The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 10, 1929, Page 6

\ worries Page Six : pha eS ates er en ry & | HILLMAN’S “ORG Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. 8. Aa Published by the Comprotally Publishing coe ait patty, aa Sunday, at 26-38 Union Square, New York City, WN. 3 Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable: * ogee © SUBSCRIPTION RATES: are By Mail (in New a only): $4.50 six months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year $3.50 six months $2.00 three months Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Baunee. New York, N. $3.00 a year $2.50 three months The Homecoming of Hylan (ieee Ex-Mayor John F. Hylan, after years of wandering in the political wilderness, has returned to the fold. His return was somewhat abrupt in view of the fact that a few hours before the event his friends had announced that Hylan would be a candidate for mayor, This clown, parading as a “champion of the peepul,” tried to get republican support on a fusion ticket, then tried to run on the republican ticket itself with whatever other support he could get. In either eventuality he was prepared to battle with the forces of corruption incarnate in Tammany, if one is to believe the stories put out by the capitalist poli- ticians of every stripe to the effect that there is fundamental difference between the various groups of politicians running on the three capitalist tickets, the Tammany democrats head- ed by Walker; the Tammany republicans with La Guardia as candidate, and the Tammany socialists with the Rev. Norman Thomas as standard bearer. Next to the last moment, Hylan threatened to run as an independent, and then suddenly he came home to the regular Tammany camp as the prodigal son. Certain ribald indivi- duals will probably say that Hylan was bribed with money by Tammany. It is hardly likely that this is the case. Such procedure is rather crude even for Tammany when dealing with an individual of such unexampled and self-confessed political stability and integrity as Hylan. But there are a couple judgeships that will have to be filled by Tammany appointments and the prodigal will be rewarded in due time with one of them. That the capitalist parties are fundamentally alike is again demonstrated by the political flip-flops of Hylan. It is perfectly consistent that he, who in office used his Tam- many post as mayor to break strikes and in every way aid the employers against labor should line up with his strike- breaking successor, Mayor Walker. Against all the parties of capitalism is the one working class party—The Communist Party—and all class conscious workers will support the party of their class in the city elec- tion in November. Mayor Walker’s Original Observations TEAR teks Broadway butterfly mayor, speaking at a testimonial dinner in honor of a labor faker the other day, committed himself to the highly edifying and original obser- vation that Communism is “un-American” and destructive of the country’s best interests. Where have we heard this before? Mayor Walker dislikes Communism because it is inter- national, because the working class movement of the world has a central coordinating force in the Communist Interna- ional. Jt is not the internationalism that Jimmy fears and hates, but the fact that it is working class internationalism. Certainly if the garrulous mayor were opposed to interna- tionalism as such, he would resign from the Roman catholic church, an international organization of reaction and super- stition, used as a prop of the capitalist system. Likewise the Tammany conception of Americanism is synonimous with the interests of the ruling class. We Com- munists are considered un-American because we fight against the use of Tammany police to break strikes, resist the thugs and gunmen of the bosses, organize workers against wage- cuts, speed-up, unemployment, carry on fights to abolish the fire-trap, disease-breading tenements that enable the Tam- many braves to grow rich. Certainly our struggle against | the imperialist war preparations will never evoke applause from that eminent American, Mr. Raskob, head of General Motors and now organizing an airplane trust, who managed Al Smith’s campaign for president last year, and who sup- ports Walker this year. If Jimmy Walker and Tammany are 100% American, we aren’t. But we insist that it doesn’t require a great degree of intelligence to realize that we are different from Walker and that the difference is based upon the fundament- al, irreconcilable struggle between the working class and the capitalist class, and is not a question of national labels. Chamberlain Praises MacDonald IR AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN, former foreign minister in the tory government of England, who was the personifica- tion of the most viciously reactionary elements in that gov- ernment of avowed conservatism has issued a statement praising the labor government’s proposed Anglo-Egyptian treaty. The manner in which Arthur Henderson, foreign min- ister of the MacDonald social-democratic government is en- deavoring to carry out the British imperialist policy of terror and exploitation of Egypt under the deceptive mask of “home rule,” while imposing still greater restrictions upon the masses of Egypt has aroused the admiration of his predeces- sor, Sir Austen. This palpable swindle should arouse the masses of Egypt to furious resistance and make impossible the existence of a so-called Egyptian government that would dare ratify the thing. In England itself the Communist Party of Great Britain will be able to align ever larger numbers of the working class against the filthy treachery of the MacDonald government, which has already proved in action that it is a better servant of imperialism than Baldwin, Chamberlain and the other tories. Drive Out Gangsters By Mass Power The latest gangster attack upon a left wing worker may prove fatal to Jack Jacobs, a clothing cutter, who has since Friday evening been in a'semi-conscious condition in Bellevue Hospital. This murderous assault again brings up the whole question of gangsterism and the measures that must be taken in dealing with it. As for the professional gangsters, the stool pigeons of the police and the bosses and the hirelings of the right wing labor fakers, they are well known by sight to thousands of | workers. They never appear except when they are ordered out on some Job. They are too cowardly to travel alone. Their practice is to waylay some lone worker and assault sheet foe (Continued) By VERN SMITH, The legal procedure during the |years that followed the conviction of Sacco and Vanzetti can be briefly summarized. Except in the} imagination of liberals, it is unim- |portant. The issue was decided when |Labor failed, until much too late, to \take up the gage of battle that was |thrown down to it on May 5, 1920. |If that had been done, if each mo-| |tion for a retrial had been backed by | well organized labor, the result would have been different. Attorney Moore for the defense appealed on October 29, 1921 to Judge Thayer to set aside the ver- | dict because it was not in accord- |ance with the evidence. On Dec. |24, 1921, Thayer rejected the ap- |peal: a decision to burn Sacco and |Vanzetti as two Christmas candles |before the shrine of capitalism. | Next year an appeal was made to was rejected on May 12, 1925. Conclusive Proof Rejected. Meanwhile, one by one, a series |of motions based on new evidence | | discovered by the defense was pre- |sented to Judge Thayer. He treated {each in the same way. He put on |a great show of formality and im- partial justice, as does the judge in the Gastonia case, and he went about his business or on a vacation, promising to “take the matter un- der advisement.” Then filled with ‘hope, the liberals slackened their ‘ | agitation, and when the working | \class, busy with other matters too, | |had ceased to concentrate on the Sacco-Vanzetti case, Thayer would, |sometimes months after the motion was made, formally deny it. The motions so treated were: One based on the confession of the \ded jurors by himself presenting | evidence against Sacco, evidence | that never went through the court. One based on the confession of the prosecution witness Pelzer that he committed perjury against the defendants, because of pressure from the district attorney, Suppresed Evidence. One based on an eye witness’ ac- count of the crime, which said that | neither Sacco nor Vanzetti were at the scene. The prosecution had spirited this witness away before the trial started. One based on proof that prosecu- tion witness Goodridge was a notori- ous crook and a pathological liar, released from a larceny charge by the district attorney on condition that he “identify” the defendants. One based on prosecution witness Lola Andrews’ confession of per- jury in the trial. One based on an affidavit of the prosecution’s bullet expert, Captain Proctor, that he could not identify the mortal bullet as Sacco’s, but |the Supreme Court of the state; it | foreman of the jury that he persua- | for a series of questions which would make it seem to the jury that he \ did. One based on evidence of a much more famous expert that the bullet could not haye come from Sacco’s | pistol. One (May 26, 1926) based on the \that he and the Morelli gang com- mitted the crime, and the affidavit of Department of Justice spy Law- rence Letherman, that the federal |detectives, including himself, jbeen watching Sacco and Vanzetti |for a long time, that they never caught them in any crime, but “It was the opinion of the Department of Justice agents here that a con- viction of Sacco and Vanzetti for murder would be one way of dis- posing of these two, men.” This was corroborated by the affidavit of | Fred Weyand, to the same effect, | but adding: “I believe that their) conviction was the result of the co- operation between the Boston agents of the Department of Justice and the district attorney. | After this last motion was denied | |by Thayer, an appeal from his de- cision on it was made to the State Supreme Court, which ruled on April 5, 1927, that Thayer might be | wrong or right, but anyway, he had the right to decide, Sentence of Death. On April 9, 1917, Thayer sen- tenced Sacco and Vanzetti each to ‘suffer the punishment of death by | the passage of a current of elec- tricity through your body.” Both denounced the verdict and | the sentence, and the capitalist jus- tice back of it; Vanzetti ended a} magnificent speech: “I am suffer- ing because I am a radical, and in- deed I am a radical... but I am so convinced to be right that.. |if you could kill me two times, \I could be reborn two other times, | |done already.” for a thousand demonstrations; but the liberals soon saw another mirage, in the appeal to Fuller for | a pardon, Fuller was shrewd enough |to hold out hope; he appointed an advisory committee of President Lowell of Harvard University, President Samuel Stratton of Massa- chusetts Institute of Technology, and Robert Grant, a 75-year-old ex- judge. All three were incensed high priests of capital and its institu- tions, for them too, “loyalty” was a good word. A flood of new evidence was before them, including the ad- mission of Police Chief Gallivan of Braintree that he made the tear in Sacco’s cap, which was a large part of the circumstantial evidence on which Thayer said the verdict of guilty was based, and affidavits of newspaper men that Thayer boasted before the trial was over that he him, or, armed with black-jacks, brass knuckles and guns, to attack defenseless workers on picket lines, continuous menace to the working class. There is but one reply to gangsterism and that is the creation of organizations for workers’ defense that will make it impossible for these whelps to operate. workers themselves can solve this problem by simply driving these gangsters out of working class sections. to gangsterism is the mass power of the workers. so unhealthy for them that they will not dare ply their gpd against members of militant unions. There can never trafficking with such elements—no compromise with, ‘gang- sterism—only a fight to annihilate them, _ They are a The organized The answer Make it any al peat al ; y) had | |I would live again to do what I have | Labor and the liberals mobilized | Brom ses The Debacle of Liberalism conspired with the district attorney | would “get those two anarchist} bastards,” and “Wait ’till I give my charge to the jury; I'll show ’em. uller sat with the advisory com- mission and announced their deci- sion with his, August 3. He said the trial was fair, the men were | euilty. The Lowell commission re port when made public, showed-they | confession of Celestino Madeiros simply disregarded all evidence of | the credit of the American prole- | prejudice by the court and innocence of the defendants. Demonstrations. Labor answered this announce- ment of Fuller’s and Lowe! with a week of unsurpassed protest. A {mass meeting of 25,000 in Union Square, New York, mass meetings | and demonstrations in every capital | in the world, general strike in many cities; 30,000 workers of Paris fol- lowing Vanzetti’s sister to American embassy, official protests | {by the Argentine and Uruguaya! | national legislatures, | This was not enough at the time. It was about seven years too late. Or, if not too late, then it should jhave been even more determined. | We will have to do still better, to | save the Gastonia victims if there is a verdict of guilty in the present} Fuller and his capitalist advisors gauged the pressure, and decided they could risk the electrocution, On August 10, 36 minutes before the switch was to be thrown on the death chair, Fuller reprieved both |men, until August 22. This was the old tactic, used many times in we case, to mollify Labor, to fool the liberals, and wear out the demon- | Strators, The new will-o’-the-wisp found by the liberal optimists was appeal to the U. S. supreme court judges for | “certiorari” (order to re- | writs of view the case). First an argument | ‘| by defense attorneys was made to) and} four justices of the Massachusetts | supreme court on Aug. 15. On Aug. | 18, they rejected a motion for a re- \ view of the past decisions. Every available U. S. supreme court justice was approached, the | |last two being the reputed liberals, i | Stone and Brandeis. All refused to | intervene. The international protest move- ment gained force. Strikes in South America, new demonstrations, pick- eting in front of the state house, al- most continuous mass meeting in Union Square and Boston Common. Not enough at this time—sufficient, if it had come earlier. A New Case, The repressive forces of capitalism struck back; men and women were clubbed, jailed, we have today before Salvatore Accorsi, arrested and now beforg the New York courts fight- vani cossack was killed while he and his fellows were breaking up with gas bombs, clubs and _ pistol shots a protest meeting of thousands of miners at Cheswick, Pa. Others of these miners are in jail for “riot- ing.” The Massaehusetts called out, artillery was posted, searchlights swept the barriers around the Charlestown prison, when Sacco and Vanzetti were clectrocut- ed; just after midnight, Aug. 22, 1927, Labor has many martyrs in Amer- ica, from the days of the Molly Ma- guires to that of Sacco and Van- zetti. No man ever faced his exe- ilitia were cutioners more courageously than abel ete impr the | er: us a new murder frame-up, that of | ing extradition because a Pennsyl- | : dental. a” he these. Not one of them, there is no | exception, ever recanted, ever plead- ed, ever ‘flinchd when ‘capitalism’s hangmen flinched when capitalism’s | him. Neither did Sacco and Van- | zetti, |. Labor has had too many martyrs | in America. What we want now is ome more victories, It is not to| tarians that they have allowed so |large a number of their best to be | butchered by the enemy. | A Few Points to Remember. The lessons of the Sacco-Vanzetti case are a summary of our mistakes, and the tacties of the frame-up ex- perts. Briefly, they are these. There is no such thing as justice ii class case. The employer} , in control of the legal machin- | is influenced by one thing only, | If it is proved to them that it | xpedient to kill their victim, Otherwise they will. tion is the best defense. | The weakness of the labor movement | during the early days of the Sacco- | Vanzetti case, its purely defensive | tactics at first on the industrial and | political field, lost in advance the | best chance to win. The best chance to win is at the/ first trial; you have to fight, you | have to take the offensive in the beginning. The jury system is ca- pable of every form of corruption, but the juror is still more sensitive to mass opinion than the hard-boiled plutocrat, or his legal hireling, the judge. If you lose the first trial in a labor case you no longer have legal rights, you can only beg or | threaten, “Appeals” have invaria- bly been denied, unless they are merely ihe formal cover for a threat, and the longer the threat is in mate- rializing in formidable force, the greater the force required to pry the victim loose from his murderers. Suspect the capitalists when they | bring gifts. If a court offers a bar- | gain, a compromise, a commutation, |a reprieve, be sure it is merely a | flanking maneuver, the sooner to ef- fect the pre-determined objective, | death for the worker victim. Put not your faith in liberals. They have funny ideas, and they seldom learn anything. They are always surprised at each new “in- justice,” and they always fall imme- diate victims to each new blandish- ment of the prosecution, or the es- tablished authorities. Whenever one | of them gets a grasp of the class forces involved, and becomes a re- alist, he ceases to be a liberal and either goes reactionary or revolu- tionist. Liberals can help; if they | direct the defense, as for tco long a time they did for Sacco and Van- zetti, they will always stop fighting | just when the decisive blow should be struck. The International Labor Defense, which did so much to rouse labor in the later years of the Sacco- Vanzetti case, was always attacked for its plain events showed it was right, Let us remember some of these things when we commemorate the death of Sacco and Vanzetti this year, and let us remember them in the present Gastonia case. Let us prepare for the next legal lynching party by building industrial, politi- cal and defense organizations before- hand. Our new industrial unions, our fight to revolutionize the old unions, our international Commun- | up peopleto: déath.and \to to ure: ist movement, and our International Labor Defense are the decisive fac- tors; lawyers are teeta: but incl the \ shdintghopke ‘and Here 'the influence of a him, “The light vas; deep: thie and still. The an | Aeles day Gléb-. the place tra! 3 window panes, ole shimmered in bl a need race's In thé airiwas a. epider singing hum from the pistons afd Wheels; * en Ths 3 severe and youthful music of metal, amid the warm’ smdll;of oil ani petral; strehgthened and soothed Gleb’s. being. These gentle ‘Songs sei smed ‘ to te ‘echo within his heart, Everything beyond those* walls seetjed ‘insignificant, petty, rubbish which should be thrown away. Only. hére: could one find that which was essential, vital, significant;-anqid the gentle ringing, and the ighing of these black altars standing so firmly in compact squares. From behind the safety-barrier, he “woultl gaze long at the gigantic fly-wheels, at the broad red belts, running as on wings, and palpitating as if alive. Near the flygvheels, so ilusive and almost alarming in their silence, hot moist air-waves flooded over Gleb’s hands and chest. Fascinated, he would lose all consciousness of time, his mind absorbed in this iron flight; and he would stand there, regardless of the outer life, without thought. Brynza always awakened him from these ecstasies. He would take him by the arm and lead him silently to the immense window, through which he could ‘see the sea glistening infinite, and the aerial spaces between the mountain crests. Bae was a different man from the one he. had met last spring. True, he wore the same greasy cap like a pancake over \his nose; true, there was the same nose sticking’out like the peak of his cap; the same grimy sharp cheek-bones and chin, and the brown whiskers like wet rags. But the eyes were’ now cold and concentrated, shimmer- ing like the nickel and brass of the Diesels. No longer did he shout, but listened attentively to the ringing and whirring of the engines. Their conversation always started the same way: “Well, Commander?” “Well, dear friend?” “Well, and what further?” “We shall go on, Brynza!” “And we won’t break our necks?” “What’s the matter with you? Are you off your head? We'll have to get you into the Party, you old bastard; that'll put the lid on your piffle.” “Ha, Commander, be off with you and your Party too! What can I do with a Party when I’ve got my hands full with the engines? There’s the Party—and here are the engines. I don’t understand the Party, but I understand engines.’ They must work without fail. I’ve got no time for jabberérs—on your way with you, Commander!” He stopped abruptly and, with supple, firm steps, slightly round- shouldered, without looking round, he plunged into the dark gangway between the Diesels. pen cane 3 NE day, while inspecting the repairs going on the various dust- covered buildings, amidst the trampling and shouts of the workmen, Gleb encountered Engineer Kleist. The extraordinarily fixed -look in the technologist’s eyes had already more than once surprised Gleb. They burned with emotion and anxious questioning. Kleist took him gently by the arm and they walked out on to the viaduct. Shoulder to shoulder they walked on to the terrace of the tower where they had met each other on that memorable evening. On their right, down be- low, the Diesels were murmuring and the dynamos hidden in their depths sang softly. On the roofs of the buildings were crawling the figures of the workmen, small as dolls. Sheet-iron rang out reverber- antly; hammers beat like musketry and drums. The windows of the buildings were no longer black and gaping, but were flashing and col- ored—reflecting the blue sky and fiery sun. The autumn air was clear and singing, saturated with a sun which belonged rather to summer. Seagulls described dazzing white curves and whorls above the bay. Everywhere, in the air and underfoot, and in the actual stones, one could hear an inarticulate subterranean mur- mur. And somewhere else, nearby, was the shriek of a drill as it bored through rusty iron. Gigantic light-blue cylinders, the smoke-stacks flying up wards, eighty meters high. Did not their cold throats announce infernal fires that smouldered below? Co patted Kleist on the shoulder and laughed. “Well, Comrade ‘Technologist! Everything’s. coming all right. When a fool says: ‘I have strength’ he is already no longer a fool, but only partly one. Then, if: he goes right- on, without hesitating, he’s an in- telligent fool! We-Communists dream like fools, but not so badly after all, Comrade Technologist. On the annivergary of the Revolution, we shall start this huge*thing shaking. with fire and smoke.” Engineer Kleist srniled strainedly;’ he spreserved his usual air of dignity and importance, Suddenly: he* pressed | Gleb’s. hand. “Chumalov; I beg you -to forget the.great. crime-I eommitted to- wards you and. the other® Ayorkme! The-renarabgance: that I once gave yes‘mie ‘no peace.” And Kleigt’ e. with fear.dnd hope; he could not repress Fe lfeming of A) page ould! he hold his head straight and ‘ vise! t. Gleb looked a full ‘gly the bird his “eyes : "Hadting with sharp points. His face suddenly. became?potionléss,, igbitinate and terrible, like the face of a corpse. Barots: was for @ Secénd only, and then his teeth showed in a smile. “Comrade deauasnicae thint was long ago—it’s past. In those days we were at each other’s throats. But just remember this: if you had not saved -my-wife at that time not even her bones would be left now. Now you are one of our best workers—a fine intelligence and hands of gold. Without you we couldn’t have got anything done. Just see what a wonderful job’ we have done under your guidance.” “My dear Chumaloy, I intend to devote all my knowledge and ex- perience—all my life—to our country. I have no other life except that life with all of you; and I have no other task except our struggle to build up a new culture.” And for the first; time Gleb ‘saw Kleist’s- eyes fill with tears, through which hitherto unseen depths became visible. And those things that were within his eyes were greater than his eyes, greater than himself. Gleb pressed his hand and laughed, “Well then, Herman Hermanovitch, Jet's be friends!” “Right, Chumalov, we shall: be friends.” * Rae the Engineer walked away with’ steady step, leaning on his stic! locked -into. Gl 2 ASHES oe the Party Cleansing, Dasha no longer slept at home. She had moved to Mékhova’s room. She went to live with her after she had received the following note: . “I feel that I am very ill, Dasha, although I walk about, eat and talk ,and apparently nothing is wrong with me. But I can neither see nor feel anything. During’ the daytime I feel like a hunted animal and my nights are: one long nightmare. Another day of this, and I feel that I can no longer endure it. No doubt I am really ill, You alone can help me and put me right. As a friend, I beg you to come and live with me, help, me to pull myself to- gether and get on my feet. It’s midnight now and I’m sitting in Serge’s room. I git in here every night. He’s very tired, but brave as ever, and gentle and kind. He looks after me as he would a child. He’s prepared to. keep awake all night for my sake. When I leave him he doesn’t let me go through the corridor, but through the door leading into my own room. I’m afraid Serge will over- strain himself and collapse. Agchange is taking place in my soul. What kind of a change I don’t know; but I do know that if you moni only pass a few days with me everything would be all right again.” And that evening, Dasha, with a bundle under her arm, went away to the town, with the same quick step as when she went about the business of the Women’s Section. She returned later to get some bedding, and would not take her evening tea with Gleb. “Well, Gleb, you can keep house and make yourself comfortable. I’m taking my Lang now and I’m off.” ig To Be Continued) 3p. ,