The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 11, 1929, Page 4

by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Inc. Daily, except cot Reg at 26-28 "Onion Square, New rk i N; Telephone Stuyvesant }696-7-8. Cable: “DAIWORK. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six months $2.50 three months er By Mail (outside of New York): @ year $3.50 six months $2.00 three months ss and mail all checks to the Daily Workss, 26-28 Union Square, THE RIGHT DANGER IS A MONSTROUS REALITY yism and attacked its agents, the Zionists. This rising of the Arabs in Palestine is an indictment against the Zionists. It is a revolt of op- pressed and exploited against ex- ploiters and oppressors. By MAX BEDACHT, When decisive action is most im- perative then the danger of antag- ‘onistic influence in our revolution- ary movement is greatest. This is not only so because a mistake at a critical moment is of more serious consequences than ordinarily; it is so primarily. because in the events of the class struggle the most cri- tical moment brings with it | greatest pressure of subconscious illusions; the most critical moment | prepares the most favorable ground for the reawakening of the influ- ence of bourgeois education to which everybody was subjected, It is pre- cisely the critical hour in which the apparatus of bourgeois propaganda plays every conceivable tune that is calculated to reawaken old preju- dices and recreate old illusions. Are there “innocent victims” in such struggles? Of course there are. But the innocent victim must become an additional incentive of hatred and struggle against the re- |sponsible imperialist forces. But the| bourgeois Zionism tries to use the “innocent victim” in order to draw the wrath of the exploited masses of the world from the guilty British | imperialists and their Zionist lack- jeys. This has been the over-effec- |tive method of the exploiters. Na- | tionglist prejudices have been fed to |the masses for so many centuries that an appeal to them promises to win immunity for the real guilty. | That these calculations of the ex-} \ploiters are justified is proven by! the position taken by the above- |mentioned Jewish writers. They can} display abstract sympathy for the! exploited and indulge in abstract |eriticism against the exploiters. But |when “Jewish blood” appeals to | them, they forget exploiters and ex-| : ae ploited; they forget the concrete vick and Abraham Reisin declared) obiem of class emancipation. Then “tearfully” that they cannot any the Jewish bourgeois who fattened longer cover the revolutionary posi- | himself and his pocketbook on the tion of the “Freiheit” with their|Sweat and health of Jewish workers names. Why? Because “innocent |? New York sweat shops and who 2 Mi illed i invested his gains in Palestine to| Jewish blood” has been spille | exploit Arab workers for a change, | A glaring example of this is shown in the attitude of some non- Party writers recently connected with the Communist “Morning Frei- heit.” Menachen Boreisha, H. Le- _ Arabian masses Palestine and the “Freiheit” (after /turns from a hated exploiter Ba some serious mistakes in the begin- ning) refuses to blow into the horn of bourgeois propaganda, but raises the class issue instead. For centuries the so-called holy |@ sacred vessel of Jewish blood. The class-line disappears, international-| ism disappears, and what is left is vicious nationalism; the same na-, tionalism which supplied the excuse for the greatest treachery in his- land, because of its importance on| tory, for the betrayal of the work-/ the commercial road from the west | to the east, has been the coveted pride of imperialism. All of the struggles for the possession of the holy land from the early battles of of the class ing class by the Second Interna- tional in August, 1914. Yesterday these gentlemen could see British imperialism as oppres- sor. But today when the intricacies struggle make the the Mohamedans to the crusades and | bloody and oppressive rule of im- to the expedition of Lord Allenby during the World War were con- veniently cloaked with religious perialism appear in the form of an Arabian uprising against the Zionist agents of British imperialism, then they can no longer see the classes phrases and high sounding princi-¢but see only their nation or their ples. But behind these principles and religious pretentions are con- cealed economic and imperialist pur- poses. The religious pretentions merely supply the means of setting one against the other-to the bene- fit of the third, to the benefit of imperialism. “There tuary,” wrote Marx in 1854, “no chapel, no stone of the church of the holy sepulchre, that has been left unturned for the purpose of constituting “a quarrel between the different Christian communities.” For decades British imperialism attempted to establish its colonial rule over Palestine. During the --world war it began to utilize the is no sanc- Zipnist movement for this purpose. | In a declaration issued by Balfour British imperialism, first, pro- “nounced the inalienable right of the Jews to a national state, second, ipronounced British imperialism as the chosen instrument of god to es- tablish that Jewish national state, and, third, pronounced the Arabs of Palestine as the chosen sacrificial ~ lambs who had to be shorn of their belongings in order to make pos- sible the establishment of a Jewish national state. It was clear all along that the Jewish national state was merely the convenient cloak for the imper- - jalist aggression of Great Britain in Palestine. The activities of Bri- tish imperialism on behalf of the establishment of this Jewish na- tional state were not, were never in- “tended to be, and will never be, a Jewish national state in Palestine. ... The only tangible result was a Bri- tish “protectorate.” British imper- jialism alone got what it set out to get. The Jewish nationalist move- ment, the Zionist movement, not only lent itself as an excuse for the establishment of colonial rule of British imperialism but helped in the systematic exploitation of the Arabian masses in Palestine, It helped in and profited by the sys- tematic expropriation of the masses of the Arabian peasantry. Together with the British, the Zionist colon- ists exploit the thus impoverished as wage-slaves under the most miserable conditions imaginable. At the same time, however, the Jewish Zionist capi- talists have no nationalist scruples . against the exploitation of the poor Jewish immigrants in Palestine. In fact, they exploit and feed mutual religious and racial prejudices of Jews and Mohammedans so that, to- gether with the British imperialists, they can keep wages of both at a minimum by playing one nationality against the other. Against this system of expropria- tion, exploitation and oppression the Arabs recently began to revolt. race. This logic would command of the American revolutionists the ces-| sation of struggle against American | imperialism in the very moment in| which the American imperialists | can raise the cry of “American| blood has been spilt.” According to} this logic “Remember the Maine” was a perfectly justified war crygof| American imperialism. ‘This logic| would cry itself hoarse about the | preditary policy of American capital | in Mexico. But when an agent of | this policy, an American oil land} thief, falls victims to the just wrath! of the revolting Mexican peasants, | then American blood would be at| stake and thus a justification would be supplied for the support and even |for the calling for a punitive mili- tary expedition of American capital into Mexico, This kind of logic sup- |plies the “left” agents of the bour- |geoisie with their tactics: talk The Communist must fight such | treachery. He is for the exploited} at all times. He does not divide the | world vertically into nations but} horizontally into classes; and his duty is with the working classes, with the exploited. The treacherous | practice of the bourgeoisie, “Na-| tion against nation,” the Communist | answers with his revolutionary prac- tice of “Class against class.” In the swing of these “sympa- thizers” of the workers we meet the Right danger in its most formidable form. Here is‘the most darigerous pitfall for our revolutionary Party. Here is an example of how, at the decisive moment the bourgeois ideology liquidates class solidarity and turns a “friend” of the work- ing class of yesterday into the most miserable propagandist for imper- ialism of today. “Sympathy” for the Soviet Union| is relegated to thi background, “ideals” of the working masses are obliterated, and the gentlemen, “tearfully” though, and, as they as- sure us, torn by mental anguish, join a united front with the betray-| ers of the Jewish workers in the “Forward,” with the exploiters of the Jewish masses, the Shiffs and Strausses and Rosenwalds, with the political instruments of oppression of the Jewish working masses, the democratic and republican politi- cians. If these gentlemen had one iota of revolutionary class con- sciousness they would see that there must be some capitalist poison in the “sacred Jewish blood” propa- ganda, if this propaganda can lead them into one camp with Abe Ca- han, Jacob Shiff and Herbert Hoover. If they cannot detect this poison it is. because they belong where they are now. ‘The drops of “sacred Jewish blood” spilled in. Palestine has not made them what! they are, but has only revealed them! as what they have really always| poe Bait against oppression and fight for it, (not of workers, Comrade Varga, and also not necessairly of all capital- | admirably the present epoch of finance capital. The International Situation and Tasks of DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1929 the Communist International Report of Comrade Kuusinen AT THE TENTH PLENUM OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMINTERN The Law of the Collapse of Capitalism. Why do I speak here about these apologists of capitalism? Be- cause it is particularly important at the present juncture to give through our propaganda a clear picture of the accentuation of the con- tradictions of capitalism. This is the point on whick we must concen- trate our sharpest criticism. Of course not only criticism of Sombart, Kautsky, Hilferding and Co. Even our self-criticism must be wide- awake in regard to this, to prevent us making even the least conces- sion to a tendency which might land us in the belief in a gradual “decay” of capitalism. A warning example is the mistake made by such a great revolutionary as Comrade Rosa Luxemburg who, in her desire to construct a simple, purely economic law of the collapse of capitalism, was diverted into the wrong channel. I do not know if I am mistaken when I assume that “the tendency of the decreasing num- ber of workers” brought forward by Comrade Varga (which he con- nects with the process of the final conversion of peasants into farmers and with the process of the industrialization of the colonies) contains the germ of a new theory of the gradual decay of capitalism. The desire to find a consistent, unequivocal and terse economic motivization of the inevitable collapse of capitalism, is a perfectly legitimate desire. In order to satisfy this desire in our propaganda, I advise the comrades firstly, to make an even more careful study of our program than before and secondly, to study Marx more than before. Why should we want new laws re the collapse of capitalism, when Marx has formulated this matter consistently and clearly. I ask your indulgence in order to re- call this Marxian law. In the foreword to the “Critique of Political Economy” Marx brings forward the general law which applies to the capitalist as well as to the older modes of production: “At a certain stage of their development, the material forces of production in society come in conflict with the existing relation of production, or—what is but a legal expression for the same thing—with the property relations within which they had been at work before. From forms of development of the forces of produc- tion these relations turn into their fetters. Then comes the period of social revolution.” | The collapse of capitalism is especially referred to in the well- known passage at the end of Volume J, “Capital.” “The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter upon the mode of production, which has sprung up and flourished along with, and under it. Centralization of the means of production and socializa- tion of labor at last reach a point where they become incompatible with their capitalist integument. This integument is burst asunder. The knell of capitalist private property sounds. The expropriators are expropriated.” (“Capital,” Vol. I, p. 837.) Can this more than 60 year old statement by Marx concern us now? Very much so! It fits exactly the present situation. Now is the time Marx has predicted. The monopoly of capital has become “a fetter | upon the mode of production, which has gprung up and flourished along with, and under it.” The centralization of the means of production and | socialization of labor have reached the point “where they become in- compatible with their capitalist integument.” The development of the | social forces of production is already out of harmony with the capitalist | property relations. ‘Phe professional falsifiers of Marxism, such as Kautsky and | Cunovy, have falsified here too the Marxian dialectic just a little. Their interpretation is as if Marx had asserted that the end of capitalism will not come until a further development of the forces of, production is utterly impossible. Cunov then makes the deduction: Consequently, capitalism has still a long lease of life. But Kautsky, who wants to appear more clever and even more “socialistic” than Marx, Asserts: Marx was mistaken: “The end (of capitalism) will come sooner” (i.e, already during capitalism). Marx, however, has never prognosticated an absolute stagnation of the further development of the forces of production. In his law, Marx does not take either the social forces of produc- tion or the capitalist property relations as static entities, but both of them in their destined, inevitable historical development. According to Marx, the development of the capitalist property relations is in the direction of monopoly, of an evergrowing centralization of capital. This centralization means “expropriation of many capitalists by few;” it leads to a constant reduction of the “number of magnates of capitalism” ists, but of those magnates of capitalism) “who usurp and monopolize all the advantages of this transformation process” (of the socialization of labor, the technical development of production, etc., K.). This fits Marx does not mean by this that capitalist monopoly develops in a manner to eliminate completely capitalist competition. He puts the matter exactly, “The monopoly of capital becomes (it has already become—K.) a fetter upon the mode of production, which has sprung up and flourished along with, and under it.” Which mode of production? The capitalist. Thus, the monopoly of capital was to become a fetter upon the capitalist mode of production, does this tally?” Certainly.» This is expressed in a twofold manner: (1) The monopoly of capital acts as a fetter upon free competition and (2) as a fetter upon the free development of the forces of production. As to the development of the forces of production, it is described by Marx as follows: “Hand in hand with this centralization, or this expropriation of many capitalists by few, develop, on an ever extending scale, the cooperative form of the labor process, the conscious technical ap- plication of science (thus there is not absolute prevention but rather absolute development of production technique—K.), the methodical cultivation of the soil, the transformation of labor into instruments of labor only usable in common, the economizing of all the means of production by their use as the means of production of combined, socialized labor, the entanglement of all peoples in the net of the world market, and with this, the international character ef the capitalistic regime.” (“Capital,” Vol. L, p. 836.) How, according to Marx, does the conflict between the thus develop- ing social forces of production and the simultaneously growing monopoly of capital, find a solution? Through the revolutionry elass struggle of the proletariat. The most important af the “social forces of pro- duction,” human labor power, which, under capitalism, is the exploited wage proletariat, is educated by capitalism itself to be its grave digger: There “grows the mass of misery, oppression, slavery, degra- dation, exploitation, etc., but with this too grows the revolt of the working class, a class always increasing in numbers, and disciplined, united, organized by the very mechonism of the process of cavitalist production itself.” (“Capital,” Vo ~\ 086-837.) Through this working class the expropriators a. empeopriated, capitalist private ownership is abolished, the capitalist integu=yap* the economic and entire social development is burst asunder. This n the law of Marx on the collapse of capitaling, already completely con- | : ‘ firmed by the great revolution of the Russian proletariat, In the present epoch of imperialism, this law has set in throughout the im- perialist world. Our task myst be: to carry on a sharp ideological struggle against all attempts to revise these Marxian doctrines, to explain them to the mass of the workers not in an abstract fashion and not by merely repeating Marx’ words, but by a concrete presentation of his law in the light of the present glaring contradictions of capital- ism. The Necessity of Leninist Concretization. In this connection, we must make our point of departure the con- eretization of the Marxian doctrine which Lenin has given us. The main feature of Lenin’s concretization is the prominence he gives to the uneyeness of development during imperialism, in various spheres, in town and country, in various countries and parts of the world. There | is, on the one hand, accentuation of the economic and political struggle between the individual imperialist powers, and, as the world is divided among the imperialists, inevitably of imperialist wars for colonies and world hegemony. On the other hand, there is the special role of the peasant and national questions in the class struggles of the present epoch, as well as the important role of the colonial liberation struggles. But the greatest “concretization” of the Marxian doctrines is the exist- ence and role of the Soviet Union as the basis of the proletarian world revolution. All that Leninism has contributed as concretization of the Marxian doctrine, does not change the Marxian law in the least. On the con- trary. All the glaring contradictions of imperialism in the present epoch have their root in the fundamental contradiction laid down in the Marxian law. For does not, for instance, the accentuation of the Anglo-American antagonism show that the monopoly of capital has be- come a fetter upon the capitalist mode of production? This fetter is felt now distinctly in both countries by the capitalists, as well as by the workers and the unemployed. The British capitalists seem to think that the American monopoly of capital is becoming a fetter upon the British capitalism, whereas the bourgeoisie of the United States thinks that it is the other way round. Hence, the struggle. Or let us take the development of the productive forces of India: is it not fettered through the monopoly of capital of the British imperialism? Is it not the same with the development of China through the British and Jap- anese monopoly, etc.? This is certainly the case. The capitalist environ- ment, on its part, is an impediment to the full development of the productive forces of the Soviet Union. We must not even for a minute leave out of account what Lenin “This accentuation of differences constitutes the most powerful driving force of the historical transition epoch”—the epoch of imperial- ism. This was the view of the great revolutionary Marxist, and this has never been so true as in the present epoch of imperialism, Il. THE MOST IMPORTANT ACTUAL ANTAGONISMS IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. The Soviet Union and the Capitalist World. Parallel with the socialist development and consolidation of the Soviet Union, its international influence, the activity of the proletariat and support for the Soviet Union on the part of the toiling masses of the oppressed peoples, are increasing. All the more, however, is the predatory aggressiveness of imperialism against the Soviet Unien in- creasing. Owing to the growing imperialist appetite of the capitalist environment of the Soviet Union and to the aspirations of this environ- ment as a result of internal economic difficulties, to open up the biggest potential sales market, the differences between the capitalist states and the Soviet Union entered upon a new acute phase after the first years of the relative stabilization of capitalism. Not only the hostile encirclement policy and finance blockade, but also direct war prepara- tions against the Soviet Union are being relentlessly pursued. The fevétish armaments of the border states of the Soviet Union, the various military agreements between Poland and Rumania, the active leading participation of the French General Staff in the organ- ization equipment of the Polish and Rumanian armies, Great Britain’s machinations against the Soviet Union on Afghan territory (frontier raids of the White-Bukhara and Chniese gangs, the police raid on the Soviet Consulate in China, etc.), bear witness of this, In the Anglo-French anti-Soviet bloc, the role of French imperial- ism as organizer of war against the Soviet Union has become very prominent lately. Through this war, French imperialism—by utilizing its eastern vassals, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Rumania— would like to make a decisive step towards the subjugation of the whole European continent to its direct or indirect domination, does not of course mean that they are united in the so-called Russian does not o feourse mean that they are united in the so-called Russian question. These are two different matters: there can be no complete unity among robbers, as Lenin has pointed out. There is a MacDonaid government now in Britain; what will this mean in regard to the war policy against the Soviet Union? I think, only a step backward in order to make two steps forward. Even the British bourgeoisie was not quite united in its policy towards the Soviet Union, Chamberlain and Baldwin enforced the war policy as much as they could, but they were not very successful. MacDonald’s mission is to continue this policy in a roundabout way. The parties of the Second International are certainly more aggres- sive towards the Soviet Union than some capitalist circles. This is directly connected with their role of agency of the bourgeois counter- revolution in the labor moyement. Their whole political existence is threatened by the revolutionization process of the workers in the cap- italist countries, on which process the socialist constructive work of the Soviet Union has a direct influence. The seemingly considerable difference between the “pacifist” policy of the labor government, and, for instance, the frankly social-fascist policy of the S. P. of Germany, is after all only a small temporary “transitional” difference. But more of this later on. The International Position of the German Bourgeoi The foremost general tendency in the foreign policy of the German bourgeoisie is the sharpening of the anti-Soviet policy. But if one takes into consideration not only this side of the question, but the entire international situation of the German bourgeoisie, one can see that it finds itself at present in a very conflicting situation. A sign of this is the division of German fascism in two camps: social-fascism and German nationalists, between whom an expedient political division of labor has taken place. The so-called “understanding policy” of the new German imperialism in regard to the Anglo-French bloc which was represented in the last years by the S.P.G., the Centre Party, and Stresemann, aims at a certain internal stabilization of German eapitalism, even at the price of recognizing French hegemony on the European continent. As compensation for loyal carrying out of the most important conditions of the Versailles Peace Treaty and support to the general reactionary European policy of the Anglo-French bloc, Germany can claim later on certain colonial mandates, etc. But as it is already perfectly clear that the hope of obtaining colonial mandates from the Entente rests on no foundation, the “fulfilment policy” alone cannot satisfy the German bourgeoisie. It is not content with the role of squeezing the normous war contributions for two or three generations out of the German proletariat and of handing them over to the Entente; n, from “I Saw It Myself” by Henri Barbuase, P. Dutton & Inc, New York, JON GRECEA’S CONVERSION. s jeead GRECEA was an untaught peasant. He knew nothing of the great social problems, nothing of what went on outside the little patch in Rumania where he lived and toiled. His parents and his parents’ parents, from times immemorial, had always worked on the estates of the Boyards. And from times immemorial he thought that, | like the lands, he was owned by the Boyards. When Grecea reached conscript age, he became a marine in the navy. It was war-time. But he did not know what war meant. He only knew that tiny part of it which concerned him directly. He obeyed the orders he was given, he did what he was told to do. At the command of others, and for ends that he did not know, he handled a rifle just as in former days he handled the plough and the hoe, And little progress did his education make in those gloomy days when he was compelled, like his peasant brothers in uniform, to drill, to try to kill, and try, as well as he could, to avoid being killed! One day a workman came up to him, handed him a bundle of leaf- lets and asked him to distribute them amang his fellow sailors on the ship. Grecea did as he was asked, without knowing what was written on the sheets, because he could not read and had not learned to be in- quisitive. On these sheets was printed an appeal to the marines, “Brothers, soldiers of the navy. Comrades in uniform, don’t fire on your brothers in the red army, if the Boyards of Rumania send you to fight against the Soviets of Russia, for Russia is the only country in all the world where the people govern themselves!” Ee: * 'HESE tracts, passing from hand to hand, were discovered by the authorities, Grecea was arrested. Like all political suspects, he was flogged till he bled, and tortured. For a year and a half, he underwent detention in prison, and much brutality. After that he was brought before a court-martial. Before the military court, Grecea spoke of his childhood and youth. He told what his life had been up to the day when he put on uniform. He explained that till that day he had worked like a beast of burden, as his own people had worked around him or had worked before him, to the end, as he said, that “our sweat should turn to gold.” He explained how he had thought that the labor to which he had so far given all his working life was a law of life; that there was a mighty decree whereby he was chosen, so that the sweat of his brow might bring in gold to those who reap golden harvests on earth. He had never thought, any more than his father and mother, or his brothers and sisters, of questioning this great law, Then he spoke to the presiding officers about the manifestoes; he did not know at the time what he was doing. Not only was he unable to read what was printed on the pamphlets which he had agreed to distribute, but he had not even—such the cloud of passive obedience which had always hung over him—tried to find out. Socialism and Communism in those days were like words in a foreign tongue, utterly beyond him. He was not even sure that he had heard them mentioned as yet. Grecea then explained that in prison he had been with men “who are called Communists.” These brothers in chains had taught him the meaning of the cause which he had worked for in innocence. They told him of the worker’s lot, of the monstrous folly and injustice of a social order which turns the army of productive workers into a sort of cattle, owned by a handful of rich scattered among the crowd. They had made him see that Communism would mean the end of these barbarous conditions, the dawn of liberty, of light, of life, for a host of downtrodden slaves. eo eS «JUDGES of the court,” said this little peasant called Grecea, “I have told you what kind of man I used to be. But now I am a changed man. And while I suffered I have learned the meaning of these things to which I never gave a thought, and at last I have be- come a man indeed.” It would have been so easy for him to have avoided sentence by pleading the obvious defense that he was an involuntary agent at the time of committing the act laid to his charge.. But here he was, stand- ing before the military tribunal, boldly inculpating himself on a fresh count, This simple peasant deliberately called down condign punish- ment upon his head, and, like an apostle, he cried, “Communism is a glorious thing, and if God had ordered the things of this world, that is the Order He would have willed and none other.” Let us record in all piety the actual words that Jon Greced boldly uttered in that court, knowigg that they would pass over the judges’ heads and find their way into the hearts of the throng of his fellows: “Every son of the people of Rumania, every peasant and work- man, every soldier and laborer, all who win honest bread, must come together and join the Rumanian Communist Party, must strike down the vampires, and proclaim the new government by the people!” He was condemned to five years’ detention in a house of correc- tion. But when I spoke just now of “condign punishment” I did not use the words inadvisedly. In Rumania, where the death penalty is abolished, there are several ways of reinforcing it behind the official seat of Justice. oS ae HEN M. Bratianu, the prime minister, was informed of the words spoken by Jon Grecea before the court-martial, he was seized with great fury. And, of course, to please him, they tried to do away with Jon Grecea by the stock device—“attempt at escape.” The success of this method is well known; the prisoner is simply taken out of his cell and shot in the back out in the fields. Then it is explained that he had attempted to escape. For once, however, the trick was tried and failed. Then they tried poisoning Grecea. But by some extraordinary chance this failed too. The only thing left was a daily course of torture. They deprived him of food; they loaded his arms and feet with chains, and thrust him into that damp, constricted dug-out which is known as the gherla, There for some months he stayed, doubled in two. Then he began hunger striking. This was exactly what his tor- turers hoped for; their only wish was to find the way to make him die. But the other prisoners all made common cause with him and hunger-struck too. The prison governor had to give way, especially as the news had got abroad and great bands of workmen and even a section of foreign opinion were showing indignation. The governor . then used promises to put an end to the hunger stril i to the infirmary. The little building known as the tana prison is a kind of family vault; men have been known to enter ~it alive now and then, but no one has ever seen anything but corpses it is interested in union with Austria, in the rectification of the eastern frontiers, and especially in obtaining the right to armaments, It is very interested in the conquest of the Russian markets, but only for itself and not for the benefit of Poland and France. It is not interested in further French and Polish expansion which would place Germany between hammer and anvil, ee The conflicting situation of the new German imperialism was ver eviden.* ales ip the recent discussion of the reparations questions in 1 coming out, It is the custom of the prison doctor, indeed, to tell the prisoners as much, “with a frightful smile,” as one witness told me. Grecea is not dead yet. But he has gone mad. This man who faced his blood-stained judges on a day, and loudly proclaimed before them the truth that he had evolved in his noble peasant mind, is now noth- ing but a restless phantom that trails his murdered reason about, ~ But even so, he was once a living voice, testifying to the growth of the Communist International on the face of the earth,