radowwitakil 4