The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 16, 1929, Page 6

Page Six DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY. AUGUST 16, 1929 — «dBaily Centra! Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S, A. Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc. Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New York C Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable: “DAIWOR: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mall (in New York only): 0 six months $2.50 three months il (outside of New York): $6.00 a year 50 six months $2.00 three months Adéress and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. me Daily, except y, N. ¥. KO $8.00 a year By } We Spurn the Advice of the Enemy. -\NE of the principal illusions carefully fostered by the capitalist class is that there is such a thing as a demo- cratic pr that expresses unbiased opinions. ‘The illusion of “news for news’ sake,” is the first article in this deceptive litany. The next is that editorial comment is a mere reflec- tion of “public opinion.” Thus do the captalists try to con- ceal the class character of all newspapers and periodicals. Just as the capitalist state tries to conceal under democratic mummery its real class character as an instrument of oppres- sion against the working cle ‘0 the capitalist press conceals its own class character. When this reptile press of the enemy pretends to give advice to workers as to how we should conduct our struggles it is always the better part of class wisdom to follow just the opposite course. All workers should remember these simple fundamentals when reading editorials such as appeared in the New York Times yesterday, pretending to give advice to the defendants. in the Gastonia cases. Says this Times Square harlot of privilege: “In quarters eager to assure a fair trial for the prisoners the opinion is openly expressed that their best interests are not being served by the International Labor Defense, a Communist organi- zation, and by the Communist press. Many sympathizers, writes Forest Bailey, of the Civil Liberties Union in the New Republic, ‘would feel greatly cheered if some form of intelligent control could be exercised over what the Daily Worker prints about the case during the next few weeks.’” Both the Times and the New Republic and Nation liberals are pretending to be greatly exercised over the outcome of the cases. But what they really fear is the tremendous class power that is being generated in defense of these victims of capitalist justice. Their role is to try to aid the class they serve maintain the illusibn of the impartiality of capitalist justice and its whole retinue of prostituted judges, prose- cuting attorneys, perjured witnesses and bought-and-paid-for juries. Were we to accept this advice of our class enemies we would fold our arms and patiently and quietly wait while bolts of chained lightning shatter the bodies of our comrades in Gastona and then proceed to weep crocodile tears about the “break down of justice,” as that snivelling preacher, Nor- man Thomas, did in the case of Sacco and Vanzetti. We said in that case and we re-affirm today that Sacco and Vanzetti were sent to their deaths precisely because the meddling of the liberals, who for a time placed themselves at the head of the defense, aided the capitalist murderers create illusions among the masses about the impartiality of Fuller, Grant, Lowell, Stratton and the rest of the refined, collegiate, elegant executioners. From the beginning the Gastonia case was conducted as a class case. Not only are the masses of the United States being mobilized, in spite of police and judicial terror, against the murder conspiracy in Gastonia, but %he international working class, the masses of Latin America, of Germany, France, England, China, India—everywhere—are being aroused against this latest conspiracy of Yankee imperialism that so cynically in face of world protests, murdered Sacco and Vanzetti. That course will be followed to the end, which we are determined must be the liberation of these Gastonia victims. We spurn with contempt the insolent advice of those whose whole existence is consecrated to defending the murderous capitalist system against the rising tide of working class miltancy. Not content with aligning itself with the liberals of the New Republic the Times calls to its aid that contemptible scoundrel of apostacy, Ludwig Lore, who in his Volkzeitung, published an alleged letter by Bartholomeo Vanzetti “protest- ingly bitterly against the low and complicated intrigues of the International Labor Defense to secure control of the Sacco- Vanzetti case.” No pack of jackals, no prowling ghouls, were ever more despicable than this. In reply to this slander we say to the Times, the New Republic and Mr. Lore; “Gentleman, you are liars! And you know you lie!” “Vanzetti is dead, destroyed by the very class whom you would now aid in their conspiracy to murder the Gastonia defendants. He cannot rise up and accuse you of publishing letters forged in his name by agents of the capi- talist class.” It is noteworthy, however, that not even the capitalist press can refer to the Gastonia conspiracy without, at the same time, recalling the frightful seven years’ torture and final murder of Sacco and Vanzetti- That monstrous crime still haunts them all. But the reason they cannot forget, is because the working class will not let them forget and will yet avenge these and all the other working class martyrs, by bringing about the day when, instead of workers defending themselves in the kept courts of capitalism, the capitalists will answer for their crimes before the revolutionary tribunals of the working class. Tammany Police Attacks in Harlem 3 Na Tammany politicians who have been busy trying to organize clubs in Negro Harlem, with but trivial success, are infuriated because the Communist candidates and cam- paign speakers have a message of class solidarity that ap- peals to the masses in that section of the city. The crooked, greedy landlords that rake in enormous profits off the foul, dark, infested, disease-breeding tenements and regularly bribe Tammany building inspectors so they can continue their sordid business, are alarmed at the wave of mass indigna- tion against them that, with the aid of the Communist Party, is taking organizational form. It is this combination of police and landlords that is back of the arrests and assaults against working class audiences and Communist candidates. In spite of Tammany’s efforts to protect its grafters and corruptionists, the campaign will continue and the workers will find means of defending themselves against the police _ assaults, and establishing the right to wage our ¢ampaign in Harlem and every other section of the city. Negro candidates on the Communist Party ticket will be on the speakers list at the Press Picnic and Carnival at Pleas- it Bay Park next Sunday, with all the other leading candi- es at the official opening pf the municipal campaign, 0 her THE BULWARK By Fred Ellis The Hague Conference on the Young Plan By H. M. WICKS. | WHEN Owen D. Young, millionaire | president of the General Electric, and trusted co-worker of J. P. Mor- |gan and Thomas W. Lamont, re- turned to the United States from the Paris conference called to re- vise the Dawes plan he was ac- | claimed by the capitalist press and all the eminences of American im- |perialism as the herald of the dawn |of an era of peace and good-will |upon the earth. At that time the Communists jalone charged that the Young Plan, |far from solving the problems aris- ing out of the last world war and lovercoming the antagonisms that |had tremendously developed since ;the Versailles treaty of a decade | ago, was an instrument of American jimperialism that would bring into sharp relief all the conflicts between the powers. At that time we were denounced as the sole enemies of peace in the | world. Especially vindictive were the social democrats in repeating | |their slander that we Communists | alone were the greatest menace to peace in the world. | Seldom has history so fully vin- | dicated our analysis within so short a time, The events transpiring at the Hague, where the statesmen and financiers of the imperialist powers have met to fu: late the practical details for putting into effect the Young Plan, reveal that pact as the pivotal point around which for the moment there revolves all the an- tagonisms of the capitalist world. * + Wet is there about this Young | Plan, this great pacifist offen- |sive, the exalted achievement of |Messers Morgan, Lamont and Young, that so arouses the fury of that great lover of peace and orna- ment of the second international, Mr. Phillip Snowden, chancellor of the exchequer of His Majesty’s “la- bor” government? Why do the British social demo- son, assail with such venom that identical pact which their American comrade of the second international, Mr. Morris Hillquit, praised? Have | they not heard that their comrade in |New York, when he learned that Mr. Young was on the high seas bound for home after the Paris con- ference, joined in the hymns of praise sung by the New York Times and other organs of big capital? Let us take a few samples of com- ment on Young’s return from his labors at Paris. P. J. Philip, writing in the Times, said: “Owen OD. Young, private American citizen, will always be | remembered in Europe as the man | who made the peace... he has | shown Europe and the world how a way might be fought out of the tangle in which the world war left it.” Mr. Hillquit sr ke feelingly of Mr. Young as a fellow citizen who had attained g=>=t eminence. Said the leader of the second interna- tional forces in the United States: “Mr. You g has rendered sig- nal service in international rela- tions, conductive to peace and good will among nations. I believe that persons who perform such public service should be honored by their fellow citizens.” That sainted leader of yellow so- cialist thuggery and gansterism, the comrade of the right wing labor leaders who, in the interest of the émployers, organize murderous as- saults against workers who will not sell out to the bosses, the Rev. Dr. Norman Thomas, last year’s socialist party candidate for president of the United States and this year’s so- cialist candidate for mayor of New Said Thomas in his weekly contri- bution to The New Leader: “, . the new statement certainly represents progress toward sanity | and toward peace. That it was | reached at all is unquestionably | proof rot only of the skill of the negotiators, especially Mr. Owen D. Young, but also the power of international high finance which is far more realistic than national hysteria.” Time and again I have had oc- casion to speak of the filthy sermon- izing of the Rev, Mr. Thomas, but |he even surpasses his previous grovelling exhibitions in his lap-dog | attitude toward Owen D. Young and ‘the class of big imperialists for |whom Young speaks. His fawning before international high finance, his praise of the peace- ful intent and realism of imperialism convicts him of aiding the preparations of the loan-mongers by trying to deceive the working masses and lull them into indiffer- ence. What is there about the Young Plan that evokes the unrestrained in America, as well as the social- |democrats of Germany, and arouses York City solemnly added his praise. | war | |praise of the Hillquits and Thomases | ‘CEMEN By FEODOR GLADKOY, Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. HERE had been deadly nights and days of war during which he had trembled for his life and thought anxiously of Dasha. How long ago this all seemed, how distant and unimportant! Dasha—she was not there: she was lost in the crowd and could not be found. Did this matter? Dasha had been, and was no more. All this was far off and insignificant. And he, Gleb, no longer existed; there was only an unm bearable rapture and his heart which was almost bursting from the flooding blood. The working-class, the Republic, the great life they were constructing! God damn it, we understand how to suffer, but we also know the grandeur of our strength and how to rejoice! A roar from the depth of the crowd. The machines roared and the wind in the distant mountains was howling. . But this was only the trampling of the crowd and their songs which arose here and there, wordless, intermingling with cries. “Chumalov!” Engineer Kleist stood next to Gleb, pale, stern, grey-haired, with dry, deep-sunken eyes. “Chumalov, I have never experienced anything like this in my life. One must have strength to support it.” Gleb took him by the arm; he did not know who was trembling so, he or Engineer Kleist. “Herman Hermanovitch, no one can vanquish us! Look! Thfs is unforgettable! We are going to salute you as a hero of labor.” Engineer Kleist turned and walked to the other side of the plat form. The crowd was in movement, some forming into groups, the masses becoming more compact. Banners and slogans waved and fluttered. Laughter echoed up from the crowd, and full-throated roaring. The planks shook under Gleb’s feet. The myriad heads were cleft here and there showing grey furrows, Caps and red headscarvves were flung up in joyous abandon. There was dancing, punctuated by hand- clapping and staccato recitative. One could see pebbles and stones slipping down the face of the rocks. . OSHAK and Gromada were also on the landing. Loshak, made out of anthracite; his hump, his face and greasy cap. It was the same | face as they saw at the Factory Committee, morose, obstinate, scarred; but his bloodshot eyes opened wider and wider. Gromada, hunched to- gether as though with cold, his shoulder-bones moving under his coat [71S auite clear that American His insistent demaad for an ad- | # imperialism, as an economic neces-| ditional $10,000,000 annually as the sity, in order to protect its invest-|British share of the one-third that |ments in Germany, must strive to |is left over after paying the United | aid that country find a market for|/States, was not merely for the like sharp pieces of wood. His face was wellow and feverish, with starting cheek-bones. He was raising his shoulders to his ears and trembling and convulsed with coughing. Damn the man, what power kept him going, while Gleb felt like a speck of dust amidst this ava- lanche of humanity? And as for Loshak, the devil himself wouldn’t affect him: he had his work cut out to carry the burden of his bump, upon his back and his protruding chest. “Well, Brothers? What a hell of a noise we’re making, boys!” |its industrial products. This aside |amount of money involved, but was from all other considerations. ja deliberate attempt to scrap the| The Young Plan, engincered by |Whole Young Plan. By remaining Morgan and Lamont, is an attempt |@damant in face of the most furious | 'to achieve two major political aims: | attacks from the American, French 1—To align Germany. definitely!@24 German press, Snowden forced | in an anti-Soviet bloc by“making its | the Suspension of the open sessions | |national bourgeoisie still more de-|°f the Hague conference. Sub-com-| pendent upon the other imperialist |™ittees are working behind closed powers, | doors in an effort to patch up some 2-To swing that country“into the |£°" of secret agreements that will | pinleot ‘Amatleah SMipetialey! in: temporarily overcome the difficulties | fl inst Britai jand save the Plan that the imperial- Beng eee ert: ists and their social democratic flun- | The mechanics of the Young Plan |keys outside of England hailed as jare not as complicated as the im- the final achievement of mankind |perialists and their social democratic | on the road toward world-peace, hirelings would have us believe. At| jone stroke it cuts off $3,000,000,000 | | |from the payments that were to be, AT the first critical moment, |made under the Dawes plan. It) Thomas W. Lamont, of the House} jestablishes an international bank|of Morgan, held a conference with through which Germany will pay |J. Ramsay MacDonald, but the “la- | | directly to the United States gov-|bor” premier immediately thereafter | ernment two-thirds of the remain-)announced that the government | |ing annuities over a period of fifty-|stood solidly back of Snowden. Then | eight years. These payments cover | Lamont got in direct communication | |the debts owing the United States, with the Hague, there to guide the from the allied nations, |maneuvers, while Morgan, himself, The remaining one-third is to be|kept in close touch with the situa- divided among the former allies who | tion from Scotland where he is al- fought against Germany in the world |leged to be resting from his ardu- war. It is this one-third of the|ous toil. | | * * * Loshak turned his bovine gaze upon Gleb and pulled his cap over his eyes. “We're getting on all right, eh? We've got the factory fixed up and everyone is backing and everyone is backing us. I’ve got to say that much!” Gromada waved his arms and it seemed that his bones were rattling. “That’s so, Comrades! There’s no disputing that! We've done something wonderful—I can hardly stand on my feet for wonderment at the way these working masses are proving their proletarian con- sciousness, and so on and so forth. . . . Comrade Chumalov—! Ah, if only! But hell—! Comrades! Here and everywhery... and so on and so on...” , . qe could no longer stand quietly. He felt like jumping from that height into this sea of heads; he wanted to shout with all his might, wordlessly, until he had no breath left. Could one endure this? Here was everything for which he had been living all those past months— here it was, all gathered into one strength. He walked over to Badin and Shidky, his face convulsed, ecstatic. Badin looked at him coldly. A black shadow passed wave-like over his eyes. “It’s time to begin, Comrade Chumalov. I shall speak for a quarter of an hour and then you can get down to the heart of the business, And then, immediately, you will give them the signal. We shall hava the homage after the hooters have sounded.” Shidky took Gleb by the shoulder and shook him in an intoxication ‘of joy. “Ah, old Chumalov! part from you!” You bloody fool! But all the same, I'd hate to |the ire of their British comrades, | es : | MacDonald, Henderson and Snow: | ‘otal over which, apparently, Snow- den? Are they not all good stand- den is fighting with Germany, The personal intervention of La- mont at the Hague resulted thus (To Be Continued) crats, Mr. Snowden and Mr. Hender- | ing members of the second interna- tional? eee, ke | AN analysis of the Young Plan will throw an illuminating light upo: the actions of the luminaries of in- \tenational social democracy and will prove that it is only interna- |tional inasmuch as the interests of |their national capitalist classes are international, and when the interests of the imperialists demand a policy |of nationalism, the social democrats | are nationalists. In other words we |shall prove conclusively that the policies of the imperialists of the countries in which they operate are the policies of the social democrats. aie? le tee conflict at the Hague over the Young Plan is symptomatic of the profound irreconcilable antagon- isms, based upon a tremendous sharpening of all the inherént con- tradictions in the capitalist system of wealth production, In every part of the capitalist world Britain and the United States, the two most powerful imperialist nations, are struggling for supre- macy. There is a deliberate, con- ‘scious effort on the part of the im- |perialists of the two conflicting powers to align the other nations of the world on one «Je or the other. In relation to Germany this strug- gle is proving particularly disastrous for Britain. The nation defeated in the world war succeeded, in a very short time, in reaching a very high level of development, with the aid of American capital. The tremendous industrial loans from the United States following the acceptance in 1924 of the Dawes plan helped German economy to realize its great gains. Compelled to pay reparations and interest Ger- many cannot find markets for her produce. But, in spite of her diffi- culties, repeated American credits enabled her not only to survive, but to increase her competitive power on the world market. This directly affects British industry and shar- pens the fundamental contradiction of this period—the disproportion be- tween productive capacity and the capagity of the world market 3 vas ® France, Italy and Belgium. But |there is much more involved than far in one of the most adroit tricks is | ever perpetrated. France and Italy, the division of the surplus that is|at the behest of Lamont, made a to be extracted from the German) proposal to Snowden that Britain vorking class, as we shall presently | receive the additional $10,000,000 de- ee, i manded, provided it could be taken The effects of the Young Plan | off the amount that was designated settlement, if consummated, will be | to go to some of the smaller powers. as follows: | ‘ This is nothing more than an at- | 1—The lightening of the burden | tempt to align the small powers af- |of the war debts enables Germany | fected in the bloc against Britain. | to contract more private industrial) At the same time Lamont will un- jand state loans from Wall Street | questionably grant still further con- bankers. It will not reduce the total debt that Germany owes the United States but only transfers and | increases it. The German _bour-| geoisie, in order to meet the heavy | demands of the Wall Street bankers, will further intensify the exploita- tion of the German working class, 2.—It is an instrument of Ameri- | can economic domination of Europe, inasmuch as the internatignal bank which is provided for in the Plan,| | will be dominated by Wall Street | |bankers, specifically the House of) | Morgan. The international bank will not only take care of the transfer of two-thirds of German payments to the United States, but will divide the remaining one-third, according to agreement, between the other powers involved. 3.—The provision in the Young Plan for “deliveries in kind” is a smashing blow against British in- dustrialists and bankers who dom- inate the industries, inasmuch as it furnishes Germany a guaranteed market. For. example, Italy for- merly purchased much of its coal from Britain. Under the terms of the Young pact the amount of reparations going to Italy will be paid in the form of coal and other industrial products, This further sharpens the coal crisis in Britain. As far as chemicals are concerned millions of dollars worth of pro- ducts of this industry will go to other countries as payments in kind. a ESE are only the most obvious of the effects of putting into operation the Youn> Plan, but they clearly reveal the difficult position in which it places England, and ex- plains why Snowden, as the spokes- cessions to both Germany and France in order to bring them to- gether in support of Yankee im- perialism and to deepen the chasm between them and Britain. * 8 t IS quite clear. that Britain, at the Hague, finds itself in a diffi- cult position as a result of the machinations of the American im- perialists and the fact that Ameri- can imperialism has the economic power to back up its maneuvers. In this conflict t’ ¢ specific role of the British labor government is very instructive for the working class of the world. MacDonald and company are acting as a unifying force for the entire capitalist class of Britain. The first prerequisite for a success- ful conflict, either diplomatically or from a military point of view, against a rival power, is consolida- tion of the ruling class at the top and disorganization and disarming of the subject class. Already the ruling class has been consolidated in opposition to the Young Plan as is proved by the utterances of Lloyd George for the liberals and Winston Churchill and Baldwin for the con- servatives. The upper strata of the working class is being aligned be- hind British imperialist policy on the issue of survival of British in- dustry. This strata of the working class feels itself a part of the em- pire and was the original base for social reformism in England, Events at the Hague prove that only the labor party can function effectively in the interests of im- perialism at the present historical moment. * * * man of British imperialism sets his face like flint against it, I 1 aki we have the inglorious spec- tacle of the very leaders gf the we social democracy, those who only two weeks ago at the Brussells meeting of the executive of jhe |second international were eulogized |because they were in office as the governments of Germany and Britain, aligned against each other in a titantic struggle—the labor party of England fighting for British imperialism and the social democrats of Germany fighting for the joint interests of American im- perialism and reviving German im. perialism. This proves that the in- ternational social democracy that prostituted itself to imperialism in the last war is at present actively aiding in preparation for the next imperialist war. * * Woe carrying gut an imperialist policy internationally the social democracy of England and Germany are waging a fierce campaign against the working class in their home countries. Witness the actions of the German social democracy in the Ruhr struggle; the mass murd- ers of the Pirst of May when it ap- peared openly as social-fascism, the attempts to suppress the August First demonstrations; the outbursts of social-fascism against the work- ers on the tenth anniversary of the Weimar constitution; the suppres- sion of Communist publications and jailing of revolutionaries, In Eng- land the labor governzacnt not only goes farther than the tories on the international field, but betrays the half million cotton mill strikers of Lansahire, while organizing fiercer repressions against. the colonial in- dependence movements in Egypt and India. Like their masters, the imperialist exploiters and despoilers of the workers and peasants, the social democrats unite upon one ground only, that is their implacable hatred of the Soviet Union. The steady progress of the building of social- ism, the tremendous advance already realized through the operation of the five year plan of industrializa- tion, have goaded to unrestrained fury the imperialists of the world who are at this moment uniting in a conspiracy for military intervention against the Soyiet Union Not even the fierce conflict over the Young Plan causes the conflict |ing imperialist powers to abandox even temporarily their fight to de stroy the socialist fatherland of the working class. Snowden, Mueller, MacDonald, Hilferding, Hillquit, | Thomas, all alike stand against the | Soviet Union in spite of their con flict over the Young Plan, It would be exceedingly enlightem ing for Messers Hillquit and Thomas to explain to the workers on which side of the Young Plan conflict they stand—whether they support the im- perialist laborites of Britain or the social-fascists of Germany. Of course, everyone knows where they will stand when the final word has been uttered at the diplomatic and financial conferences and the struggle bursts forth into open warfare. Their praise of Young in- dicates their allegiance to the worst forms of Yankee imperialism, *. * ° Ro against the imperialists and their social democratic allies there is rapidly developing deter- mined resistance to the imperialist ruling classes, +: The left swing of the working class, noted and analyzed by the Sixth World Congress of the Com- munist International a year ago, has now developed to a point where the Tenth Plenum of the Communist In- ternational could speak last month of a growing revolutionary advance, especially in such countries as Ger many, France and Poland, Side by side with the intensive war preparations, with the liquida- tion of the entente cordial, and the realignment of powers preparatory to a new world war, we see an ac- centuation of the class struggle in all countries, the development of new revolutionary upheavals, Not the least essential part of preparation for the revolutionary struggle against war is the unmask- ing before the working masses of the infamous role of social reform- ists of all stripes. The performance at the Hague helps rip the cf oft the faces of ‘the international leaders