The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 3, 1929, Page 6

Page views left: 0

You have reached the hourly page view limit. Unlock higher limit to our entire archive!

Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.

Text content (automatically generated)

' i 7 \ \ ¢ Page Six DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1929 Baily 225.4 lorker The Revolutionary Uprising in Palestine} and Tasks of the Party Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S, A. Why Will the New Trade Union Center Succeed? History is being made in Cleveland. Not for many decades has there been an event within the American trade union movement of importanée equal to the big Unity Convention. All eyes on Cleveland! All hands ready to help! For the real work begins when the convention ends. The 700 delegate$ there—representing the organized workers of this country a hundred times more truly than has any American Federation of Labor Convention represented the organized workers tion—also represent something vastly more than the workers now organized. Conventions of American Federation of Labor represent—not the workers under its sway, but the “machine” of trade union bureaucracy. This convention at Cleveland represents no trade-union bureaucracy, but work- ers in industry. Many of the delegates come from shops, mills and fac- tories in basic industries where organization is as yet un- known, and they are hammering into shape a program that will mean the organization of the decisive sections of indus- trial workers of this country for the first time in history. Their program of “class against class,” furthermore, means the bringing of these decisive sections into actual struggle —not into cattle-chutes to be traded away to the bosses by corrupt trade-union bureaucrats as is the case with the A.F. of L. Already one can hear the voices of such sychophants as the leaders of the socialist party and the Muste group who think (or rather hope) that the launching of the new trade union center cannot succeed, for the reason that the new center adopts the class-against- policy, for the reason that it organizes new industrial unions, for the reason that it fights the bureaucracy of the A. F. of L. within the old unions, for the reason that it takes a straight-out revolu- tionary attitude toward the imperialist war plans and opera- tions of the United States, for the reason that it fearlessly runs counter to “trade union traditions” in throwing down the bars in reality (not merely in formal words) that sep- arate the Negro workers from the white workers, for the reason that it violates the precedent of the A. F. of L. in basing itself upon the unskilled and semi-skilled masses of industrial workers and not upon a selected and segregated few of the highly skilled;—and, most important of all— because it casts off the cowardly slave psychology of nation- alism and proudly affiliates with the Red International of Labor Unions. Will these be reasons for stunted growth of the new trade union center? Absolutely the contrary! Cowardice and slave psychology have never won’a battle, and every sign of the times shows that precisely because the delegates at Cleveland have the courage and intelligence to cast off the chains that capitalist class ideology long ago loaded upon the A. F. of L.; precisely because they are ready to strike out to the great job of organizing the enormous mass of workers who are unorganized, precisely because they ~~ fight the agents of the bourgeoisie in the ranks of the trade unions, and above all precisely because they are willing to throw aside national provincialism and to affiliate their movement with the international revolutionary trade union gnovement—the work they are doing there in Cleveland will live. Has the A. F. of L. “succeeded”? In what has it succeeded? In organizing the workers? No. Only to the extent of about one-ninth. In winning strug- ~*gles? It is to laugh—or weep. In training the working * Working class in the interests of the capitalist class. Today “succeeds” only in breaking strikes and in feeding “fat % ‘boys” of the bureaucracy while the standard of living of the masses of workers goes down. The new Trade Union Unity League will succeed be- cause it is the workers’ federation of labor—not the bosses’, : 5 The A. F. of L. has “succeeded” only in debauching the The Rising Tide in South America The present rising tide of militancy of the working class throughout the world is causing considerable nervousness in the apparatus of “Pan-American” imperialism. In Peru, Argentine, Chile, Uruguay and now especially in Colombia _ the pressure of speed-up exploitation by Yankee and other slave drivers is having its inevitable effect. The good servants of Yankee Wall Street in South Amer- ica, the principal Latin-American bourgeois newspapers, throw up their hands in horror at what'they call “Communis- tic banditry” and declare that the cause of the rising militant activity of the working class is simply “subversive propa- ganda” introduced into the countries of Latin America from Soviet Russia. They evidently are being guided by their eminent master, the state department at Washington. The newspaper “La Patria” (Colombia) has come to the conclu- sion that the Communist International has a “powerful or- ganization in Latin America, which it declares is the cause of the working class activity—protesting that it certainly can- not be due to the oppression of the American oil companies! Unfortunately it is not yet true that the Communist ternational has powerful Communist Party sections in the Sol American countries. Although the example of the ‘successful revolution and successes in the building up of so- eialism in the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics has much to with inspiration and guidance of every awakening worker | every corner of the world, and also that the continued ence and success of the Union of Socialist Soviet .Repub- is in iteslf a tremendous and fatal contradiction to the d-imperialist system as a foreign body within—neverthe- the grinding of the exploited laborer by the Yankee oil cessionaire is the immediate force driving the workers of ombia which “La Patria” thinks is Bolshevik propaganda. But unless the workers of Latin American countries d up in each country what “La Patria” thinks is already powerful organization, a powerful Communist po- party as a section of the Communist International— | of the militant activity of the working class will be ed, deceived, misled and defeated. ‘The Communist movement in the Latin-American coun- .is growing by leaps and bounds. The danger is that it grow fast enough to meet the needs of the rapidly oping objective situation. e Communist Party of the United States of America with all possible energy throw itself into the task of our Latin-American comrades in the common task g United States imperial ism. in at least a genera- | Thesis by Agitprop Department of Central Committee, C. P. of U.S. A. The Secretariat and Agitprop Department present this thesis as a guide for Party agitators and propagandists discus- sing the Palestine revolt. All units shall discuss this question on the basis of this thesis, criticize the opportunist errors com- mitted by some comrades (Freiheit), organize mass meetings everywhere all over the country under the auspices of the Party, making special appeals to Jewish masses to explain the class character of the revolt and bringing out our slogans with the purpose of freeing the masses from the influence of the Jewish reformists. SECRETARIAT | AGITPROP DEPARTMENT COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. . * . (1) The events in Palestine illustrate anew the correctness of ee analysis of the Sixth World Congress concerning the present period 0: post-war capitalism. This Third Period, as analyzed by the Sixth World | Congress and further developed by the Tenth Plenum of the Executive | Gommittee of the Communist International, is. characterized by the development of the productive forces of capitalism upon a level oe | distancing the pre-war period. This fact, cited by the apologists ‘or capitalism and by the social democrats as a proof of the inherent strength and health of capitalism, is in reality reproducing its crisis of 1914 only on a more intense scale. The growth and development of the productive forces is faced with a simultaneous contraction of the | markets. As a result the redistribution of the world among the im- perialist powers again becomes the order of the day. A new world war becomes inevitable. Trying to solve these insolvable contradictions imperialism continues and intensifies its oppression a exploitation of the working class and of the colonial and semi-colonial peoples. ; This leads to a tremeydous intensification of the class struggle, uprisings against the imperialist oppressors of the peoples in the colonial and | semi-colonial countries. The theses of the Tenth Plenum point out that: “Neither has the bourgeoisie succeeded in suppressing the revolutionary movement in the colonies. The antagonisms be- tween imperialism and the colonial world powers are even sharper in the most important colonial and semi-colonial countries.” The theses of the Tenth Plenum say further: “Simultaneously with the growing revolutionary wave in India there spreads again a struggle in the colonies and depen- dent countries against the foreign oppressors (Morocco, Congo, countries of Latin-America, etc.) under conditions where the wave of the revolutionary labor movement is rising in the mother countries and the U,S.S.R. is strengthening. The revolutionary movement in the colonies will grow stronger and with a more rapid tempo than heretofore, thus bringing nearer the collapse of the entire capitalist class.” The revolutionary uprising in Palestine bears out this analysis completely. It decisively refutes the opportunist line of the interna- tional right wing; who in all countries underestimate the general radical- jzation of the workers, failing to see the growing struggles of the | oppressed peoples against imperialism. This opportunist conception is in the last analysis an aid to the bourgeoisie and can be compared only | with the conceptions of social democracy. These conceptions received a hard blow by the events in Palestine. (2) Palestine is an Arab country. Of its 747,000 inhabitants only 83,000 are Jews, as against 600,000 Moslems and a few Christians. Politically and economically it is a British colony occupied by the Brit- ish army during the world war. Its strategic importance is illustrated | by its nearness to the Suez Canal, the maritime road of Great Britain | to its Asiatic possessions. Palestine is also a very important link in | the chain of military bases of British imperialism surrounding the Soviet Union. Its raw materials, most important of which are its | chemical salts (kali) have been seized by British capital, which thrusts | into its own hands the large chemical salt concessions on the shores | of the Dead Sea, the country-wide electrification concessions, and con- cessions for the more important enlargement of the Haifa harbor. Haifa is to be the terminal of the oil pipe line from Mosul. It will not only be a commercial harbor, but one of the most important navy stations for British imperialism with the best refueling commodities for its navy. { The firm establishment and further extension of British rule in Palestine can take place only at the expense of the toiling masses of Palestine. ‘ * (3) British imperialism has attempted to cover up its aggression against the Arab masses in Palestine by using the Zionist movement as a fig leaf. Under the pretense of the establishment of a “national Jewish state,” it has used the Zionist movement as a battering ram against the Arab masses. The colonization of the Jewish immigrants supplies the excuse for the expropriation of the land of the Arabs. | A pretended protection of the political rights of the Jewish insignificant | minority supplies the excuse for the suppression of the political rights of the overwhelming Arab masses. The “sales” of land of the big Arab land owners to the Zionist societies, robs the native fallaheens of: their land. Briberies of all sorts and corruption of government officials, as well as bribing of the elders in the Arab villages, are all roads leading to the same aim—the ex- propriation of land from the poor Arab peasants and the handing over of it to the Zionist colonizing companies. The Zionist labor leaders take a very active part in this seizure of land. The poverty stricken Jewish workers are incited by all possible means against the poor | Arab peasant in an attempt to-provoke the seizure of the latter’s land. | Numerous bloody clashes have resulted from this policy. And upon the ruins of the small Arab peasant holdings there arise huge planta- tions upon which a few parasitic capitalists exploit hundreds of Jewish | workers and thousands of Arab workers, the latter mostly recruited | from the expropriated peasantry. Zionism has deceived the toiling Jewish masses with its reactionary utopia of a social and national paradise in Palestine. This swindle is perpetrated by the Paoli Zionists as well as the Zionists. During the war the Jewish workers were utilized by British imperialism as cannon- fodder by promising, through the mouth of Lord Balfour, to the Jewish masses the creation of an independent Jewish state in Palestine. British imperialism embraces Zionism for its own imperialist aim. But the promised paradise remained a chimera. No Jewish national state has been established. No political independence even in the slightest degree is granted to Palestine, The privileges granted by British imperialism to Jewish settlers are merely offered as a lure to prospective Jewish immigrants so that they may be used by British imperialism as a lever against the Arab workers. This policy and plan of British imperialism is supported by the reformists and social democratic Jewish parties and the reformist trade unions affiliated with the Amsterdam International., They play the role of tools of British imperialism. These reformists and social democratic Jewish organizations fight openly against the political independence of Arabia and against the independence of Palestine. The Zionists thus become shock troops for British imperialism in Palestine. They inter- vene openly in the interest of imperialigm. For years the Amsterdam trade union center in Palestine, the “Hastadruth,” have refused mem- bership to Arab workers. In the present crisis they openly show their treacherous role. They play this role not only at the expense’ of the | Arab working masses, but also at the expense of the Jewish workers. | The present economic crisis in Palestine, with its accompanying un- employment, is disillusioning these Jewish workers and causing a move- | ment for emigration. This emigration movement of Jewish workers is the dreary and pitiful reality into which the false promises of the Zionists and British imperialism have lured these workers. But the Jewish reformists in Palestine are true to form. The growing suffer- ings of the Jewish masses do not induce them to change their policy | and fight for the interests of these masses, but.on the contrary, is driving them closer and closer toward British imperialism. | | The most dangerous enemy in the camp of the reformists are the | “left” opportunists, the Paoli Zionists. These “lefts” even employ the | Communist slogan of a Soviet Republic and the proletarian dictatorship | as a means of deception. They demand a “Jewish Soviet Republic of | Palestine,” thereby giving a seemingly revolutionary formulation to the imperialist aim of Great Britain—the suppression of the Arabs. They | demand a “dictatorship of the Jewish proletariat” in the Arab country, thus demanding not a dictatorship of, but over the proletariat, since the overwhelming masses of workers are recruited from the Arab | population, This slogan of a “Jewish Soviet Republic” is the most | dastardly conceived service rendered to British imperialism. It is a | clear example of how the opportunists can prostitute §omm--" ' ogans in the service of imperialism. 8 The seemingly religious and race character is a result of he crafty and provocative policy of Great Britain. always and everywhere designed to set one nation, one religion, one group against the other, so that the military power of British imperial- ism in each instance appears not as the oppressor but as the arbiter between contending forces. The events in Palestine made this clear very quickly. The action of the Arabs transformed itself rapidly into a national revolutionary uprising against British imperialism. That this uprising manifested itself in its first stages in an attack against the Jewish nationalist colonists is the result of the role played by these colonists as agents of British imperialism. British imperialism appears to the Arab peasant in the immediate form of the Jewish colonists who rob him of his land. The role of the Jewish colonists as more or less passive agents and instruments of British imperialism, is augmented by the activities of Jewish fascists who play the active role of provocateurs against the Arab masses. (5). The recent events in Palestine illustrate the social imperialist role of the British Labor Party. The Tenth Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International correctly stated that: * “All the policies of the Labor Party, particularly in the last years, have shown that MacDonald’s government will follow the road of the German social democracy in power ... it will strangle the national revolutionary movement in the colonial countries...” The MacDonald government has played this role in its relation to India during its last period of power, and is now repeating it on a higher, more efficient and more oppressive scale. The first reaction of the MacDonald government to the events in Palestine was the send- ing of 18 war ships, of 100 airplanes, and masses of troops to Palestine. British imperialism has nothing and the workers of the world have everything to fear from the labor government in Great Britain. The “labor” government is preparing to duplicate the brutal massacre made by French imperialism in Demascus in 1925. Under the leadership of the so-called labor government, the military forces of British imperial- ism will try to drown in blood every attempt to resist the oppression and exploitation by British capital of the peoples of the colonies in general and of the workers in particular. j (6) American imperialism is attempting to utilize for its own purpose the situation in Palestine and the difficulties of British im- poral Arising out of it. It is planning to provoke a situation which ill Permit it to intervene in its own imperialist interests. It is inciting British imperialism to organize blood-baths. Later it will be able to intervene under the pretense of insufficient protection by Great Britain of its own nationalists; and it will carry through this intervention after the Arabs receptive to the interference of America. The American government will then be ready to claim its own protectorate over Pales- tine in one form or another. This may be done in the form of demand for an international commission for settling the question, like the Stim- son memorandum regarding the Chinese Eastern Railroad. Or, it may, as indicated before, appear in the role of a protector of humanity and of oppressed peoples against the fiendish Britishers. American imperialism, too, is utilizing the Jewish nationalist or. ganizations in the United States as its instruments. The whole Jewis! press in America is inciting to bloody attacks against the Arabs. The Jewish bourgeoisie is already volunteering its help to smash the rev- olutionary movement of the Arabs. The American Jewish nationalist organizations are only too eager to play for American imperialism the role that the official Zionist movement has heretofore played in relation to. British-imperialism. These organizations are intimately connected with the American bourgeoisie and have nothing in common with the interests of the toiling Jewish masses. They play upon the’ Jewish national and religious prejudices to win the support of these masses, but they are agents of the bourgeoisie in a struggle against the econ- omic and political interests of these same Jewish masses. f 3@) Only the Communist International and its sections can mob- {ilize the working masses for the protection of their own interests. The Communist Party of Palestine is the only Party which, in its program of unity of all the toiling masses, Arab as well as Jewish, can lead \the fight for their emancipation. This fight must be directed against imperialism and cannot be carried on under the banner of British im- perialism as the Zionists attempt to. The national interests must be replaced by class interests. The national interests have always at the decisive moment betrayed the class interests of the toilers. While the class movement of the proletariat has always protected the national interests, as exemplified in the policy of the U.S.S.R. toward the dif- ferent nationals within its boundaries alone. Nationalist principles are an excuse for petty and big bourgeois Zionism to betray the in- terests of the Jewish working masses. Nationalist ties are no hindrance to the Arabian bourgeoisie and big land owners betraying the Arabian toiling masses to British imperialism. | The Communist Party of Palestine is fighting for a united front jof the Arab and Jewish toiling masses against imperialism. It seeks to transform the uprising of the Arabs into a general fight of all Arabian toilers supported by the Jewish workers against the imperial- ist regime and for its overthrow, The slogans of the Communists concerning th i ee ig the struggle in Pales- The land back to the Arabs. Confiscation of all land robbed by British imperialism. Expropriation of all Arabian feudal lords and such Jewish colonists whose land was taken from the Arabs and who exploit labor. This land should be returned to the Arabs, safeguarding all rights of the small toiling Jewish peasants. i (8) The Communist Party of the United States has practic itasks to perform in this situation. The provocative policy of Baanens i imperialism must be combatted in the most energetic way. American imperialism must be shown up as responsible in the preparation of the bloody massacre against the revolutionary Arabs, The American Zion- ist movement must be unmasked as a reactionai i lnapecialians ity force for American (9) Under these conditions the opportunist errors of the Freiheit” are very grave. The editors of the Freiheit forgot the basic principle of Marxism: the class struggle. They became blind to their duty of analyzing the class forces of the clash in Palestne, and instead parrotted the anti-working class phrases of bourgeois ‘Zionism and British and American imperialism. Instead of seeing the role of Brit- ish imperialism they unblushingly write “Arab:pogroms of Jews turned themselves into fights between the Jewish self-defense and the Arabian invaders.” When the Freiheit stated “Protest against the British gov- ernment which permitted pogroms ‘of innocent People,” it spoke the language of American imperialism. This is eyen more strikingly illus- trated in the complaint “Against the striking workers in Palestine and against the Communists the British imperialists do show their fist, but to resist a hundred Arabs they lack strength.” ; (10) The ‘slogans of our Party must be: “Morning Support with all means the revolutionary movement in Palestine directed against imperialism, and its Zionist and Paoli Zionist lackeys, For an independent Arabian republic with full rights for all na- tional minorities including the toiling Jewish masses, : Return the land robbed from the Arabs! For a Federation of the Soviet Republics of the Arabistan! For the united front of Jewish and Arabian toiling mass. t world imperialism! mi anes | Against the provocation of the American bourgeoisie and the Amer- an imperialist policy in Palestine! Long live the state of proletarian dictatorship, the Soviet Union, the only true emancipator of all nationalities! Merciless fight against the Zionists and all Jewish opportunist bourgeois nationalists who are tools of British, American or other cap- italism and enemies of the Arabian and Jewish toilers. Against the social reformists, the Second International, the New York “Vorwarts,” and the socialist party, agents of American imperial- ism and world imperialism! ri VERY (4) The present uprising in Palestine is no religious war and no | ‘ace war. This policy was | the bloody deeds of British imperialism against the Arabs have made | 1 SAW IT] ~~ AY SELF Reprinted, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by: Henri a . Dutton & Co. Ine» ice Soe published and copyrighted by E. P. VENGEANCE FROM ON HIGH. “GO they mutinied you say?” / «Yes, Several regiments. It was in the Soissons section, in 10@R” “And for what reason?” “They were disloyal to their country, They said they were Od up with the war, that when all was said and done it was really the doing of cabinet ministers, of the governments, and the rich; they said that the band of Franco-German profiteers had only to fight ® out amongst themselves—and all that sort of revolutionary rubbigh.” “What did they do?” ba “They took their officers prisoners! That’s what they dtd, st.” “Did they knock them about?” “No, But they shut them up in villages. Then they slit all the “motor tyres. They even posted machine guns to defend themselves, But they never used them. At last, they were surrounded, then dis armed: And then, two hundred and fifty were chosen out.” “Why two hundred and fifty?” “Well, you see, to have chosen more would have made too mangg and less would hardly have made enough. They took these two hundred and fifty, chosen by lot among the rest, and invited them up into some waiting motor lorries, Up they got, laughing a livrey laugh. Then they were driven about all day.” . “P)RIVEN about?” “Yes, they were driven up and down and round about the neighbor- ing country; the idea was that they should lose all notion of their whereabouts. At evening, we stopped.” ~ “We? So you were with them?” “Of course I was—not with the two hundred and fifty; I was one of the escort. “There they waited and waited. Hours passed. An officer said: ‘We'd better get hold of their names—they’ll be needed later on. Then another of the officers, who understood men just like a story writer, said, ‘Let’s have your names for a tot of rum to each man.’ They gave their names, you bet; but they’re still waiting for that tot of rum. “When night fell they were led over flat land; every now and then, they had to step over a trench, full of men and bayonets. When we had no more trenches to cross, they were made to advance a bit further. ‘Halt!’ was the whispered order, and they were told to sit on the ground, all huddled up close together. ‘Sit down,’ were the words, ‘close up tight, and mind you don’t stir.’ And then this order was passed along from mouth to mouth, in low tones, ‘Eyes front. Keep a sharp look-out.’ “The object. of these last instruction was to prevent their seeing that their escorts were leaving them, crawling away very cautiously, quietly returning in the direction whence they had come. “Silence and solitude settled down on this heap of humanity; two hundred and fifty pairs of eyes stared out towards the tangled skein of flashes from the never failing guns. . * a the rear they weren’t very long getting busy. Just a word down the ’phone. Our batteries received the order to alter range and concentrate on a group massed at such and such a range near the front lines,’ And it wasn’t hard to see;.a rocket. soared gracefully to indicate the exact position. ’ “Two hundred and fifty men in the prime and vigor of life, that’s not a thing to be sneezed at. But a few fiery streaks, like axe-strokes flashing downwards this way, a few down-hailings fit to smash in house roofs, and then, to finish it off, the regular leaden streamer of the machine gun cleaning up the forgotten places—and the heap of men was transformed into a hash of flesh, bones and cloth—arms they had none. “Trust the officers to think it all out. With a wealth of precau- tion, they hedged the whole business round with secrecy and we, who had had a hand in it, were all sworn to deathly silence. We swore to keep it dark and keep it we did, for as long as we had to: either you have a sense of honor, or else you’ve none.” This-then was the deed—one only of a hundred such, for they will never all be known—coolly perpetrated by French officers: Such are the exploits of the brutes who commanded us, and doubtless will be there in plenty to command us again, when the day comes. es 8 8 rf bestial savagery of an Attila and a Tamerlane has kept pace with centuries of progress! The -perfecting ‘gf machinery was not enough; hypocrisy, cowardice and bestiality have been perfected, too. Thad long known of this crime. A friend had heard the authentic account and passed it on to me with plentiful details as to how and by whom it was revealed; but he had also asked me not to say a word about it at that particular moment. The moment coincided with the general elections of May, 1924. Some of the politicians had been in- formed of the occurrence. They spouted flames of wrath. But they were up for election and had other things to think about. With diffi- | culty, then, they restrained their indignation, “but only,” said they, “to strike the harder later on: if only they won their seats,” they explained, “we should see!” They did win their seats, and we saw . . . that men in parliament and men up for election are not the same thing. One and all (some day I shall give their names), they let drop this awkward business, involving questions of responsibility and incul- pation of the highly placed. In fact, our parliamentarians kept mum on the subject where silence was to be deprecated. And once this helpful electoral effort was a thing of the past, nothing ever disturbed this gruesome business in its grave. And that is why I have stepped into the place of all these honor- able men today, to speak of an affair which brooks no silence. This, too, I would especially say: our army executioneers and democratic puppets have no more true and faithful abetters than You, O “honest folk.” You, O “worthy citizens”—you that never lift a finger, but sit and cry Amen. . (Tomorrow: . . Their Heads Unbowed) Trustifv Food in Race to War » The Wall Street policy of central- izing industry in the interests of acquired the Nucoa Butter Company in 1927, has in turn become a subsi- greater war efficiency has not over- looked the field of food distribution. It is enough to remember that one of the slogans in the last imperialist carnage was: “Food will win the war,” to understand the recent pur- chase of the United Cigar Stores and Tobacco: Products by the Gold Dust Corporation, the formation of Standard Brands by the arch-war- monger, J. P. Morgan, the continual growth of the General Foods Cor- poration’ and other food trusts. , chains vast chains of. distribution outlets and manufacturing plants are being assembled, throwing more and more proprietors. of corner gro- cery stores, bakeries, meat markets and small restaurants into the ranks of the unemployed, leads capitalists to assert that the day of one huge baking center, one huge meat center, etc,, is just around the corner. ‘The Postum Company, now Gen- eral Foods, began its expansion back in 1925 .with the acquisition. of Jell-O. ‘Since then’ it has bought up a long line of companies making and distributing such varied prod- ucts ‘as baking powder, cleansing materials, cocoa, chocolate, coffee, mayonnaise and flour, and has lately let it be known that it is just wtart- ing to branch out. The food products annually turned out by this trust ave valued at ten billion dollars. . . American Linseed Company, which The’ rapidity’ with which. vast|> diary of Gold Dust, heretofore deal- ing exclusively in washing powders, soaps and polishes, which through the purchase of Best Foods, Inc., and the Standard Milling Co., one of the world’s largest flour milling concerns, has entered the food busi- ness with a war whoop. This ex- pansion, its owners admit, is merely the base of a vast trustification pro- ject, begun with the acquisition of United Cigar Stores and Tobacco Products last week. The Borden Company, which pick- ed-up a number of international milk and dairy companies last year, has so far gulped down more than 100 units, and aims to establish a vir- tual monopoly in milk, cheese, but- ter, ice cream and eggs. Standard Brands, floated by M gan in June, combines the Fle’ ‘mann Company, world’s largest mak- ers of yeast and vinegar; the Royal Baking Powder Company; E, W. Gillett Company, Ltd., Canadian manufacturers of yeast and baking powder, ‘and Chase & Sanborn, dis- tributors of tea and coffee. The Glidden Company, paint and varnish manufacturers, has taken over E. R. Durkee & Company, mak ers of salad dressings, meat sauces, pickles, spices and condiments, and the W. W. Berichley Margarine Co., which is to be. consolidated with Glidden and- ‘made to serve as the vehicle for further a

Other pages from this issue: