The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 13, 1929, Page 6

Ff DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUES AY, AUGUST 13, 1929 te Published by the Comprodaily Publishing C Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York oniyoi 50 $4.50 six months 2. ie (outside of New York): $6.00 a year six months $2.00 three months 4 mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, _ ‘New York, N. ¥. E>. Inc,. Daily, except On» York City, N, ‘DAIWORK." three months Cruiser Building Continues With Aid of Labor Fakers HEN, just before August First, President Hoover and Premier Ramsey MacDonald announced that they would discontinue their cruiser programs, we said that these proclamations were only gestures, a part of the international pacifist offensive against the revolutionary _preparations being made for strikes and demonstrations against imperial- ist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union, It was certainly absurd to suppose that at a time when the imperialist bandits of the world, through their puppet Kuomintang government in China under Chiang Kai-shek, were openly inciting war against the Soviet Union, the-two biggest imperialist powers would abandon war preparations. That we were correct in our estimate is proved by a circular letter sent out by the Metal Trades Department of the American Federation of Labor describing an interview of James P. O'Connell, head of the department, and John P. Frey, former secretary of the Molders Union, with Hoover on the subject of the postponement of cruiser building. The circular says, in part: “It was President Hoover’s belief,” says the circular, “that within the very near future it would be possible to know whether an agreement could be reached with Great Britain relative to naval construction. If an agreement was reached the United States government could proceed with a nayal construction pro- gram for some time before actual parity of navies was estab- lished. If it proved impossible to reach such an agreement, then the probabilities were that this knowledge would be received in time to prevent any delay in the laying down of the keels in the three navy yards as originally planned.” In plain words, Hoover assures the labor lieutenants of American imperialism that there will be no delay in cruiser building. All of which proves that Hoover, as president, still re- tains his lying powers so assiduously cultivated during the eight years he was secretary of commerce, using his depart- ment of statistical information for tematic falsification of facts in order to bolster up the illusion of “republican pros- perity.” Just as his glorification of rationalization, his talk about the necessity of workers increasing production so that they could get more wages, resulted in swelling the ranks of the unemployed, lengthening hours and beating down wages, so his talk today about limitation of armaments and the bless- ings of peace to be brought about by the Hooverian era in America will result in a more intense arms competition and imperialist war if the ruling class for which he speaks has its way. Furthermore, just as rationalization of industry, the fierce drive against labor in the United States, is a means of “consolidating,” or, to use a familiar military term, “se- curing” the rear (meaning the industries of the country), in preparation for the day when imperialism will try to solve its contradictions, overcome its difficuties by war, so the alternating pacifist and jingoistic talk of today is another phase of the same war preparations. And the entire bureaucracy of the American Federation of Labor is involved in this imperialist conspiracy as an un- official part of the governmental machine. An effective fight against the war danger involves at the same time an uncompromising, relentless struggle to win the masses of labor away from the poisonous influence of the Greens, the Wolls, the O’Connells and the Freys, who are ac- tively engaged in aiding the preparations for the inevitable imperialist war. Today these enemies of labor follow a policy of delivering the workers bound and gagged to the employers through their class collaboration policies. Tomorrow they will help the government impose industrial conscription upon the workers, place them on rations and declare strikes to be treason, punishable by death before a firing squad. This is precisely where the policies of the reactionary officials of the Federation of Labor are leading. ; The machinery for winning the masses away from this reactionary leadership will be tremendously strengthened at the Cleveland Conference for Trade Union Unity the last of this month, when a center will be set up to coordinate the activiey of the militant unions, the factory committees and the left wing elements of the reactionary unions into a pow- erful fighting force. Fifty Million Dollar Food Trust PCOvERS federal farm board is functioning properly, if results are what it is after. Of course it is not doing the farmer any good. Instead it will do him a great deal of | harm. But then only ill-informed workers or farmers will be disappointed, because no others will expect an agency of an imperialist government to relieve the wealth producers of the burdens imposed upon them by the capitalist system. The first act of the farm board was to create a fund for consolidating into a small trust the various so-called farm cooperatives, which were mere capitalist marketing institu- tions organized by the grain and elevator trusts. The second is the creation yesterday of a big trust, a $50,000,000 food trust, which is supposed to embrace 60 of the fake cooperatives. Those great exponents of cocperation (of the capitalist against the workers and farmers) M. Julius H. Barnes, chairman of the board of the United States cham- ber of commerce and who was Hoover's right hand man dur- ing the world war as president of the United States food ad- ministration grain corporation, and William M. Jardine, sec- cretary of agriculture under Coolidge, along with heads of the tobacco trust, the big dairy corporations, and big fruit growers associations are the backers of the venture. The sponsors openly declare their first big job is to “apply business methods” to the marketing of the two billion dollar crop. In this they will have the full cooperation of the old established flour and elevator trusts. With the meat pack-, ers’ trust monopolizing meat products and the new trust estab- lishing. monopoly control over marketing of grain, fruit, vegetables and tobacco, the working class in the cities and towns will have to pay monopoly prices while the farmers and fruit growers will have to take any price they are offered. The increased profits derived from such “business meth- »ods” will go to pay dividends to the millionaire promoters, ~~ 3 WASHED IN THE BLOOD OF THE LAMB Hillquit, Thomas, Berger, Maurer & Co. in Footsteps of Zoergiebel, Bon | By JACK STACHEL, | HE socialist party of the United) States has given further proof that it is a genuine party of the | Second International. It has proven that it is up to date in the struggle| against the workers of the United States. It has proven that it is as} loyal to the imperialists of the} United States as are the heroes of| the Second International in the! European countries, to the imperial- ists of their respective countries. It has proven that its hatred of the} | Soviet Union is no less ardent than jis the hatred of the lackeys of im- |perialism of the European countries. | Of course Hillquit, Thomas, Berg- er, Maurer & Co, did not have the} same opportunities to show to their! masters what they can and would| like to do. They did not have the} & | Stanley Zasdzinski, a striking gravedigger at the Calvary Cemetery, was shot and killed by scabs. | the supervision of St. Patrick’s Cathedral. By Fred Ellis. The cemetery is maintained under Since this article was writ- ten two new events have hap- pened: 1.—Victor Berger, chairman of the socialist party died. 2.—Berger’s party commit- ted another act of betrayal against the working class when the socialist city tion at Reading ers who were « administra- rested work- Necting funds | for the defense of the Gastonia | victims, thus directly aiding the | i | | mill owners in their attempt to railroad strikers to the electric chair, in Reading they gave good account of themselves to their masters, and exposed themselves no less to the workers. In Milwaukee where the Social- ists have been in control of the local government for many years the po- lice made many arrests during the week of the Red Day preparations. Workers were arrested ‘cr merely distributing leaflets. On Red Day opportunities afforded to Zoergiebel,|the Socialist police attacked the to shoot down the workers as in the|(emonstration and arrested many Berlin May Day. They did not have| Workers, among them the sub-dis- the opportunities of Paul Boncour,| trict organizer, Comrade Al Davis. of Ramsay MacDonald and the other| The Socialists in Milwaukee showed social fascists of the Second Interna-| that they know their business. Vic- Jinto power on the issue of clean government and lower taxes to |property owr-rs. In New York City the Socialists though less fortunate, nevertheless, |could find ample opportunity to |demonstrate that they are no worse than their “comrades” in Milwaukee Jand Reading. In the recent strikes food workers,* the needle rs and a number of other |struggles, the leaders of the Social- | cour & Co. it. Where McMahon’s open treach- ery can no longer fool the textile workers the Hoffmans of Muste fame are sent in to betray the workers in Elizabethton, Tenn., and other centers where the workers show a desire for struggle, The Communist Party is becom- ing the leader of ever larger sec- tions of workers, There is hardly a | struggle of the workers in which the Communist Party does not partici- pate. The Communist Party is ex- |posing the role of the reformists of all brands from Mathew Woll lto Maurer, from Victor Berger to |Norman Thomas, from Mayor Hoan to Muste. The Communist Party |is able to prove to larger and larger jcombined attacks of the capitalists, |the government and the social re- formists. As the Greens, Wolls, sections of the American workers | |that in every struggle they face the ists were very active in pointing out |Hillquits, Thomases epose them- to the police who were the Commu-|S¢lves before the workers, the Com- nists and the left wingers and who|™unist Party increases its influ-| |tional. But they did not fail in the |meager opportunities accorded to them by the bourgeoisie of the United States. The Socialist Party was most active against the Communist Party and the Soviet Union during the preparations for International Red Day. It did not miss a single op- portunity to attack and slander the It did not overlook s of attacking the Communist Party. Norman Thomas made the most vicious attacks against the Communist Party and there appeared a lengthy article in| to 1929, tor Berger and Mayor Hoan would not allow the republican Mellon mayor of Pittsburgh or the Tam- many mayor of New York, Jimmie Walker, to outdo them. The _na- tional executive committee of the Socialist Party, we are sure, will adopt a special resolution on the good behavior of the Socialist ad- ministration in Milwaukee on Red Day, contrasting the efficient gov- ernment of the Socialists to the “graft ridden” government of other municipalities. Only two weeks ago. should be clubbed and arrested, Nat- urally the Socialists are not satis- fied entirely with this arrangement. They would rather themselves be in |control of the city government and |murder workers than merely be the aid of Tammany Hall. But never- |theless, they have their opportuni- ties here too. Like the Zorgiebels, Mullers, MacDonalds, Boncours, the Hill- quits. Thomases and Maurers who are today not merely social chau vinists, not merely social imperia ists but have become social fascists. They have traveled far from 1914 Today it is no longer a the National Textile Workers Union| the New Leader, depicting the vir-| question how they will act in the precisely at the time when sixteen tues of the Mayor Hoan administra-| imperialist war. workers, members of the NTWU are tion in Milwaukee, namely, the abo-| helping to mobilize the masses for facing electrocution for their leader- ship in the struggles in Gastonia.| Norman Thomas repeated the at- tacks made against the Gastonia fighters by the capitalists and their! government. Not less treacherous was the attack of Thomas against} the Young Pioneers who were at- \tacked by the police in their dem- jonstration against imperialist war made at the time of the sailing of the boy scouts to the international |jamboree in England. Norman Thomas did not attack the police and their brutal acts, but attacked the Young Pioneers and utilized this event as an attack against the Com- munist Party and the Communist International. This is in line with the activity of the socialist party in the preparation for the coming im- /perialist war and for an attack ‘against the Soviet Union. The Hill- | quits, the Thomases and the rest of | the socialist crew are very busy in ‘selling the Kellogg pact and the |Young plan—instruments for the preparation of war—as evidence of \the peaceful poliey of the American imperialists, But such is the normal activity of the Socialist Party in the United |States for a long time. There is nothing new in this activity of the |American representatives of the Second International. True, this is the only role that the Socialists can play for the capitalists of the U. S. at the present time. They can not play the same role as do \the Zorgiebels, the Snowdens, the MacDonalds, and the Boncours. But they recently gave evidence of their ‘desire and ability. This possibility ‘was made possible for them by the fact that at least in two important cities in the United States the So- cialists are in control of the munici- lition of graft and giving a clean business” administration to the tax payers. In the next article the So- cialist New Leader will be able to add to its achievement its attacks against the International Red Day demonstration, In Reading, Pa., the Socialist ad- ministration of Mr. Maurer was equally as aggressive in refusing permission to the International La- bor Defense to hold a tag day in support of the Gastonia strikers. The tag day was organized in spite of them. More and more the work- ers of Reading are beginning to realize the class character of the Socialist administration which came Mercenaries Hired by French Imperial Today they are jthe coming imperialist war. Today they are openly acting as agents of the capitalists. Today they or- gazige fascist attacks against the workers. cover their deeds with left phrases jas in the case of the Thomases and |Maurers who in common with Muste | and others have recently formed the “Conference for Progressive Labor Action.” But it is quite clear to large sections of the workers al- ready that they are differing from the Green-Woll and company only on how to attack the workers and | the Communist Party. Their role is to continue to fool the workers where the Greens can no longer do m Frequent refusal by French troops to continue to slaughter thous- ands of Moroccans has caused the French imperialist government to recruit more foreign mercenaries for its Foreign Legion. rhe . hu. (pal government, In Milwaukee and! foreign-born officers of a Korcign Legion regiment in Morocco. ii, |meeting. Admission is free, wy. : a ene eee : Re TTT Above, Here and there they still | -\izing the ence among the workers. The recent International Red Day demonstra- tions, the support that the Commu- nist P. ize for the Gastonia defense, the successes gained in the organization |of the unorganized, the wide inter- est of the masses of workers in the coming convention of the Trade Union Educational League in Cleve- \land, are all signs of the growing |radicalization process of the Amer- iean mass support that the Communist |Party already has. The American | workers already show undisputed |symptoms of gigantic class battles | developing very soon. In these bat- |tles the Communist Party will lead |the masses of workers. The Social- ist Party and the A. F. of L. lead- ership by its open treachery is fa- cilitating this. They are helping the masses to realize in the Com- |munist Party their leader. They are helping the masses to realize in the social reformists their class enemies. The Hillquits, Thomases and Maurers are true to the Second |International, They follow in the footsteps of the Zorgiebels, the MacDonalds and the Boncours, They are the heroes of international coun- ter-revolution. The Communist Party under the |leadership of the Communist Inter- national is following in the foot- | steps of Marx and Lenin. The Com- |munist Party of the U. S. is organ- masses for struggle against capitalism and all its lack- leys. The Communist Party is or- ganizing the masses for the inter- | national proletarian revolution, 'Boston Reception for Amy Schechter Friday, August 16th BOSTON, Av~ 12.—The Interna- tional Labor Defense and W. I. R. is arranging a mass meeting at New International Hall, 42 Wenonah St., Roxbury, Mass., for Friday, Aug. 16th 8 p. m., when a reception and demonstration of solidarity with Amy Schechter, just released on bail after long imprisonment on framed- up charges of mu:der in Gastonia, will be held. She will give a first hand report on the heroic battle of the southern textile strikers. Other prominent speakers will address the renee tv has been able to mobil- | workers and also show the} EMENT *,''92% a GLADKOY, Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. : 6 HE turned away from Motia and began to fill his pipe. “Never mind, Motia, fire is not such a bad thing. When you know which way you’re going, when one is sure of one’s feet and eyes, you need not be too scared of burns, big or small. We're fighting and building a new life. All’s going well, Motia, don’t cry. We're going to build up everything, God damn it! In such a way that we ourselves will be astonished at our own work. The time will come... .” “Oh, Gleb, Gleb! You have destroyed your own home!” { “What then? We'll build a new one, Motia. If the old home has been destroyed, it means that the old home wasn’t much good. And how are you? When is the kid going to appear?” j She laughed with her eyes only; joy rushed into her face. TA “In a month, Gleb, You know, you’re goind to be the god-father | —don’t forget!” “That’s fine! That'll suit me all right, only there must be one cone ; dition: if I see a priest in your house I’ll put him into a truck and send him down by the ropeway to the wood stores. I’ll arrange the festival for you, Motia—we’ll make the hooters bowl! And we’ll make an hon- orable workman out of your little son.” i} Motia laughed happily! and Gleb, instead of returning to the ; house, walked down the path towards the factory. < . * * 3 NORTH-EASTER. y Hag end of October brought a number of unexpected events, On the night of the twenty-eighth, Shramm was arrested and sent at once to the District Center. The same night, a number of arrests were made among the technicians of the Economic Council and the fac- tory management. On the thirtieth there was great excitement among the Party workers. Shidky was called to the District Bureau of the Central Committee; Badin was appointed Chairman of the District Economic Council. Shibis, Chairman of the Cheka, was sent to some distant part of Siberia. H These events had been expected for a long time; one had spoken about them in an undertone; there had been rumors and uneasiness. Everyone had expected these things, the days had been full of tense expectation. Nevertheless when the events happened they surprised by their suddenness and their reality. Every morning at the usual hour Serge went to the Party Com- mittee with his untidy portfolio, the bald patch shining on his head, | He walked softly, stooping, his eyes continually questioning. Every day he carried out punctually and exactly the Party tasks upon which he was working at Agitprop and the Department of Political Education. He never missed a single session, even if his presence was not obliga- tory. He spoke to no one about the Party Cleansing and his exelusion, nor of his efforts to re-establish himself in the Party. It seemed that nothing was of importance to him except the work assigned to him. After he left the Party Cleansing Commission, the day they had com- municated to him their decision on his exclusion, he had never returned there. He did not ask any of the Party functionaries to help him, he did not complain. Only his head with its red bald patch and long curls seemed larger and heavier than before; in his eyes burned, threugh red moisture, a fever of suffering. 4 . . . } i> HE received a laconic extract from the report of the Party Cleansing Commission which he read with the same attention as he gave toi other documents. ITEM. Ivagin, Serge Ivanovitch. Mem- DECISION. » ; Excluded as a typical intellect : ber of C.P.R. (B) since 1920. ual and Menshevik, with demor- Party card No....... Former ilizing influence on Party. z Menshevik. Intellectual. a Dasha brought him the extract. He was sitting in the Agitprop, | working assiduously on the revision of a thesis on the question of Work- ers’ Co-operatives, to be transmitted to the groups. Dasha looked at him closely and searchingly, frowning. For the first time she was wondering about Serge—why was he so calm and indifferent? Why was he silent? Was he thinking about something else? “Comrade Ivagin, an appeal must be made at once. It’s no good just saying ‘To hell with them!’ We must hit hard, immediately, and take the matter as high as possible.” | He smiled at her with his moist eyes and took from his portfolio a sheet of paper covered with close writing. : “I have already appealed, Comrade Chumalova. my appeal. I passed it on to Shidky. ceding on my behalf.” “Tf you have any need of a testimonial, Comrade Ivagin, I will write you one in a moment. It’s a scandalous abuse, You and Comrade Mekhova cannot be turned out of the Party.” “If you think a testimonial is necessary, Comrade Chumalova, will you write one and give it to Shidky?” He rose from his chair, smiling shyly, and held out his hand to Dasha. “And don’t forget for a moment that I’m a Communist, a member of the Party, who must go on working without interruption.” “That’s so, Comrade Ivagin; but you must act, stir yourself and not just sit in a chair.” “So far it has not been called for. If it is required, I shall get up and shall go everywhere necessary.” i Dasha looked at him again attentively and again ske frowned in wonderment, Then she smiled and quickly left the room. a eee , POLIA had recently been sent to a sanatorium. Since Dasha had established herself in Polia’s room Serge had not called on her any more. Nor had she called on him or opened the door which communi- cated with his room. She had forgotten him; and his sleepless nights had vanished from the young woman’s memory. He often heard her laugh and resonant voice interweaving with Dasha’s. In his lonely room he shuffled up ad down in his heavy boots and was sad in his heart. Nevertheless he was happy to hear laughter once more in Polia’s room. : ' Only one thing then was necessary: the Party and Party work. No personal life. What was his love, hidden in unseen depths? What were these problems and thoughts which tortured his mind? All were survivals of an accursed past. All came from his father, his youth, ! the romanticism of intellectuals, All this must be extirpated to tl very root. These sick figments of the mind must be destroyed. There was only one thing—the Party; and everything to the last drop of his blood must be given to it. Whether he would be re-admitted or not made no difference; he, Serge Ivagin, as a personality did not exist. There was only the Party and he was an insignificant item in this great organism. But that day he was going through his old pain once more. It_was exceptionally quiet in Shidky’s room and stuffy. Badin, © Gleb, Dasha, Lukhava and Shibis were all assembled there. Serge was nervous at seeing them all there together and foresaw an explosion. All were business-like, serious and cold, and questions were decided without discussion. You could only hear Shidky’s rasping voice, reading. “Are there any objections to the plan? Then’s it’s accepted. So the final plan for the celebration is as follows: in the morning the various contingents will assemble in their districts_—” Here is a copy of The Party Committee is inter- Lukhava raised his hand and roughly interrupted Shidky. 1 “Stop! We know all that by heart. Get on!” 4 . . . ey qe got up and held out his hand towards Shidky. “Stop, Chumalov. The question has been thrashed out already, There’s nothing more to speak about. Shut up!” “What do you mean—shut up? I protest against the clatse ‘honor- ing of the heroes of labor.’ This must be struck out, What heroes of labor? What great deeeds have they done that they should be in the ranks. of the heroes of labor? That should not be, dear Comrades! I’m not speaking just for myself. I beg leave to give you my stand- point regarding this——” ’ “Chumaloy, there can be no reservations on this! are you talking? Idiot!” Shibis sat as usual, either dosing, resting, dreaming, or thinking of something else about which he would never tell anyone. Badin sat with his chest against the table, silent and heavy; push against him and he wouldn’t move, strike him and he wouldn’t feel. Dasha was smiling and her face was flushed. It was as though she desired to cry aloud, as though expectation made her tremble; as though she expected just one word which would cause an outburst. 1 His leather clothes creaking, Badin raised his head from his hands and with black, gloomy eyes gazed at Gleb. He leaned sideways from | his chair and laid his hand upon Gleb’s breast. i “What have you here?” | With his finger he tapped the Order of the Red Flag. “Well, that’s——” “Now then, please don’t play the part of the austere spa! for instance you were Serge Ivagin, a bashful intellectual, would be comprehensible and real. But it doesn’t suit ‘ “ue (To Be ( wed) ye vy What nonsense all.” ~ ‘ | ! 1