The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 17, 1929, Page 6

Published by the Comprodaily Publishing C: Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Mai! (in New York only): $4.50 six months $2.50 (outside of New York) $6.06 a year 0 six mon 2. Address and mail all checks to the New York, $8.00 a year By 5 a New York City’s Illiterates . HOSE sychophants of cz m who we us with vapid boasting about ‘“‘our progress and enlightenment,” ought to ponder for a time over facts recently placed before the finance committee of the board of education on illiteracy in New York City. There are known to be 275,000 men and women—not children—in the city who admit that they can- not so much as read or write their own names. That this is far below the total is obvious for the simple reason that many will not admit such a condition. The highest percentage of illiteracy exists in the poor- est sections of the city, among the population who do “home work” (that euphonious name for the sweat-shop) on gar- ments. The poverty of thousands of families is such,-nat from infancy the children burn out their eyes and destroy their bodies in the struggle for existence. Many who grow up are only half alive—mentally and ph ally. There is not even sufficient respite from their slavery to enable them to attain even the rudiments of an education. That such a condition exists within the richest metro- polis on earth is one of the most damning indictments of the capitalist system. rd of education will record the known illitera e be but will do nothing to remedy it, because to do so requires an attack upon the sweat-shop system, which is perpetuated by an alliance of the Tammany political machine (to which the board owes its existence) with the employers of child s and the labor fakers of the right-wing garment unions. Only by condi slav king at the fundamental economic.and polit- ical responsible for this sort of thing can illiteracy be overcome. Such a task will only be carried ou Party of labor, the Communist Party. ns 2 class Renegades Aid Slanders Against Soviets Eee policies are pursued by the capitalist press in print- ing alleged news of Communist activities. One is to dis- tort the news in order to belittle and cast aspersions upon us. The other is a conspiracy of silence. But the moment some- one formerly in the ranks of the Communist Party becomes a renegade, he is accorded ample space in the enemy press. Of late the New York Times has been running columns about the discredited Lovestone group, declaring they were “expelled recently for heresy and defiance of the Commu- nist International,” and “for holding views contrary to the official catechism of the Communist International.” . . To compare a fundamental revolutionary question with heresy to a religious creed is the most vulgar and stupid im- aginabie interpretation of apostacy. The case of Lovestone, Gitlow, Wolfe and company, is not one of heresy, but a simple question of going over into the camp of the enemy in a period of sharpening class struggles throughout the whole world. But then the Times scribblers could not be expected to publish a political analysis of the defections of Lovestone and company. ance. But this is by no means the result of ignor- The Times knows better. It knows this is a class ion and that is why they exploit the actions of Love- This latest screed of the Times is on a level with the bare-faced lies they published a few weeks ago to the effect that Gitlow and! Wolfe were being detained in Moscow by the Soviet Union kecause of disagreement with the Communist International. That fairy tale was intended to slander the Soviet Union and create the impression that it is a fixed policy of the Soviet government to forcibly detain citizens of other countries who disagreed with the Communist Interna- tional on political questions. _ This is, of course, precisely what one must expect of the Times. But what of Gitlow and Wolfe who, at the identical time these stories were published, werg in the United States, in the City of New York, and remained silent, thereby aid- ing the Times in its slanders against the Soviet Union? Their silence was further convincing proof of the fact that they had gone over to the camp of the enemy, The Jewel of Union Square ie 2 SHADOWING the effigies of Washington and Lin- “ coln in Union Square is to be a towering flag-pole dedi- cated to—the late blatherskite and political corruptionist of Tammany Hall, Charles F. Murphy. This is to be the crown- ing glory of the beautifying process that has been proceed- ing for months in the square made famous by great demon- strations of the New York working class. Tammany, which runs the city administration, can, of course, erect statues and flag-poles to anything it likes. Murphy, who graduated from a bartender, in the white light district, to chief of Tammany Hall, was the figurehead of that odoriferous outfit during the period in which the thieving contractors, the crooked judges, corrupt police, graft- ing building inspectors, shake-down artists, pick-pockets, porch climbers, highwaymen, gamblers, dope peddlars and all the riff-raff that furnished the economic base for the old Tammany united with the nabobs of Park Row and Riverside Drive and the Wall Street bankers. This combination of the upper and lower strata of society merged into what is known as the “new: Tammany,” the outfit that controls the city to- | day and that wages continuous warfare against the working class. ‘ The shaft, according to the Tammanyites, will stand for- ever. ® That sentiment is expressed by every ruling power that erects monuments to itself. But history, which is the record of class struggles, has a way of reducing to hollow mockery such bombast, and Tammany, in spite of the fact that its __ crimes are sanctified by the azot: aan catholic ' church, of which liz: -~ nett a -2 gaception to the rule. i 4 \.imere not completely shattered and PREPARING AGAIN! DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, AUGUST 17, 1929 By Fred Ellis International Youth Day History | | BY GEORGE PERSHING | The Young Communist League of | District Two will commemorate In- ternaticnal Youth Day, Friday, Sept. 6, with mass meetings and demonstrations which are to last Tracing of Youth Mov Periods Analyzes Movement of Today ement Through Three 6- a e will bea great step was made in the direc- | held a joint rall $s Two | tion of reestablishing the Youth In- and Three in The | ternational. : preparations are now being made to} make International Youth Day equ: the demonstrations of Red Day an to bring the League before the thou- sands of young workers of New York over the week end. ' Sunday, September 8, t The Berne Conference raised the | slogan of a struggle against the | world war, then in progress; in this way it remained true to the tradi- tions and anti-militarist struggle of the youth movement. The Berne | Conference must be regarded as a} milestone, not only in the history of the youth movement but in the development of the revolutionary movements. It was the Berne Con- ference that established Internation- | The Fifteenth International Youth | Day is here, Today the-young work- ers the mest oppressed of the w g class but they no longer the most docile. militant, revolutionary spirit pre- vails throughout the ranks of the al Youth Day as a symbol of the international solidarity of the toil- | ing youth and as a day of demon- stration against militarism and against war. | The Third period was brought about by the post war temporary stabilization of capitalism and the growth of capitalist imperialism with | additional suppression of the work- | ing youth and the continued decay | of the socialist party. This period | marked the foundation of the Young | Communist International at Berne | in 1915. Then came the Berlin Con- | working youth and it is this demon- | strative hting that th mmunist 1. will | on Youth Day. The many factors that have given | rise to the proletarian youth move- | ment throughout the worid are found principally in: | BY SI GERSON, The labor sport movement has | finally entered the South. The | Southern workers, supposed to he | meek little lambs have become roar- | 1. The development of industrial technique, t h the and child tation of life-sapping stretch-out system | (speed-up), the 60 hour (and more) week, the miserably low wages and | the general low standard of living | forced upon them by the profit- | ;; hungry textile barons. In this new general movement in| ni 4 - the textile centers of the South, the These two factors gave rise to beginning of which we are now wit- | varied forms of youth organizations | nossing, the workers have taken hold | dating back to 1886 when a youth | of the left wing movement as their | organization was formed in Belgium, | weapon of struggle. The National | which, formed on an economic de-| Textile Workers Union, a fighting jmands, centered its struggles against | industrial union, under Communist | militarism. Also from 1880 to 1890} and left wing leadership, is leading | | there grew a whole series of youth | their struggle. |movements in Germany which were an important factor in the present eos Aare Be strength of the German youth move. | Pazt in this new historic movement. ane | Fifty per cent of the workers in the | Southern textile industry are young workers. They range from 12 to 24 years of age. The National Tex- tile Workers Union, realizing the especially bitter exploitation of these | apparatus uti through the imp territor The youth is playing an important | The development of the Interna- tienal Youth Movement can |traced in three periods. First in the foundation of the International | League of Socialist Youth Organiza- | . ; H P Air nea aN | young workers, raises certain econ- jtions at the First International | omie demands for these young work- | Youth Conference at. Stuttgart in| ors, It has created special organs 1907. This period ended with the} of struggle for the young worker— sell-out, of the working class by the | youth sections, These youth sec- | riple task of (1) social democrats in Gerniany and) tions have the t |fighting for the special economic other capitalist countries. The Youth | Leagues and Youth International did | FY 9 not follow the social democrats but | saeaniig’ apne ep Bande (8, ved as one of the most important /ino Union, a leadership that will [basis for the struggle against the | cast off the prejudice that the older workers are seeped in, (3) develop- | war and for the foundation cf the | Communist Parties under the Third ing a social educational and sport life for these young workers, International. | _ The second period began with the oe | paeme Conference ta 1946 which tock | - t Pate ; up the threads broken by the war | bier» eae Lahde ead ren | and the social democrat betrayal. pC evens a ite ae ing. ANC bg | Was the Italian and Swedish Leagues | (oe nothing the bore ean do in that made the initial steps for the | AES f conference while the German, French | he way of company sports, etc., can |and Austrian Leagues decliped of. | divert the attention of the young \ficially to participate. ‘In Gérmany | workers away from the Union and where the social. democrats had | the necessity for struggle. spewed their vilest poison a section| I this connection the L. S. U. has of the league split away from the |4n important task. The L. 8. U., Central Committee and did not par- 128 the sports movement of the work- ticipate in any fashion. To the credit | ing class, must aid in the task of of the Italian and Swedish leagues | Or¢anizing the unorganized. who succeeded in carrying through! The L. S. U. has done some good the Conference the bonds of internz-; work in the South. It is an immed- |some kind will have to be formed | | Labor Sports Union is today under tional proletarian youth solidarity | iately formed branch of the Loray |youth section of the Be. We Us The Labor Sports Union ts and the Southern States « Jt sent sport material to the stri workers. It sent funds for reli It is now aiding in the defense of the ind orke’ This in; rs. a most significant and for- 1 step for the L. S. U. It is the time that the Labor Sports Union has come out openly as one of the forces that can aid in the tremendous task of organizing the unorganized. This should help a| great deal in proving the worth of | the L. S. U. to the militant labor | taovement. This point must be | stressed by the representative of the | L. S. U. at the Trade Union Unity | Convention in Cleveland, | The crganization of the unorgan- | ized will come about in the U. §, in| Soviet Union, turn the imperialist | | this period only thru the most bitter class conflicts. Organized workers defense will have to be an essential | part of almost every organization crive. A national defense corps of | sooner or later. The labor sports movement in this country, just as the labor sports movement in other countries, will have to be one of the leading and integral factors in this workers defense. Already it has shown it is willing to accept this | role. It is by no means an accident | that the Gastonia secretary of the indictment for having been a mem- her of the workers guard that so | heroically defended the W. I. R. tent ee on the historic night of June ‘Tth.. There is another and more diffi- cult task for the Labor Sports Union in the South. That is the struggle against race discpimination, segrega- tion and all fornt of jim-crowism on the sports field. The L. 8. U. has pledged to the struggle against jim- crowism must carry this out an- flinchingly, thru systematic educa- tion and thru force of example. The coming convention of the L, §. U. will have a delegation from the South, It must discuss the work in the South, the struggle against | the, as yet, weakly developed (but quickly flourishing in the face of the new unions) company sports, the struggle against race discrimination, the building of functioning L, 8, U. districts in the South, forms of sports organization for the Southern mill villages and finally ( of workers defenses _ sf of 1919, at which the Y.C.I. vas organized, was a continuation of the Stuttgart and Berne Conference, | and took over the proletagian youth movem: te i statues and a program éd out. The new Inter- affiliated with the Com- munist International and now in its ten years of struggle the Y.C.I. has | become the real centralized inter- nationa! youth league and won the | leadership of the masses of the work- | ing youth for the revolutionary struggic. gre: This year International Youth Day | will ta on a more militant atti- tude. The sweeping wave of strikes and moves on the part of the bosses to crush labor union organizations | CEMEN and labor political organizations, the Party and League; the provocations | enacted t the fatherland of | of youth, the tools of the laughter Haiti, | zgua, eete.; the growing dis- | ation and exploit- youth which has of the colonial peoples sj the | tions and the| militarization of the young workers | through the Citizens Military Train- ing Camps, Reserve Officers Train- ing Corps, et ing numbe and rifle club orgar s is turning the United States into an “armed camp”| and preparing the youth for an-| other imperialist butchery. In the coming war the. young workers will be the first to suffer most severely and the cause of the revolutionary youth can only be saved by rallying the young work- ers under the banner of the Y. C, I. and Yoyng Communist League of | the U.S. A. For the defense of the war into a civil war and fight for the victory of the working class, “I Saw It Myself,” by |Barbusse, to Start in (ne “Daily” Tuesday “I Saw It Myself,” the remark- able series of. the class-war sketches by Henri Barbusse, fa- mous French Communist writer, starts in Tuesday’s “Daily.” The World War, the white ter- ror in the Balkans, scenes of cap- |’ italist oppression—in words etch- ed with flame Barbusse tells his unforgettable tales. And all of them actually happened. “I Saw It Myself” is based en the auth- or’s own experiences and on infor- mation painstakingly gathered from authoritative sources. Every worker should follow “I Saw It Myself” every day in the Daily Worker. These sketches are full of dramatic interest, full of the truth of the class war. Your shopmates and friends will be in- terested in reading them. Spread the word. And ‘watch for the first installment Tuesday, bs © USSR—INDUSTRY CONTRACTS. The total number of technical ‘as- sistance contracts between Soviet industrial organizations and Ameri- can firms has rec-hed twenty-five. More than half of these were com d with the grow-| t cluded since the ! : of the| be shot!” ; current year, peel ps To be concluded : Monday), i By FEODOR GLADKOY. Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. ADIN, reserved and cold, turned away and walked up to the railings. ° Again Gleb felt in Badin’s iron carriage and the mtallic glint of his leather clothing a stern aloofness and a brooding hostility in his eyes. And again his heart shuddered as from a blow. i He took a couple of steps backwards, Below on the high road dense columns with flags were still marching towards them; between the con- 4 crete walls bands, songs and footsteps thundered. \ Badin stood alone, his hands on the railing, his shoulders raised. He was looking down on the crowd, the mountain living under this human mass. And , in the supple movement of his healthy, active muscles, in the alert poise 4 of his head, there was something of unconcern in his manner, and con- sciousness of his strength and importance, and the pride of a leader, ' . That was a man beside whom he ould not stand. “Careerist!” Gleb clenched his teeth till his jaws ached. Even now he shuddered at’ the remembrance of the scene in the House of the Soviets. Shortly after Dasha had gone away from the sitting, he had called in passing to see how she and Polia were getting on. The corridor was quiet, half-lit and drowsy. The clock had struck eleven. Low intimate conversation could be heard from within the rooms. There was a faint rattling of china and the hissing of a Primus stove. At the end of the corridor was a square patch of light upon the wall. This came from Shibis’ room, of which the door stood open. . . ig 5) EHIND Polia’s door all was quiet. Gleb had not yet knocked when quick, frightened steps came to the door—probably Polia was bare- footed—and there was a low startled cry. 4 “Who is there?” And the door opened suddenly, striking Greb heavily on the shoul- der, “Damn it all! You'll cripple me if you’re not careful! What a crowd these women are!” Mekhova barred the way into the room. her mouth open ready to cry out. “Gleb!” “Well, what’s the matter with you, my girl? Do you think I’m a bandit? What a touch-me-not! What made you jump so? It’s a long time since I’ve seen you. Where is Dasha?” He stepped towards her, raising an arm to push her gently to one side. She changed suddenly, leaned against the door-post and smiled wistfully. “Ah, Gleb, how startled I get! all I’ve been through, Gleb, I’ve quite lost myself. if you don’t come in. . . . Why didn’t you stand by me before? Gleb . Don’t come here any more. It would be too painful for me. It is just as though I have been in an accident and am being crushed by the wreckage.” Confused, Gleb looked at her, not knowing what to say. He felt none of his former tenderness or pity towards her; she was too miser- able, too helpless. There was nothing left in her of the gay curly- haired girl who had once touched his heart with rapture. The rapture had gone, and Polia with it. “I must go away, Gleb, to rest and get my strength back. There’s something frightful in men. It seems to me now that there’s a Badin in everyone of you. Don’t look at me like that: it seems that it’s not you, but Badin. Go away, Gleb, I beg of you! We can talk some other time—not now, but later. In other surroundings. ... Why didn’t you give me once what I wanted? Then perhaps this would not have happened... .” She was pale and terrified, Dasha’s coming in a minute. After It would be better * * * SHE laughed like a joyous bell, and Gleb recognized in that laugh a tender joy mingled with tears as though in one demented. “Here’s Dasha! Here she is! tell him not to come back again.” Dasha took him by the shoulder and walked him away from the door. Then closed the door carefully upon Polia. “Now, then, soldier, go home; you’ve nothing to do here.” And although ske laughed, her hand was not friendly but was strange. Gleb felt wounded to the depths; there was only emptiness Take him away, Dasha, please, and and dust within him as in his room at home. a “T see there’s no hope of going on together. And you? It looks as though you'd settle here for good. And things will go badly with me, eh? You spoil things all right, Dasha. When are you coming home?” She trembled inwardly; it could be seen in her face and eyes, and she bent her brows with suffering. She did not answer at once, and, in this brief pause, Gleb saw that there were two forces struggling furiously within her. She raised her head and her face became like a pale mask. Her red headscarf slipped back, and her eyes shone hard. Even if she had not spoken, Gleb would have known what she wished to say. “Yes, I am settled here, Gleb, It must be so. It is better for both of us. We can’t live together. We must work out our lives differently.” Hot blood stormed in his head; he grew deaf and suffocated with fury, “So, now we know clearly! I could feel it—! .We were only play- ing the fool. Badin is a worthless scoundrel and a bandit. I shall fix him when the time comes! He’s gobbled up both you and Mekhova. Both he and I can’t live at the same time. That’s clear!” “Gleb, you’re nothing but a stupid mad bull! You don’t know what you’re talking about. Go home and pull yourself together. You must think with your brain and not with your body. Comrade Badin is no more responsible for this than you are. Remember that! Neither you nor Badin have anything to do with it!” He turned heavily on his heels and went back down the corridor. Then he stopped suddenly, remembering that he had not said the most essential thing. “Remember this: I’m. a homeless dog now. I put all my soul into the factory. You and the factory have taken all my strength. We live only with one half of ourselves... .I shall return to the Army.” * * * I eats came up to him disquieted; she smiled kindly and her eyes glittered with girlish tears. She put her hand gently on his shoulder and sighed, s “Jt’s not our fault, Gleb, The old life has perished and will not return. We must build up a new life. The time will come when we shall build ourselves new homes. Love will always be love, Gleb, but it requires a new form. Everything will come through and attain new forms, and then we shall know how to forge new links.” With bloodshot eyes and a dull pain in his breast, Gleb turned and stepped down the corridor, Suddenly he stood stock still: he had come face to face with Badin. He ws standing by the door of his own room and looking at Gleb with a‘gloomy mockery. He stood erect, his leather jacket shining, his hands shoved deep in his pockets, “Come in here! You've never been in my room before. to sneak frankly with you.” - Gleb stood paralyzed and could not take his eyes off him. An icy inward shivering passed through him. Unconsciously he was fingering his belt, hips and holster. “You are looking in the wrong place. Your revolver is in its place. Don’t worry; the holster is buttoned un.” And in the other’s look Gleb saw the inextinguished flame of hatred. Badin slowly and calmly turned and strode with heavy steps within his room. With every movement the muscles worked elastically at the back of his shaven neck. Dasha gently took Gleb’s hand and led him along the corridor. “Go on, Gleb. ... Go on, my darling. ...1 shall come to, you. Without fail I shall come. Go and calm yourself. Do you think the question is settled? No, Gleb, we shall find each other again, But bound by other ties, Gleb?” He pushed her away from him and ran rapidly down the staircase. And now again he saw the blue shaven back of Badin’s neck under the flat Kuban cap, provoking him. This damned head was asking te T want 1 I'm ill, 7