The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 24, 1929, Page 6

Page Six ~ : © As. 3 8 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, AUGUST 24, 1929 5 ee wo~™. % Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S, A. Published by the Comprotafly, Publishing Co. Jno, Da 6-28 Union Square, New Yor! y, Sunday, at 2 in: a oe WORE Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-%. Cable: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): 98.0 $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): 36.00 a year 33.60 six months $2.00 three months Aééress and mai) all checks to the Dally Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. SE. & year >» A Beacon Light for the Revolutionary . Movement HE membership of the Communist Party of the United States of America must with the greatest possible rapidity and thoroughness be familiarized with the theses and decisions of the Tenth Plenum of the Executive Commit- tee of the Communist International—and this is the very best means of insuring that our Party will be able to meet with revolutionary energy and understanding the tremendous demands which are now being pressed upon it from all sides , by the rising level of class struggle in the United States, and the menace of imminent imperialist war against the Soviet Union. Never were more important decisions made by any polit- ieal:body than were made by this latest Plenum of our Com- munist International. The analysis and decisions previously made by the Sixth World Congress of the Communist Inter- national had already been proven with startling clarity to be eorrect. The Tenth Plenum, following ten months after the World Congress, had the task of dealing with exceedingly significant events of the period since the World Congress and to answer questions arising therefrom. Has capitalist stabilization become more solid? Has capitalism overcome its contradictions, internal or external? Has the situation of the working class improved? Is the wave of the proletarian revolutionary movement now ebbing? Has the war danger decreased (!1!!)? + Certainly there are those who have succumbed to the influence of the ideology of the capitalist class to such an extent as to answer “yes” to each of these questions! And there are others who, in copfusion or, cowardice, are unwilling to give an outright answer, as every Bolshevik must, to these questions, put who attempt to conciliate the irreconcilable differences between the Communist Party and the right wing -opportunist exponents of the capitalist ideology inside or outside of the Communist Party. We have both varieties in this country, as in all other countries. The Tenth Plenum showed unmistakably that the capitalist system throughout the world is not only not more solidified, but has. been and is being brought to a more precarious condition. The increasing shaki- ness of capitalist stabilization, the sharpening of the inner contradic-, tions, as well as the outer contradictions of capitalism—is proven by an overwhelming array of evidence, including many phenomena which are judged by the soccial democrats and by the renegades from Communism te be evidences of the strengthening of capitalist stabilization. The constant convening and disruption of the, various sorts of in- ternational conferences of the imperialist states, the calling into office of the MacDonald government—and the Young Plan (whether adopted or rejected)—are themselves facts showing the extreme sharpening of contradictions and the rapid development of imperialist relations be- tween capitalist states and particularly between the world imperialist system and the Union “of Socialist Soviet Republics, At the moment these lines are written, the bloodthirsty provocation of the world im- perialists on the Chinese front of the Soviet Union, threatens, the imme- diate precipitation of a world imperialist assault upon the working class in the form of war against the workers’ and peasants’ republic. It can now be seen more clearly than ever that the Kellogg Pact was correctly characterized by the Communist International as being in- tended by the imperialists as a part of their preparations fot imperialist war. All developments in world economy and politics in every crucial point have proceeded along the lines foreseen and marked out by the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International. There have certainly been changes since the Sixth Congress. What character have these: changes had? i The Sixth Congress marked the leftward movement of the work- ing class in all capitalist countries, and the Tenth Plenum showed that this leftward movement is now the oncoming of a rising tide of the Yevolutionary movement. This is especially shown in such countries as Germany, France, and Poland, but the phenomenon is a general one on fa world scale. The Ruhr lockout, the Lodz strike, the strikes in France, the tremendous event of the Berlin May Day, the bloody clash in the Rumanian coal strike, the German Communist victories in the factory _ committee elections, the agrarian strike in Poland,—all of these Euro- pean events merge with the events now actually taking place in the United States which show the heavy revolutionary drift in the biggest capitalist countries, Against this drift not only the’ social-fascist Zoergiebel’s, but also the hypocritical “left socialist’” counter-revolu- tionary methods cannot prevail. It is in such a situation as this that the greatest danger becomes the danger that the Communist Parties may drift in the wake of the gtowing revolutionary upward movement. This has happened before, as in the case of the German Communist Party under the opportynist . leadership of Brandler and Thalheimer six years ago. The Sixth World Congress of the Communist International pointed out that the greatest danger was the right danger—at a time when the leftward movement of the working class was to be noted. And now, when the general leftward movement has accelerated and widened into the oncoming rising tide of the revolutionary movement—cer- tainly the center of the whole attention of the Communist International must be fixed upon overcoming all right deviations and all conciliation” with the right deviations which can only mean a series of catatrophic defeats if allowed to prevail in the leadership of the Communist Party during the decisive conflicts toward which we are developing. Those who develop “theoties” which are only ideological preparations for throwing down arms before capitalism and its “socialist” flunkeys must be cleaned out from the leadership of all Communist Parties and the leadership of. these parties consolidated firmly on the line of the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International. The Communist Party of the United States was far from obscure in the considerations of the Tenth Plenum of the Comintern. Together with the German, the French, the Czecho-Slovakian, and the Polish Communist Parties, our American Party had just gone through a deep experience in, this connection, where. the Communist Parties of other countries had only just begun or in some cases had not yet begun tw live through the experience of testing and strengthening its Bolshevist integrity. The service which the Communist International rendered to the American Party at the Tenth Plenum (and just preceding it) was to help the American Party more quickly to expose the opportunist line and factional intrigues against the Communist Party and the Interna- tional by Lovestone, Pepper, etc., than would have been possible with- out the aid of the Comintern. The subsequent open attacks of Lovestone ang his followers upon the Communist International in the true style of a Ludwig Lore, a Salutsky or a Cannon, will open the eyes of all honest Communist workers to the enormous service which the Comintern has rendered in exposing these renegades, The Lovestone political platform, placed sharply in contrast to the analysis and tactics of *the Comintern as adopted by the Sixth World Congress, and confirmed and strengthened by the Tenth Plenum, has developed into the inevitable stage of an effort of Lovestone, Wolfe, Gitlow and Co. at a revision of Marxism- Leninism. The Lovestone-Pepper theory of an “exceptional” condition in the United States which somehow weakens the applicability of the fundamental laws of capitalist deevlopment, is inevitably related to the imperialist ideology propagated, for instance, by Matthew Woll who | Says that “Russian” Bolshevivst theories of proletarian revolution can have no effect on the United States. In building their anti-Communist movement in defense of their theory “exceptionalism” arti other oppor- ae fniat conceptions against the attacks upon these theories by the DEFEAT THE MURDER FUND! * 4 Fight Long Hours, Speedup by Organizing — BY. PHILIP A. RAYMOND The automobile industry, has long been held up at home and abroad as having solved the secret of high wages, mass production and open- shop prosperity. During the time that auto manufacturers had diffi- culty in keeping with the de- mand, thousands. of low-paid and unemployed workers in the mine fields, textile and other industries flocked into the automobile centres to enjoy the comparitively high | wages, : For this reason what is now hap- pening in the auto industr} is of in- |terest to all workers. This industry | directly employs over 650,000 work- jers while indirectly over 4,000,000 |persons are employed in some jcapacity connected with motor | transportation. In 1928, it consumed | 6,700,000 tons of steel or 18 per cént |of steel production. It furnished a market for 85 per cent of rubber, 74 peg cent. of plate glass, 27 per | cent of aluminum and 18 per cent of hardwood lumber. It is the third largest user of the railroads, at the same it is now an imfortant factor in transportation itself. The growing compétition is best |exemplified in the rivalry of Ford and Chevrolet for control of the cheap car field.? First, Chevrolet drove the Ford model T off the \ market. Next, Chevrolet introduced a six cylinder car in the sanfe price- class as the four. Now, it appears |that Ford is more than holding his }o¥n in the competitive struggle. | Taking eleven states at random, we find that in the month of June, 18,- 576 new Mord cars were registered to 10,736 new Chevrolets. The 2,- 000,000th Mode? A car rolled off the |line towards the end’ of July. It is |Chevrolet’s next move; either a drastic ‘price cut or essential im- provements, accompanied by furthe| wage-cuts and an intensified speed- up program. = This competition is not confirmed to the cheap car field. Recently, a $200 ‘reduction was announced for the Studebaker-Dictator Six. At the same time, A. R. Erskine, presi- dent of this corporation made the statement that price reductions would not mean reduced profits. “Economics of operation and manu- fecture permits the. company to share the savings with the public.” This growing competition is bring- ing about one m after another. Affiliate with the T.UE.L. and Elect Delegates {i the use of this method docs not to the Conference It is also resulting in American) the biggest strike in the auto in-| Worthy of a better cause.” manufacturers buying up European }dustry of Detroit since the Fisher} plants building, factories of their | own abroad. It is at this time that/leadership of the Auto Workers | Union, they have nothing but con- we hear of auto manufacturers de- | manding that the tariff be removed | marched on the picket line, resist-|to them that the A. F. of L. could on automobiles. All of these factors combined | with the introduction of labor sav-| ing devices is resylting in the | growth of a permanent army of un- employment in the auto industry. Just a few figures will illustrate what is happening. 1928 production | of cars and trucks was 4,600,000. | The first six months of 1929 shows a production of 3,223,000 vehicles. The most optimistic predictions for the full 1929 production is not more than 5,200,000 cars, leaving about 2,000,000 cars to be produced in the last six months of the year. While | the average @utomobile factory em-| ployment was 22 per cent in excess | of the average for the first six} m@ths of last year, kutomobile pro- duction was 42 per cent in excess for the safne period. Production and employment is falling fast. Chevro-| let is reducing production by 30 per} cent. Chrysler and other plants are doing the same. Department of Labor figures for July shows a fall of 7.2 per cent in automobile factory | employment. Praying for Rain. A recent bulletin of the Guarantee Trust Co. of N. Y. says, “It is obvi- ous that the present* rate of in- dustrial activity can not be main- tained indefinitely. On the other hand curtailment of production may be deferred for some time.” Auto- mobile manufactugers realize this, but each is out fot the hog’s share of the market and as far as pos- sible leaves it to the other fellow to do the curtailing. Auto Workers are Fighting Back. Drastic wage-cuts from 15 to 38% per cent are taking place thru- out the industry. Thousands of automobile workers in Detroit, Pon- tiac, Flint, Oakland, Cal., and other Body strike of 1921. Under the Union, 1500 men and women {tend the disaffection to other parts The lack of success ee to dampen their ardor. The |persistence with which they return jto the attack after each failure is While automobile manufacturers |hate and fear the Auto Workers |tempt for the’A. F. of L, It seems ing every attempt on the part of the not deliver the goods even if given police to break their line. Before|an opportunity. They are too much the strike was over, Murray body |Wiscredited to wield mucle influence was forced to rescind the 20 per|over the workers. In this situation cent wage cut. (ihe workers must be on their guard | The Role of the A. F. of L. jagainst any so-called progressive At a time when automobile work-| group within the A. F. of L., which ers are carrying on militant strug-|would betray the workers after gles against wage-cuts, what is the |winning their tidenze by progres- A. F, of L. doing? After its bom-|sive slogans. Such a group is the bastic declaration to organize the|“Muste Brookwood Progressive auto industry in 1926, what has been |“Group.” They have already be- accomplished in three years? Ches-/trayed the rayon workers in Ten-| ter M. Culver, general-manager of |nessee, the silk workers in Pater- the Employers Association of De-/son and the hosiery workers in Ken- ally, the'thousands of former miners and other workers now employed in the auto industry do not mean to give the A. F, of L. an opportunity to again betray them. Since the employers turned down with con- tempt the offer of A. F. of L. or- ganizers to help them exploit labor more efficiently, they have skulked pback into their holes. But, never- theless, auto workers must be on their guard against any A. F. of L. effoms to stab them in the back during a time of struggle. In the same article the head of the Employers Association shys of the Auto Workers Union: “The only union that jp stil! actively attempt- ing to seture control of the autg- mobile jndustry is the Auto Work- ers Union. This organization is directed by the Communists. It has met with little success in its attempt to gather in all workers in the in- dustry, but its agents are always on the job. Never do they lose an op- portunity to enlarge upon fancied grievances or to misinterpret the policy of management and to prom- ise utopian results if the union cities are fighting back. The last |secures control. They gain a certain strike took place against the Murray Body Corporation in Detroit against a@ wage-cut of* 20 per cent. It was following and if they succeed in causing a strike in one department, a strenuous effort is made to ex- troit gives the answer. He says, osha, Wis. “The A, F. of L. can’t even obtain Si t the TUEL. the*ear of industrial workers and| ‘y,, rade. Union Educational leaves the field to the Reds.” Natur- sap ain aks caren Menaacz a tea |League has given vigorous support jto the Auto Workers Union in its lefforts to organize the automobile jindustry. Just as it has supported the struggles of the textile workers of Passaic, New Bedford. and Gas- |tonia, the needle trades, miners and shoe workers, it has given every pos- | sible aid to the automobile workers. The time has come te build a new trade union cefiter to replace the effete A, F. of L. which is now noth- ing else than an instrument of the |bosses, | ‘The new militant industrial unions in the mining, textile, needle, auto- mobil@ and other industries must combine their strength. Only in that way will it be possible effec- tively to resist new onslaughts on the workers livelihood, fight back police attacks and Gastonia frame- ups, resist preparations for a new war and thus build a trade union center which will in the interests of the workers, The TUUC conven- tion takes place August 31st in |Cleveland where the new Trade Union Center will be inaugurated. Militant workers in,all industries, Elect delegates to the TUUC! Build a fighting trade union center! . * On to Cleveland on August 31st! Communist Internaitnoal, Lovestone and Co. are building a road direct to bourgeois patriotism. And it is no accident that this movement comes precisely in the Third Period when the capitalist ideological in- fluence so heavily presses upon the working class through social demo- cratic, “left”-social democratic, and, through corrupt renegadism on the fringe of the Communist Party for the generation of new forms of social patriotism. The “tactical” disagreement of the entire right wing internationally (including Lovestone and-Pepper who are now shown to have been for some time affiliated with the international right wing elements) is being transformed into the disagreement of two violently opposed political programs. This was as inevitable with them as it was with the Trotskyites. Thus the political line of the rights in a whole series of countries has begun to be incompatible with their continued presence in the Communist Internatiogal. 6 The present is the time of rapid political development and as the right opportunists move further upon the.road of opportunism, taking their place outside of the Communist International and openly opposed to the proletarian revolution, a similar process is being gone through by the conciliatory and wavering elements who have not as yet made up their minds poenly to oppose the line of the Sixth World Congress. When the open right wingers are expelled, these conciliators them- selves take the position which was occupied by the open rights. Underhandedly obscuring their differences with the Comintern, refus- ing to defend the line of the Comintern but not hesitating to find cowardly excuses for the open opportunists and renegades, the concilia- tors e themselves in fact the spokesmen of the renegades. The success of construction of socialism in the Union of Socialist Soviet Epis i playing a vastly increasing role in consolidating the revolutionary forces within the capitalist count@ies. But just as the sound revojutionary elements of the Communist Parties of all capitalist countries are drawn by the powerful magnet of the corrgct policies of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, so also are fhe rotten, un- stable elements in all Communist pag (or those expelled from them) PASI HEE REIREREE STS, SSDP NORE ES SESS SES CIN REBT» SSS OES SS ae NESE SS eI ee TOL REE RRS aN ee inevitably orientating themgglves toward the right elements and con- ciliatots within the Communist Patty of the Soviet Union. » By the ruthless exposure of the weaknesses within the Communist Parties of all countries, the Tenth Plenum has already performed an enormous part of the preparation for the coming revolutionary strug- gles. In direct proportion to the exposure of weaknesses has been the positive consolidation of the revolutionary leadership of the Communist Parties. An intense Bolshevization Process, accompanying the active ap- plication of revolutionary line of “the Sixth World Congress and the Tenth Plenum to the important class battles now in progress, is the order of the day. The correct application of the line of the Comintern is the only means of success in tearing the masses of the workers away from the trade union bureaucracy, agents of the bourgeoisie, and in uniting wide masses of both the organized and the unorganized? proletarians, nee only for economic struggle but ajso for revolutionary politcal strug- gle. ° Enormous attention was given at the Tenth Plenum to theoretical and tactical questions of the struggle on the economic field and in the matter of transforming the struggles into the revolutionary political struggle for the overthrow of capitalism. Never have more important directives been given than those which were decided upon by the Tenth Plenum in respect to trade union tactics for the independent leadership of strike struggles, for building up organs of leadership in the strug- gle, for uniting not only the organized but also the unorganized masses, and for strengthening the work inside of*the reformist trade unions in accord with the line of the Sixth World. Congress. These must be the subject of more extensive treatment and popularization throughout the entire Communist and left wing press. . The Tenth Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International marks an epoch in revélutionary history. A full under- standing and application of its findings will bring new strength and unity to the Communist Party of the United States, carrying it forward to the conquest of a majority of the American working class, ray ‘A Reprinted, by permission, from “I Saw It Myself” by Henri Barbusse, published and copyrighted by E. P. Dutton & Co. Inc, New York. LAUGHING JACK AND WHEEPING JACK j Martin, the stamp-seller, and Joel, the lamp-lighter, live in the same town. Martin is always jolly, while Joel is an eternal grumbler. Both go off to war together and Martin becomes very popular. Joel, who is an anarchist, is bitter against the war, but not even a@ bullet wound can impair Martin’s “gaiety. Daring an attack Martin becomes frightened and dives into @ shell-hole. ‘he attack fizzles and Martin is court martialed for cowardice. Joel is similarly victimized though he had not run away, Both are being made scapegoats to shield higher officers and they are condemned to death. They are led out to be executed in state and ar made to listen to speeches. 4 Ce ae (ae padre had drawn near. He overheard and understod. He stepped aside and did nothing, glad to cut short his share in the business, and contended himself with saying Amen in a low voice, head turned away. ‘And Joel, when they had torn a few buttons off their coats and the strips of cloth bearing their regimental marks, went on to say: “They’re sending us back to Blighty. We're done with war, and no joking about it this time. ak And actually Martin got quite absorbed, watching the line up and leploying of the troops. tou At ae, they ere separated. Joel found time to say, “It’s all to thank you for amusing the men so.” Martin believed him, for it sounded plausible. Signe “My word, what a thing it is! ...” he said. And sure enough, the hideous farce was played out just as Joel said it would be. i s But Joel’s turn came before his. A line flashed out into fire, and the wind from that line blew him over as if he had been made of paper. And then, perhaps, came a moment when Martin saw the truth about the avays of war and men. But who can tell? At all events, he did not have to wait very long. He fell, like a stone, vertically, as if he had sunk into the ground, as if the hailstorm aimed at his head had cut the legs from under him. *. Jenise UT when the march past was pver, I saw his body, lying there like a disjointed puppet on the ground. His head was in a jelly. But he was laughing all the same. Aye, one saw that laugh, shivered to pits. Laughter was stamped for ever on the shapeless and beastly remains of that face, where life and Fate had set it. His was the abiding ghastly image of the merriment of his race, He was thrown, with Joel too, ihto a wide trench where other French corpses, hashed by bullets from. German rifles, or French, already lay. Perhaps it was he whom they fished up and made into the Unknown Soldier that lies beneath the Arc de Triomphe . Over his head, perhaps, sounds the nedless tread of hero-worshippers, of statesmen hymning the sanctity of war, the refining influences of France, shining like a torch out over the world—while he laughs on, grinning eternally, in that dark inferno below the feet of eivilizatién. 4 . a : BUTOIRE : | was dozing at the bottom of a trench ten paces Ing and one pace wide, where his little outpost was boxed in. He was curled up like a dormouse in a scooped-out hole rather like the bottom of a well, or cask even, when not quite dry. Now and then he gave a yawn, stirred, unstuck himself from the floor or side, then dropped back again, dozed off, his face glowing like a red mask in the dark. Close by were the others, sitting knee to knee, talking. Overhead, on all sides, a terrific criss-crossing of French and German shells; the first hurtling down round Soissons Cathedral, and the others into Pasly quarries; two hurricanes tearing through space in opposite diree- tions, like death, unseen of mortal eye. Postaire was describing a tiff he had had with a stingy barman: “Jes’ one little drop ’e gave me, in my coffee. ‘Hey!’ says I, ‘givve us a squint at that ’ere bottle.’” _Panneau was finishing off a long story: “Talk about a little bit of @rl right. On each side of the plate, you’ ad a digger an’ a little chopper, and behind that, old cock, two darkies apiece, an’ corked stuff at that!” While he went on talking, Amochet began a story in his turn: “{ was sitting, I was, in front of a glass. Just to take the taste out of me mouth like. For there’s no one what does for me, there isn’t. I does for myself.” Caen Sam | 2 PLURELY was staggering the chaps, just like the hens !n the farm- yard fable, with card tricks. “There,” he said, “there's the king of hearts, and there’s the seven of spades.” . j He turned up the cards he named. zc. | “Ah, oh, oh!” said they. . After this interlude the conversation returned to more solid topics. . “The stuff we plunked down inside that day!” Panneau asserted. “You know,” he said, speaking to one and all, “you know what it takes to fill me up to the gob? Well, I can tell you, there was enough for us to...” As for Postaire, proud of his gift for repartee, he was ruminating in triumph: “ ‘Hey!’ I said to him, I said, ‘give us a squint of that ’ere bottle!” « Butoire listened at first with only one ear. Then he cocked up both. The face that he turned towards the talkers seemed like a caricature, made pitiful with dust and tan and the drawn lines of neglect. Eagerly he listened to these snatches of qpnversation. They meant more to him than anything else in the world. He was a good soldier and a good fellow, but his weakness was eating, and still more, drinking. At all . hours of the day and night, he made use of his canister—too much use, True, he told himself that he was a fool afterwards, as his canister grew empty, likewise his purse, by logic’s magic law. He always regretted drinking when the drinking was done. With a shake of the head and a frown, he would say, “I’ze a fool!”—far more contritely too than those who repeat Jesus’ and Marias. And even when he had a thick head, as the saying is, he never dropped off to sleep ‘without giving out devout thought to his wife Adele, and his little garden faa away, where the asters danced round a wooden table in a ring. . 8 @ . UT now, out of the little horizontal dug-out—a handkerchief would have covered the entrance—came first the feet, and then the body of Sergeant Metreur, who commanded the outpost. He slid himself along towards the group and hailed them, “Well, lads, there’s more ta it than that, but who’s coming out with me tonight on patrol duty?” “Here, sergeant,” said Butoire. “Here, here,” said others. When night fell, Butoire sat down in the bottom of his cockleshell hol and began slowly making ready, that is to say, overhauling his rifle and boot-laces by the light of a greyish sky, faintly besprinkled with rockets and stars set in a thunderous framework of shells. It was at this moment, out in the heart of this flat and deserted wilderness, that shadows came jumping down into the outpost, shadows doubled up under burdens, that rattled and seemed encumbered and made noises like a ration party, This slit in the ground where the outpost lay was six or seven , hundred yards in front of our lines at Saint-Christophe, and looking ' the other way, a hundred yards off the Aisne, the far bunk of which was then in German hands. There was no sap or trench leading to the outpost. On all sides it was surrounded by the plain, as an island by the sea. So the only way of getting in or out was to wait for the cover of night. And the sole inhabitants of. earth’s surface in this past of the front were dead men, sinking downwards slowly to drown in earth—and living shadows. ——- Nyrsatibnien rr Sie cae |