The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 12, 1929, Page 6

| DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, AUGUST 12, 1929 ™ Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S, A. ng Co., Inc,. Datly, except by the Comprodaily Publish! , 2 Publisnediay’ at 26-28 Union Square, New York City, N, Telephone Stuyvesant 1696: able: “DAIWORK: SUBSCRIPTION RATES $2.50 three months 800 $600 a year $2.00 three months nd mai} all checks tc Worker, 26-28 Union Square, Address and ma ig to the Dally W a year E> 21 Concentrating on Bombing Planes HE announcement that John J. Raskob, former president of General Motors, and campaign manager for Smith in last year’s presidential elections, is head of a group prepar- ing a merger of the leading airplane plants of the country is accompanied by intensive building of bombing planes for the air forces. In exactly forty hours, with only three stops, eight bomb- ing plans from Langley Field, Va w to San Diego, Cal. They were equipped with Pratt & Whitney air-cooled motors of 525 horse-power each and fully loaded weigh 18,000 pounds and, for purposes of war, carry in addition to their bombs, sive high-powered machine guns that protect the planes from ell angles. It is reported that the arm ir corps is entirely satis- fied with the results attained, much as they prove the superiority of such planes over the known performance of any other country. Yet, in face of such obvious boasting of surpassing other countries, we are solemnly assured there is no such thing as arace for armaments and that the Kellogg pact and Young reparations settlement have overcome the danger of war. Manufacturing thousands of bombing planes that are designed for the purpose of devastating at one blast whole cities can hardly be considered a peaceful pursuit. The answer of the workers to the war conspiracies of Yankee imperialism that are at this moment directed in their sharpest form against the workers’ and peasants’ govern- ment of the Soviet Union must be more intense struggles against every phase of imperialism. The same motive of class vengeance that is back of the provocations and open war, through the mercenary -Kuomin- tang government of China, against the Soviet Union, also determines the ferocity of the ruling class of the United States against the working class at home, which in Gastonia takes the form of an attempt to railroad to the electric chair active members and leaders of the National Textile Union. In preparing for war the imperialists have already shown that they will resort to any measures of suppression and terror against the working cl, at home because they fear the organization of the war industries into militant unions. fn this connection the Trade Union Unity Conference at Cleveland, for the purpose of establishing a center for co-* ordinating the struggles of the working class becomes of primary importance at this moment. La Guardia Acceptable to Republicans THE fact that one runs as a candidate on the socialist ticket is by no means a handicap in the republican camp. It is not that the republicans have moved toward the social- ists, but quite the reverse. In 1924 Norman Thomas, as can- didate for governor of New York, and La Guardia, as candi- date for congress were together on the socialist ticket. Now La Guardia is candidate for mayor on the republican ticket, while the Rev. Thomas heads the socialist list. Some ill-informed republicans, who are not yet aware oi the fact that socialist candidates are among the very best defenders of the capitalist system, were a bit backward about accepting La Guardia as a thorough-going reactionary, so Harold G. Aron, candidate for comptroller on the republican ticket has been selected to prove before the backward ele- ments in the camp of the republicans that La Guardia is one of them. Aron is himself above reproach as a reactionary, having been legal advisor to the Botany Mills during the Passaic strike and being engaged as a banker and corpora- tion lawyer at this moment. Republican National Committeeman Charles D. Hilles, also publicly certifies that La Guardia is a dyed-in-the-wool reactionary. Says Mr. Hilles: “In the old days, as Major La Guardia, some thought of him as a radical. But n he was president of the board of aldermen he did nothing radical, and in Washington he did nothing which was not for the interests of the country.” As is well known Mr. Hilles considers the interests of the country as synonimous with the interests of the bankers. It will also be recalled that Mr. La Guardia was president of the board of aldermen long before he ran with his present opponent, Rev. Thomas; on the socialist ticket. This praise of La Guardia ought to be reassuring to Thomas and the rest of the socialist candidates, inasmuch as it proves that the republican bosses do not consider candidacy on the socialist party ticket as indicative of radicalism. Likewise it ought to be convincing to working class vot- ers in New York City who have hitherto have had any doubts regarding the class alignment of the parties in the election. On one side are the capitalist parties—republican, democrat and socialist. On the other side stands the Party of the working class, the Communist Party, with the only program that can benefit those who toil. Hearst Now Supports Walker Wow that John F, Hylan has returned penitent to the camp 4 of Tammany and announces his support of Mayor Wal- ker for reeelection, William Randolph Hearst, Hylan’s polit- ical mentor, comes out for the male Broadway butterfly in the City Hall. Hearst, with his kept man, Arthur Brisbane, and Hylan, when mayor, cleaned up heavily on real estate in and around New York and their advocacy of the five-cent fare was for the purpose of aiding the real estate sharks sell ts “within the fare limits.” Now that Tammany, which for a time hedged on the - five-cent fare, is again using it as a platform for the tenth time, indicating reconciliation between the real estate sharks _and the bankers in control of the traction system, Hearst and Hylan return to the fold. Of course, only revolutionists, bent upon discrediting “our best people,” will recall all the attacks against Walker that screeched from the Hearst headlines, Those who read and believe the Hearst press are so mentally doped they can- ot. remember fram one day to the next what they read, so ey will sée no inconsistency in the Hearst-Hylan perform- Mr. Hearstga virtuoso in folfsery and swindling, will be a Valuable adj \ << . en REVOLT IN TH” JAILS Worker (Continued from ‘page 2) sand copies of a special Red Day edition of the Daily Worker were distributed. Chicago issued many leaflets, among them special leaf- lets addressed to women, Negroes, |and in a number of foreign lan- |guages. Chicago also distributed | 30,000 copies of a special Chicago edition of the Daily Worker. Simi- \larly large quantities of literature |were distributed throughout the jcountry, as for example in Cleveland |alone 60,000 leaflets were distrib- | uted. The publication of special: Red Day editions of the fectory bulletins | brought International Rad Day and | the message of Communism to over 100,000 workers. In all, 80 factory |bulletins were published during the | month of July. Cleveland made the {record by publishing 29 factory bul- |letins (Party and Young Commu- nist League together), New York |district published 20 Yactory bulle- |tins, Connecticut district published three bulletins in large munitions | plants, two of them the first issue. Most of these factory bulletins are in the basic industries, the largest number being in the metal trades. |The others are in auto, packing house, textile, railroad, electric power, rubber, shoes,.lumberfwater- | front, ete, The International Red Day demon- | strations brought to large~ sections |of the American workers for the | first time the Leninist teaching on’ how to fight against imperialist war. |The line of the Communist Inter- | national and the line of. the Party | was carried out on International Red | Day. Large masses learned the true role of the leadership of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor and the Socialist Party as instruments of imperialism in the preparation for, imperialist war and for an attack against the Soviet Union. Large sections of the American workers learned the real meaning and neces- sity of internationalism. Pacifism of all brands was exposed before the workers. The Réd Day demonstra- tions were on a high political level. Despite the presence of the police, the department of justice agents and cther stool pigeons of the govern- ment and the private agencies, the Communist Party spoke to the work- ers of the policies and tactics of the Communists in the struggle against war and the tasks of the revolutionists in the event of actual war. The Party told the masses to organize to defeat the Imperialist government of the U. S. in the im-, perialist war and to work for the} victory of the Red Army and the| Soviet Union in the event of an at- tack against the Soviet Union. The response of the masses showed that | they understood the Leninist method | of fighting against war and were | ready to struggle for the defense of the Soviet Union—their fatherland. International Red Day has dis- closed many important facts from which we must draw our lessons for the future. The results of Interna- tional Red Day must be studied by | the entire Party in’ all its details. | A study of the Red Day will reveal the strength and weakness of the party idealogically and organization- ally. It will show the Party as a| whole and the local organizations in what direction the Party must eon- centrate its main energies in the im- mediate future. 1. The outstanding fact in the Red Day results is the growing wfilitancy of the masses. The res- | Ponse and militancy of the masses | clearly indicates the growing radi- calization process at work among the unorganized workers in the| basic industries. It gives the best | answer to the theoreticians of “prosperity” and the second “indus- trial revolution.” It proves the cor- | rectness of the criticism of the Com- munist International of the mistakes of the American Party prior to the arrival of the Address principally the theory of “American exception- alism.” It shows that the Party in this country has now the podsibility for becoming a mass party, It proves that Gastonia is not an iso- lated event but a symbol of the re- sistance to rationalization and a sign of the growing process of radicaliza- tion not alone of the workers in the South but of all unorganized workers in the basic industries. It is a final blow to Lovestone and Co. who in common with the Trotzkyites at- tacked the Red Day. 2. International Red Day has dis- ‘closed the weaknesses of the Party which have been covered up and not corrected during the years of fac- tional struggle. In many districts the masses were ahead of the Party. In some cities as is the case in Waukeegan the Party is actually a brake on the masses. This serious disclosure must be a warning to the Party and must be overcome in the quickest possible time. The Party must recognize the local organiza- tions in those places where it is clear that the Party does not act as the leader of the masses. New forces must be drawn into the lead- | er than we would expect if judged | nationah and of its United States See forged documents are needed Hearst can get his staff of pros- titutes to do the dirty work, as they did in the case of the famous “Mexican-Bolshevik” forgeries of 1927, while the Daily Worker so effectively exposed and which were later proved to be forgeries concocted right here in the city of New York in the office of Hearst's New York American. Just as Hearst and Hylan can flop overnight into the camp of Tammany, so they all could join the camp of La Guardia, or La Guardia could join them, and invite Norman Thomas and the socialists. Such performances are possible because they all—democrats, republicans and socialists—rep- resent, in their own ways, the capitalist class, Eventually, as the Communist Party grows into a power- ful mass Party, the whole menagerie of capitalist politicians will be forced into one reactionary cla; party against the ‘4 t to Tammany, and its campaign. If any Party of the working class. ership here and the Party give the necessary assistance to the local or- | ganizations so that they can be en-| abled to become the leaders of the workers in their locality. Elements | that have exposed themselves as un- worthy of being members in the Communist Party by their passivity and cowardice must be rooted out | cf the Party. 3. In spite of its weaknesses the results of International Red Day show that the Communist Party is already a powerful force exercizing a powerful influence among a large | section. of the American workers. Where the Party has been organized on a factory nucleus basis and has | carried on work it has gained the| political influence over the workers. | Where the Party has participated in | the struggles of the workers it has gained their confidence. The results revealed the fact that the political | influence of the Party is much great- | by its organizational strength. In| many important center with prac- tically no party organization the| Party was able to rally hundreds and thousands of workers to the In- ternational Red Day demonstrations. International Red Day proved that the prestige of the Communist Inter- section grew with the correction of | the wrong line of the Party. While | Lovestone & Co. speak about the de- generation of the Communist Inter- national and the Communist Party of the U. S., the Party infltience among the masses is today greater than ever before. Our Party must take serious steps to consolidate or- ganizationally its growing influence, and to perfect the Party organiza- tion so that the Party will be better able to initiate and leading the com- ing mass struggle. In addition to the shortcomings already cited — underestimation of the readiness of the masses for struggle, capitulation before legality, the failure to issue the Down Tool slogans, et¢. the following defects in the preparations for August 1 must be noted as serious shortcomings that must be overcome in future ac- tivities of the party. 1, Preparations being too late. Therefore not thorough enough prep- aration, 2. Insufficient ideological prep- aration in the Factory and Street Nuclei. The outlines, bulletins, ete. sent out by the center to the Dis- triets did not find their way to the units. This was due partly to the lateness of the beginnings of the preparations. 3, The Party press while re- sponding fairly well failed to act as an organizing force. This was particularly necessary to give lead- ership to the small Party units in the industrial and company towns, and to the cities where there are no Party organizations. 4. While some real beginnings were made to concentrate our work in the large plants the work here was entirely inadequate and in some districts almost, entirely neglected. 5. Failure to connect sufficiently in a number of districts, the Red Day preparations with the impotrant struggles of the workers, as for ex- ample the failure to realize the im- portant connections of the events in Gastonia with the war preparations, the failure to copnect up r: The Lessons of August First tion with the war preparations, and whereever this was done the agita- tion was too abstract. This is a very serious shortcoming and is organically connected with the wrong theory held by the Party prior to the Comintern address — the theory of the primacy of the ex- ternal contradictions which is a di- rect expression of the underestima- tion of the radicalizing process among the workers of this country. This is the theory of the Interna- tional Right represented by Love- stone & Co. in the United States. 6. No real special efforts to carry on the preparatory work to mobilize negro workers, women workers, work among the Latin Americans in the U.S., and among the agrarian popu- lation. 7. Practically no work among the soldiers, sailors, marines and other armed forces. Where the Young Communist League did attempt some activity it failed to receive the sup- port of the Party. 8, Too few anti-war committees organized in the factories. Only in |New York and Pittsburgh were there serious attempts made to organize anti-war committees and the fac- tories. 9. Failure to develop united front. Only in New York City was there valled a conference for Red Day con- sisting of unions, shop committees and workers’ fraternal organiza- tions. 10. Failure to carry on sufficient work in the trade unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor thereby abandoning the work- ers to the Imperialist policy of the Green, the Wolls, etc. 11. Lack of sufficient concrete- ness of the agitation, against the A. F. of L. leadership and the Social- ist Party. 12. Insufficient technical prepar- ations to defeat the attempts of the police to break up the demonstra- tions, 13. No pamphlet published thru- cut the campaign. No posters. And in general lack of sufficient direc- tion from the center of the agita- tional work in preparatign for Red Day. International Red Day was only a point in the development of the struggle against imperialist war and for the Defense of the Soviet Union. The work must now be in- tensified manifold. The recent dis- closures of the Stimson negotiations with the European powers and Ja- pan, on the direction of the “inter- nationalization” of the Chinese Eastern Railway clearly exposes the role of U. S. imperialism in the provocation of war against the So- viet Union, It shows to the masses that in spite of the antagonisms be- tween the capitalist powers, the danger of a joint attack of the So- viet Union by the imperialists of the world with the U. S, at the head, is imminent. International Red Day was a good beginning. Now we must overcome the mistakes ard shortcomings from which the Party suffers, and organ- ize the struggle against imperialist war and for the Defense of the So- ve Union on the broadest possible sis. The thesis of the Central Com- mittee on the War Danger and the tasks of the Party provide the line tat | know how it’s going to turn out.” e By FEODOR CEMENT "220208 Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. LEB stared at her in astonishment, and rose from his chair. But wait, you haven’t told me anything “Another surprise! Where are you going | about it? Where are you taking your things? te?” “When you have a minute to spare, call in at Comrade Mekhova’s, | We're going to live together. Comrade Mekhova has got a screw loose | —she’s got to be repaired and put into working order again.” “And how many days will you be repairing Comrade Mekhova?” “I don’t know. When the mare is running again then we'll get | back into double harness. We must do everything possible to see that Comrade Mekhova does not leave the ranks of the Party.” “Yes, that’s true! They played the fool enough with this Party Cleansing!” 4 “Well, I’m off! But don’t expect me back too soon, Gleb. I don’t They shook hands silently, confused. In their smiles trembled un- spoken words; and eye avoided eye, dimmed by unanswered questions. They stood silently, smiling, hand in hand, wanting to speak the words that stayed in their throats, but could not. “Well, I’m going!” “Yes, go if necessary.” ae ee } HE saw her off to the gate, and just beyond the gate ‘he took her , hand again. All the time they were smiling and silent. And Gleb felt that Dasha was not leaving the house simply, as though she were just going to work or leaving on some mission. This time Dasha was carrying away with her forever all the past years. Perhaps she would , not come back at all; perhaps, here at the gate, in this last glance of ; hers, was a regret for the past and pleasure at the thought of a new , road, He could not speak to her any more like a master. He could not say: “Dasha, I won’t allow you to go. I need you more than Com- rade Mekhova does. Without you there is warm, comfortable home, and my bed will be cold and grow soiled.” He had no power to utter such words because Dasha had taken this power from him. This was no ordinary woman standing before , him now, but a human being, equal to him in strength—one who had taken upon her shoulders all the burden of the past years. Dasha was not just a wife; she was a woman with vigorous hands, without her | former attachment for home and husband. Now she will go away and! perhaps won’t come back. 4She will stay in far-off places and be strange to him like other women. Well, what of it? Up till the pres- ent they had lived in one room; slept, separately at first, and then to- gether. But not for a moment could Gleb forget the essential thing: , the old Dasha was no longer there; there was another one, a new Dasha, who might go away and never return. The last thread of their conjugal life was broken. Nurka, their little Nurka had died; and there had been days when their common sorrow brought them close together, through tears and pain. But these days were like the past days of their love now. The Party Cleansing had come, a period of heavy responsibilities: for him, the factory; for her, the Women’s Section. When they met at tea-time, they felt that Nurka’s death broke the last tendril of their life in common, They must shape their destiny differently: there was not time for dreams of personal happiness, This dream had been insignificant, harmful to themselves and to the cause. Then, after the Party Cleansing, Mek- hova fell ill; and the entire leadership of the Women’s Section*was thrown on to Dasha. And in the Party Committee, when they met her, everyone said: 5 “Now Dasha’s in her place! It’s just as though she had always been at the head of the Women’s Section.” And she knew, as did everyone else, that her position as leader of the Women’s Section would soon be transmuted from “temporary” to “permanent.” -~ * 8 * ND now, at this last parting with her, Gleb had wanted to say a grave and significant word to her, from his soul. But he could not; he did not know what to say. Yet, if ever, it had to be said now. If not now —never! And he was afraid to say it: Dasha knew how to listen to him intuitively and wisely, but she always answered him in her own words. And her own words were not those which he wanted; they brought him too much pain. “Well, go on, little Dasha. I really don’t understand our life to- gether. . .. The devil only knows what’s in it,... We should have to begin all over again... .” Dasha took her hand from his; she looked at his appraisingly, frowning. “What is there to understand, Gleb? I shall never become what I used to be; I am no longer the woman for your bed. If you wish you can make some arrangement which will please you. You can get your- self a woman according to your taste and strength. There are plenty of fools in the world!” “What the hell—! Why don’t you just tell me plainly that you don’t love me any more, and finish it?” e Dasha frowned; her eyes were dark with trouble. “Well, and supposing that I told you that it is so, Gleb? Sup- posing I did tell you that I did not love you any more?” Gleb laughed absently and his dry tongue burned his lips. “Well—then I should say: ‘Finish! Everything has come to an end. Nothing will help now, neither force nor tenderness.’ I should suffer alone, . . . But to say that you don’t love me, it’s all rot- 1? “I don’t know, Gleb; perhaps I don’t love any man. And perhaps I love—. I love you, Gleb; thats true—but perhaps sometimes I love others, too? I don’t know, Gleb; everything is broken up and changed and become confused. Somehow love will have to be arranged differ- ently... . Well, I’m off now, Gleb!” | me eat H's mouth was dry and his heart was squeezed with suffering.. Be- hind him, the house: a black empty dwelling full of cobwebs; and in front of him, the road, along which Dasha would go, ; “Go on now, Dasha, or I shall make a scene!” i Scarcely had Dasha gone a few steps when Motia came out of her gate. She was waddling along like a fat duck, with her enormous belly | and full breasts. There were red pimples on her face and blue circles | round her eyes which were subdued, tired and serious. She waved her hand before she came up to them and smiled. “Well now! So you're starting to walk away, like a spinster ‘how, eh? You've got one of the best men in the world, and yet you don’t want to be a real wife to him. How I’d-like to give you a good slap ot 4 «in the face! A woman ought to bear children, and here she is walking about, the bitch! And look at her now, trotting along with her bundles, leaving her husband! I'd like to tie all these good women to their hus- band’s beds and then give them the order: ‘Make some children, you bitches! That’s enough for you! Sleep with your husbands and have Ipts of children!’) Look at my belly! I’m going to have one every year now, if you want to know, I’m going to be a woman, while you're just a barren magpie.” } Dasha went up and put her free hand round Motia’s shoulders, laughing. “And you—you’re just a brood hen, Motia. To look at you one would say: this isn’t a woman, just a belly.” And she patted her on the stomach. They all laughed together. 8 . ps4 was walking towards the gap in the wall, along the path through the long grass, with her bedding under her arm. Gleb was waiting; here Dasha would turn and wave her hand to him. She did not turn. Her red headscarf flashed once or twice through the gap, and then disappeared behind the wall. Like this, Dasha went away every day, not returning until late in the evening, Sometimes she left to go out of town, staying away days and nights at a time. The Cos- sack villages had not yet settled down; bandits roamed the mountains and hid in the ravines. Dasha’s journeys used to cause him great anxiety, i But now everything was suddenly bare, oppressive and strange; this dwelling, the garden path, the little garden itself, and this wall that separated him from Dasha and which surrounded him like the wall of a prison. What was the good of the empty, musty room now? What was the good of the small garden and the little stone yard? Dasha had gone away:with her bedding under her arm; she had gone away without turning her head. She had spoken to him in the language of a stranger. She had gone away, and perhaps would not come back, Dasha was no longer there, and he was alone. Nurka had died. No Dasha. No Nurka. He was alone. A damnable life! It was like the crusher: it broke everything, destiny, habits, love, .. Motia was looking at him sideways—like a hen. In her eyes—full of maternity and jnward joy—tears sparkled and quivered. “Oh, Gleb! How sad I feel about you two dear people! What a miserable fate! Dasha is lost from her home. She exists no longer, Gleb. Your little daughter has perished. And you're alone—no family, no warm corner, like a tramp! But don’t complain, Gleb, Those who’ play with fire, themselves get burned. And between flashed out like a spark, Oh, how I pity you———|" ‘Ym. (To Be Continued) A>. you, little Nurke ' i |