The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 15, 1929, Page 6

oe DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, AUGUST 15, 1929 Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc. Datly, except ris 7 at 26-28 Union Square, New York Sty Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8, Cable: “DAIWO. SUBSCRIPTION RATHS: By Mai) (in New: York only): $8.00 & year $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 2 year $3.50 six months $2.00 three months A@dress and mai) all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Squai New York, N, ¥. Border Murders of Red Army Soldiers Calls for Class Action HE provocations, the border mobilization of the hirelings of imperialism,’ has culminated in actual invasion of the. .Soviet Union and the killing of Red Army solders. The fact that the Red Army beat back this foul attack does not mini mize the crime of those who instigated it—the imperialist powers of the Unted States, England and Japan. The infamy of the imperialists who incite the invasion of the territory of the Sovet Union is emphasized by the vile instruments they used—the Russian white guard (czarist) exiles and Manchurian bandits, perpetually for sale to anyone who will pay their price. For ten years a horde of white guard exiles, filthy, blood- streaked assassins and torturers i ses, have lived in Manchuria on imperialist gold, hovering like a flock of buzzards over the border, awaiting the orders of their masters to act as the spear-head in an attempt to destroy the government of workers and peasants. The murderous attack upon the valiant Red Army sol- diers, who daily risk their lives for the revolution, should goad-every class conscious worker in the world to fury against the imperialist instigators of it. One drop of Red Army blood is worth more than all the czars, kings, presidents, capitalists, on the face of the earth. The blood of these soldiers cries out for vengeance! The working class of the world must reply to this war eampaign against the Soviet Union by strikes and demonstra- tions that will show the imperialist butchers in no unmistak- able language that the war against the Soviet Union will be resisted with all the revolutionary force at our command. The imperialists as a class have attacked the socialist fatherland of the working class. The reply must be the most determined mobilization for the struggle—class against class! At this moment, one of the most serious in the history " of the working class of the world, the ranks of the Commu- nist Parties must be closed. Everyone who claims to be a revolutionist must be at his post in the Party, ready for any task, prepared to make any sacrifice. Those small, but still wavering, elements who hesitate as to whether they should follow the course of Lovestone and other renegades in the Communist Party of the United States should at once retrace their steps or stand forever damned in the eyes of the work- ing class. There are no three sides in this struggle; either one is for the Soviet Union and the working class or against the Soviet Union and in the ranks of the imperialists. The New Niagara of the Aluminum Trust NDREW W. MELLON’S aluminum trust has invaded North Carolina and Tennessee with a $125,000,000 hydro- electric project that requires chaining the mountain streams of these states. The Charlotte Observer, published in the city where the Gastonia cases are to be tried, boasts that the new project, when completed, will develop electrical power exceeding in magnitude the energy now generated by Niagara Falls. The Mellon hydro-electric project will further increase the industrial domination of the secretary of the treasury, who has held his post through the Harding and Coolidge ad- ministrations and now remains as chief of the strikebreak- ing government headed by Hoover. It will give Mellon con- trol of vast industrial enterprises, as well as the public utili- ties of half a dozen states, and is the beginning of a new de- velopment that will absorb other hundreds of millions of dol- Jars and chain hundreds of thousands of workers to the newly industrialized South. « One of the reasons why North Carolina is vieing with Massachusetts, the state in which capitalism carried out to the full its vengeance against Sacco and Vanzetti, as an as- sassin of the working class, is to make the state safe for the investments of Mellon, boss of the Pennsylvania cossacks and head of a private army of thugs and gunmen that terrorize the wage-slaves of his Pennsylvania industries. The new hydro-electric development is also the nucleus of new war industries, situated near the coast, as a part of the war preparations of the United States government, strug- gling for world supremacy for the class it serves against British imperialism. The open appearance of Mellon interests in the Caro- linas and Tennessee should emphasize more ‘than ever the fact that the defense of the Gastonia prisoners entails a struggle against the whole American capitalist class and that @ judges, prosecutors and the state governments are mere shophants, grovelling lackeys, who do the bidding of the industrialists and bankers. Only a mass movement, developed on a national and in- terational scale, will defeat the murder conspiracy against the strikers and union organizers now awaiting trial in Gas- - Mellon will generate a power greater than Niagara. The ‘world’s working class, in defending the Gastonia victims of : “new South,” must generate a power greater than Mellon. "U.S. Fight to Monopolize Chemicals formation of an international chemical combine, unit- * ing the American chemical corporation with the German gives the Wall Street gang control of the greatest part the world’s chemical output. The Index of the New York st Company, commenting upon this combination, says: “The recent formation of the American I. G. chemical cor- poration, allying the largest single chemical unit in Europe with industrial interests in this country, is another indication of the advance toward greater productivity and expansion.” Indeed it is far more than that. It is one of the most er monopolies ever organized, as even the most cursory Is of its activities will reveal. Iready, as a result of a tremendous technical advance, ed with rationalization, the chemical industry of the States turns out products at the lowest cost in the High tariff walls in the United States, shutting out of other countries, enables it to obtain monopoly ome and, as a consequence, it is possible to enter ean market and sell its products below the cost of Only the chemical industry in Germany could h the United States. The new international | majority of the workers affected | RALEIGH, N. C., AUGUST, 1929. FAT BOY: LET ME ORGANIZE THEM, Fr Me BOSS. | The strike of more than 500,000 jLancashire cotton mill workers, in| |2,000 English cotton mills, who are | |resisting an attempt of the cotton |spinners and manufacturers’ employ- ers’ association to force them to ac- cept a 1244 per cent cut in wages, is; in its second week. This’ largest | betrayed the workers, at Staly- ‘struggle of the English workers| bridge, Oldham, Hollinwood, Hor- |since the 1926 General Strike, was | wich, etc. In all these struggles the jcaused by the attempt of the em-j|left wing Minority Movement led |Ployers to meet international com-|the workers and the officials of petition, to cut production costs, at|the union either disappeard or sold the expense of the workers. The/|the workers out. In the Nelson lock- | wages of the cotton mill workers |out of 12,000 weavers, against the are already below $10 a week aver-|extensive system of fining, which jage (the New York Times says, “the |lasted seven weeks, the weavers were allowed to carry on the fight alone, and finally the Weaver's Amalgamated Union did not attempt to bring any support by spreading earn between $6 and $8 weekly”). The struggle is the culmination! of an attack on the workers which | British Textile Labor Militant '500,000 Lancashire Cotton Mill Workers Tie Up More Than 2,000 Mills in Strike | the cotton trade union officials, the employers are not exploiters and enemies of the workers, they are | the rich partners in “our” trade. It is nod unusual thing for the secre- tary of a trade union in the cotton industry to resign in order to take Isi By Fred Ellis nonths, due to the fear of the officials of the pressure of the workers. The reactionary leader-| ship of the cotton unions follow. the leadership of the TUC, and are | worshippers of “industrial peace” and Mondism, Wherever possible, | they expel the militant members | of the unions. | The cotton workers themselves } have displayed their militancy time and time again and in spite of their reactionary leaders, refused to accept a reduction in wages. | Al ; CEMEN Sh Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh ea Ze All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. aie By FEODOR GLADKOY, As usual Serge went along the quay, his long curly head uncovered and his hair fluttering like an unshorn fleece blowing into his face and on his bald patch. The wind howled like the clamor of a mighty | mob and was bearing him towards the town; he walked without effort, light-footed. People met him, bent under the force of the wind, but he did not see their faces, only their crushed and flattened hats, and the ; Women’s heads with shawls warmly wrapped around them. _._ Against the stone sides of the docks were Turkish feluccas and fishing smacks, tracing designs in the air with their long masts like | spindles. Shidky had been expecting him to speak and he had not said anything. Why had he gone to the Party Committee when he ought | to have gone to the Department of Political Education for a meeting | of the Library Commission? | no longer in the library and he did not know where he was living now. | Verochka had recently come to see Serge. While speaking, she trembled Yes, now he remembered: his father was and did not take her bright brimming eyes off him. “Serge Ivanovitch, Ivan Arsenitch, he’s getting along splendidly! He's such a wonderful man! But he ordered me—. He's ill, Serge Ivanovitch, but he said that you need not... .” She did not turn her child-like eyes from him; Serge did not know whether she was crying or laughing. “Serge Ivanovitch! If you only knew—, Ivanovitch.” And smiling tearfully she had gone away, without turning back He’s dying, Serge | when he called her. pe it matter what happened to his father? The process of selection in life is infallible and unavoidable . Where was Serge’s place in the gigantic working-out of history? Perhaps he would be crushed? Perhaps his personality would become steeled like that of Badin, Chair- man of the Executive. The impact of these past years had been so strong, and the days had been so ruthless and cruel, that old wounds bled still and every hour new ones were made. Was it not unimportant | what would happen to him when every second demanded the full sum | of his energy? Work and nothing but work! And when it is grey routine—let it be routine; this was the dream transformed into impera~ tive tenacious toil. Would he be re-admitted to the Party or not? It was of no impor- tance: it would not alter his fate. He must work and work only. If he were to be thrown out like garbage, then it meant that this was necessary for the future. He was consecrated to history as an element of strength, an element in the great process. He was united to the whole world, to all mankind, by unbreakable bonds. The young girl on the ship’s deck had passed over his soul like a wave, and remained forever in his heart. Where was she? But wasn’t it all the same: she had gazed on him with a full significant look, and she would never fade in his memory. Then there was Polia Mekhova, She had come to him through her laughter and the fresh courage of her blood. Through the sleepless nights which he had spent sitting at her bedside she had grown into him forever through love, like a grief, » secret joy, an unquenchable fire, And even if Shidky, Shibis and Badin were no longer by his side, nor Lukhava and Dasha. ... Gleb would stride over the Republic with stony steps, bearing the burden of the heroism of toil. Nothing could change his destiny: he, Serge, was strength, sacrifice, a necessry link in the chain of mighty achievements. 8 Se | ERROR the massive wall of the docks the waves were splashing and foaming with green spray. There was a broad landing-place for tion.” (Numerous cases are given! of course, follows the same line as reminiscent of the Frank Farring-|the areactionary cotton union lead- tons in the United States.) “This ers, Until the very last minute co-operation has led to definite al-|MacDonald and Bondfield were the situation is that the opera- ences with the union leaders and up duties in a masters’ organiza- |The Labor Party now in power, | liance with the employers, and now pleading and begging in confer-| tives’ leaders are inevitably ranged|the employers, to try to prevent | | cent. Cotton Spinners’ Associations and |the Cotton Spinners and Manufac- A 0 a jturers’ Association, organizations of! organized on the craft basis, with the leading employers, issued a re- hours be increased from 48 to 52% and wages be decreased 12% per their profits intact, and take out of the workers hide their loss of the {monopoly position since t he war in the cotton goods trade, due to greatly increased competition with America, Japan and other countries, and firms in China, India, etc. Eng- land’s cotton exports fell from 6,175 million yards in 1913 to 3,109 million yards in 1926. Losses were also felt in the home market, as the em- ployers have waged a continuous |in New York where one of the most | fight against the standard of living | important events in the demenstra- | of the workers, and have fired many |tion was the Young Communist! and put many others on part time, | League and Young Pioneers dressed | thus reducing their consuming capacity, as is the case in the coal | industry. Since 1921 the wages been reduced many times, in June, |1921, the reduction being 60 per, jcent. The competition of America, Japan, etc. who are using more modern machinery, threatened the profits of the English employers. The associations have for months been attacking the workers living standard. They bought up many mills, some of which they completely shut down. Workers were put to work on half the usual number of looms—and of course got half pay. jAn attempt was made to lengthen |hours and reduce pay, mill by mill |and department by department. The union leaders, as usual, at- tempted to prevent the workers from struggling against these at- |tacks, The Minority Movement and the Communist Party led the |struggle against capitalist ration- jalization, ‘The trade union leaders |did not mobilize} the workers to |fight but instead en‘ered into con- | ference with the employers, and is- sued statements “recognizing” that the general question of wages in the textile industry must be “discussed.” The Nelson Lockout. A whole series of disputes arose in 1928 in the cotton industry, and in this struggle the union leaders They expected thus to save | Y.C.L. in Big Role on Red Day have | . the strike. The Minority Movement has been going on for many) ‘ : F months.. As early as December, oe seating a nag homey ata |1927, the Federation of Master |&'® 9 ee ore ee een its support throughout Lancashire. The cotton industry unions are | reactionary leaders who favor ‘port demanding that the workers’|Peace and co-operation with the |bosses. The Minority Movement |says of them, “To the majority of BY GEORGE PERSHING | It is no accident that the Young | Communist League played an active role in the Red Day demonstrations throughout the United States. Es- |pecially was this role demonstrated in their uniforms and displaying real revolutionary courage. At the conference for a United Front Against Imperialist War and |for the Defense of the Soviet Union twenty-three delegates represented the New York Y.C.L. These dele- gates aided very muah in the mobili- zation of the District which con- tinued to gain momentum through- out the week prior to August First, in the open air meetings and factory gate meetings many of which the League conducted alone. |tion before the Chinese Consulate the League was able to mobilize as good as th> Party even though. its numerical strength was much less. This demonstration, which was one of the best ever held by the Party and League in D'‘rict Two, evi- denced the militant spirit of the League. The following day this same spirit was expressed by the Party, League and Pioneers who demonstrated against the sailing of the Boy Scout delegates to the In- ternational Jamboree of the Boy | Scouts in England. On August 1st, after an intensive campaign of mobilization in the units, the Young Communist League of District Two marched in to Union Square exactly at five o’clock led by over 200 League mem- bers in uniform. Following the On July 26th at the demonstra- | merger enables the combined trust to smash all European | competition and makes chemical production so unprofitable | that competing concerns cannot attract capital. Thus other ountries are dependent for chemical products upon, the United States and Germany, which places them at a decided disad- vantage in case of war. Thus, it is plain from this example that this organiza- tion of international trusts, far from removing the causes of war as the social reformists of all shades would have us be- lieve, only registers new and more deadly alignments in preparation for the imperialist war. More than ever it becomes a historical necessity for the class-conscious workers who are struggling against the war | danger to wage a campaign to oranize the chemical and other war industries. A tremendous impetus will be given this | work by the trade Union Unity Conference, which convenes in Cleveland on the 81st of this month, ? 4 against their own members.” | There are 50 different organiza-| tions for the workers in the indus- try, 37 with a membership of 234, 160 affiliated to the Trades Union Congress. T’¢ workers are further split up into weavers district coun- cils, ete. Some of the organizations meet only once a year, or once in League came over 250 Pioneers in uniform, | The downpour of rain which oc-| curred early during the demonstra-| tion failed to dampen the spirit of| |the League members who with the Pioneers were mobilized from a demonstration before the socialist | party headquarters, in the Rand School Building. A Negro member of the Party and the leaders of the League took possession of the front of the building and succeeded in jar- | ing the socialists out of their seat- polished office chairs. Water, books, and bottles were hurled at the crowd of workers gathered) about but had no effect. The demon- | stration, led by the uniformed League members, then marched back to Union Square. Coming back on to Union Square the police brutally attacked the uniformed comrades and broke up the march. Again and again this happened but the militant and fight- \ing spirit of the uniformed comrades brought out in the reforming of the line prevented the police from their efforts to smash the uniformed ranks of the League and Pioneers. There are many lessons which the League must bear in mind, Princi- pally among these are: (1) The resistance of some func- tionaries to Red Day who expressed an opinion that the War Danger and Red Day demonstrations were pre- mature. (2) Pessimism on the part of a few comrades toward the reyolu- tionary and militant spirit of the membership and to the League par- ticipation as a whole. (3) A lack of trained forces to lead and direct our forces in such a struggle. (4) An insufficient mobilization of the sympathetic organizations and a neglect of the possibilities for mobilizing the shops and factories in which the League has influence. (5) A-lack of understanding an effort on the part of the District Or- ganizer to get out a leaflet during the preparatory stages of mobiliza- tion. ; On the other hand the League found a changed attitude evidenced by the membership which expressed itself in: ‘ (1) Real militant demonstrative spirit and response. (2) A realization of the values of such a struggle and the need of energetic work in the shops and factories. (8) A critical attitulde toward the leadership and a firm desire to improve the weaknesses and politi- Ileal shortcomings of the League, | the struggle. MacDonald promised the employers to speed up the com- ing parliamentary “investigation” of wages, hours, production, etc., in order to stop the strike. The} Labor Government issued reams of statements about “good will” and the cooperation of the bosses and the workers“ for the good of the} entire industry” and to “heal the} sick industry.” MacDonald worked | overtime at his job of carrying out) capitalist rationalization for the em-| ployers. But he has a hard job. Three) major industries, Cotton, Coal and Wool, are in a bad way from the | same cause, inability to compete| with America and other countries successfully as before the world war, increased production and decreased consumption and resistance of the masses of the workers, led by the left wing, to capitalist attacks on their wages, hours, and conditions, and to increased unemployment. In the present struggle, the |Minority Movement presents the fighting, class struggle program of the masses of the strikers. One| of the demands of the Minority Movement is for a Textile Workers International. They state, “The \fight of the Lancashire Cotton Workers cannot now be viewed as something confined within the jshores of England. With the growth of the cotton textile indus- try in India, Japan and China and \the big mass struggles of textile |workers in all parts of the world |(New Bedford, Passaic, and Gas- |tonia in America, Lodz in Poland, |Germany and France) it is vitally \important to build up an all-inclusive |Textile Workers’ International.” For a successful struggle It is necessary for the textile workers of all countries to unite and raise the standard of living of the workers of \the eastern countries, the Southern United States, ete. “cheap labor” vorking under slave conditions which is being used as a weapon against the workers of other countries. This is all the more necessary in view of the trustification and installation of bigger machinery. This new ma- chinery in England alone will dis- |place and dis-employ 100,000 workers, In the present struggle in Eng- land, the Minority Movement de- mands—the eight hour day, five day week, a six hour day for young workers, a guaranteed minimum wage, abolition of yioce work with no reduction in net wages, equal pay for equal work, united resis- tance against further encroach- ‘ments on the workers living stan- dards, abolition of overtime, no speeding up, or worsening of con- ditions, protection of mill workers, repudiation of all forms of colla- boration with employers; cam- paign for 100 per cent orga tion of unorganized workers, ex- posure of the present discredited leadership, one union for the in- dustry, regular monthly meetings of the union, organization of all young workers, and a fight for a Textile International that shall embrace all textile trade unions ihe worl CRUNO SES ons 2) "i mooring steamers, and the waves had washed and nibbled at the con- crete. There were piles of seaweed, rubbish, shells and dried jelly-fish. Beyond the breakwater, where the dust whirled in the wind, Serge stopped and looked down. Quite close to the breakwater, washed up against the debris and the seaweed, was lying the body of a new-born child. A red handker- | chief was tied around its head, there were socks on its feet, and one could not see its little hands as it had a white cloth tied around it. The corpse was quite new and the little milk-white face was peaceful, quite life-like, as though asleep. It was quiet here between the breakwaters, and the waves, driven by the outer storm, met and broke softly upon each other. Why was the body of this child so carefully placed upon the seaweed? From where came this suckling with its waxen face? The warmth of its mother’s hand was almost still upon it as could be seen by this scarf, the carefully tied white cloth, and the tiny socks upon its chubby feet. Serge looked at the dead child and could not tear him- self away; it seemed to him that at any moment it would open its eyes and stare at him and smile. From where came this little child, so in- humanly sacrificed, arousing in him such poignant pity? From a wrecked ship? Thrown into the sea by a frenzied mother? He stood there, unable to turn his gaze away from the little body. Passers-by approached curiously, looked at the corpse and at once con- tined on their way. They muttered a question to Serge, but he neither heard nor saw them. He stood there gazing without thought, sorrow- ful, his eyes full of astonishment and pain, and he felt a deep oppressive grief encircling his heart, Then unconsciously he spoke aloud, without hearing his own voice. “Well, yes. ... It must be so.... That is the very thing... .” + *# Qn the landing of the steel-trellised tower stood Gleb, Shidky and Badin, the members of the Factory Committee and Engineer Kleist. But Gleb felt alone amidst the countless crowd below, swelling, swaying, clamoring, covering the ground like a field of sunflowers as far as the eye could reach. They were there—and he was up here. Right and left in long rows red flags blazed like beacon-fires. And the landing itself glowed with red banners floating from the metal cross-bars. The banner of the Party Group was suspended from the railing by Gleb and with its thick folds and fringe down towards the other flags among the crowd below. On the other side, where Badin and Shidky were standing, was the banner of the Building Workers’ Union. And below the railings, lower down, on a rich expanse of blood- red bunting immense white letters flashed. We Have Conquered on the Civil War Front. We Shall Conquer Also on the Economic Front! It was swarming with heads and shoulders, swaying and tossing, flashing with red headscarves; or raising dark and pale faces, hats and caps—and everywhere inscribed bannerets waved like red wings. They hid part of the crowd, but behind them were still more masses surging and eddying. On the mountain slope and the rocks, still more crowds and more banners and slogans, like a poppy field. They streamed out of the valley in thousands, higher and higher. In the distance a band was playing a march, and from the depths came the thunderous clamotr of the people mingled with the roar of the Diesel engines and the clanging of metal. It was impossible to distinguish the roar of the crowd from the roar of machinery. Brynza was right: machines and people are one. The masses cannot be silent. Their life is different from the life of individuals: they are constantly in strenuous movement, always ready for an irruption, . H age day was transparent, autumnal, fresh and bracing, The far- away points seemed near, as is the case in this season. Gleb looked at the mountains and at the sky, which was filled with the hum of an invisible aeroplane; silken white cobwebs swam in the blue shimmering like mother-of-pearl. $ Gleb grasped tightly the iron railing and could not control the exhausted trembling of his body. His heart was swelling in his breast until he could hardly breathe. From where came this multitude? There were already twenty thousand people here, and still new columns were arriving. There were some marching nearly a mile away along the mountain slope, among the boulders and thickets, pouring themselves into the general mass and spreading higher and higher. In this way the human mass could cover the whole mountain to the very summit, Nearby, behind the tower to the right, a regiment of Red soldiers was standing at east. Once he had stood so with them. How long ago was that? And now he was here, once more a factory worker and, besides, the leader of the Party Group. The works! What strength had been put into it, and what struggle! But here it was—a giant, a beauty! Not long ago it has been a corpse, a devil’s mud-heap, a ruin, a warren. And now the Diesels roared. The cables vibrated with electricity, and the pulleys of the ropeway sang. To-morrow the first giant cylinder of the rotary furnaces would begin to revolve, and from this huge smoke-stack grey clouds of steam and dust would roll, Wasn't it worth while that all this countless crowd should come ) here and rejoice in their common victory? He—what was he, Gleb, in © this sea of people? No, it was not a sea, but a living mountain: stones resuscitated into flesh. Ah, what power! These were they who with spades, picks and hammers, had cut into the mountains for the rope. way. This had been in spring, on just such a clear sunny day as this. Then the first blood was shed. Now the town had wood to burn and everything was ready to start the works. How much blood was in this immense army of labor? This blood would last long! The ropeway was working; the steam mill son. start soon, - Poe is 1 ew! ee ee asa ad PPE Ae ee ey eee ee