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Page Six Baily 34 Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S, A. Worker Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Inc... Daily, except UbiSunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New York City, N.Y. Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8 Cable: “DAIWORK- SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mali (in New York only): 2.50 three months 00 a year $4.50 six months f $2.6 = By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year six months $2.00 three montne Adéress and mai) all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square. : w York, N.Y. ess Berger’s Milwaukee Brand of Socialism HE death on Wednesday of Victor L. Berger removed from political activity the one man who, more than any other, personified that spurious, emasculated socialism tha grew up as the left wing of the populist movement in the middle west in the nineties of the last century and the first decade of this century. Berger was the leader of the attempts to make the so- cialist movement a tail end of the kite of Bryan. At all times fighting with the tenacity of a bulldog against unity of the working class forces and always in the lead in cam- paigns to expel militant workers from the socialist party, Berger never missed an opportunity to fawn in the most ser- vile manner before every political movement of the small capitalist class, and to advocate unity of the socialist party with such elements. He built up a political machine in Milwaukee that when in office could in no way be distinguished from the old par- ties. Working class speakers were arrested and thrown into jail for using the streets the same as under any avowedly anti-labor administration. His one public act in behalf of the workers was when he introduced in congress a motion to investigate the Law- rence strike in 1912-13. This was done under pressure of the militant section of the socialist party membership, at the same time Berger, Hillquit and company, in control of the socialist party machinery, were preparing to expel Wil- liam D. Haywood from the organization for violation of the infamous and provocative Article II, Section 6, of the social- ist party constitution, which stipulated that anyone adyo- cating violence in labor disputes or interpreting political ac- tion as anything other than voting at the polls shall be ex- pelled. During the world war Berger used his paper, the Mil- waukee Leader, as the official organ in the United States of Phillip Scheidemann, Frederick Ebert and the other Kaiser socialists who betrayed the German workers into the im- perialist slaughter house. Like Morris Hillquit, the leader of the socialist party in the East, Berger defended the ma- jority social-democrats of Germany for voting the war cred- its asked by.the imperial government. He published articles bitterly assailing Karl Liebknecht for breaking with the so- cial patriots and repeated the Scheidemann slanders that Liebknecht was not exactly in his right mind when he, with Franz Mehring and Rosa Luxemburg. referred to the Scheide- manns as “stinking carrion” and to Karl Kautsky as a “pros- titute” of imperialism. Had the United States entered the war on the side of the Central Powers, instead of against them, there is not the slightest doubt that Berger would have been a howling pa- iriot. Interesting, indeed, in this connection, is the comment of Ludwig Lore’s ‘New Yorker Volkzeitung,” which yester- day morning published a long editorial praising Berger and concluding as follows: “And when class conscious workers in and out of the United States has lost one of its outstanding leaders, the Volkzeitung lowers the Red Flag in sincere mourning before the bier of its eo-fighter.” . For the Volkzeitung to speak of the Red Flag is to tra- duce the revolutionary movement. Long ago it lowered the Red Flag of revolution and substituted therefore the white flag of surrender to the capitalist class (the life-long emblem of:Berger) and has since waged a struggle against the work- ing class and its vanguard, the Communist International. A much more correct estimate of Berger comes from another of his journalistic admirers of recent years, the New York Times. which praises Berger as a sensible capital- ist politician, when it says: ‘ : “Mr, Berger was an astute, cold politician of hard sense, and it was often said of him that while he talked socialist politics and theories, he played good American politics.” The Times’ ideal of good politics being, as is well known, the game as conducted by Tammany Hall. It was just such politics that was played by Berger and company when almost ten years ago they called the Chicago police force to evict from the convention hall the duly elected left wing delegates who were a majority at that convention and who had mandates from the membership to take the socialist party out of the hands of the Bergers, Hillquits, etc. The political and organizational decadence of the so- cialist party since these events is indicated by the fact that when the Milwaukee machine politician died he held the title of national chairman of the socialist party. The working class of the world and the workers’ and pea- sants’ government of the Soviet Union has lost, in the death of Berger, one of its most bitter enemies and capitalism has lost a good and faithful servant. Emphasizes Right Wing Bankruptcy Before the tremendous mass movement generated in the world-wide demonstrations of August Ist, against imperialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union, had concluded, the class struggle in various parts of the world again burst forth with elemental fury. A half a million textile workers in Britain refused to be betrayed back to the slave pens by the wiles of the “labor” agents of imperialism at the head of the government. Two hundred thousand workers of India went on strike two days after August 1st. On the same day scores of Rumanian workers died in the streets defiantly facing the bullets of the fascist police. In Colombia the workers are again rising against the hirelings of Yankee despotism. Uninterruptedly, continuously, in every part of the cap- italist world, grows the revolt of the masses against their tyrannical oppressors. And yet, in spite of all thi, there are elements but recently in the revolutionary movement, of the type of Lovestone and his followers, who deny the rad- ‘ icalization of the working class, who sneer at the Commu- nist International estimate of this period as one of growing radicalization of the masses. Life itself is daily emphasizing the total bankruptcy of this right wing aggregation of political degenerates. } HER PRICE” ay DAILY WORKER Saving the “Honor of the By LISTON M. OAK The state of North Carolinz ouflages vengeance with and impartialit: The defense counsel has first skirmish with the 1 which is trying to rai three members of the National Tex tile Workers Union to el or the penitentiary, utes after the trial h 29th in Gastonia, the was on the defensive. The weakn of their case has already been m: apparent, The state of Nor been forced to retreat inal plan of. the Man prosecution to rush the tri through the Gaston county court, be- fore a mill-owning judge, Hoyle Sink, appointed by the mill-owning governor, with a carefully picked jury of mill owners and their de- pendents and business men who de- pend largely upon the patronage of the mills. First, the governor was forced to appoint Judge Barnhill to replace Judge Sink. Second, Judge Barnhill was forced to announce that he would not try the case befor Gaston county jury but would bring one in from an adjoining county to Gastonia. Third, the judge was forced to grant the motion of the defense counsel for a change of venue and the case was moved to Mecklenburg county. Fourth, the |prosecution had to change the charge against the three girls to sec- ond degree murder, Workers Did It. How and why was all this Largely because of the m: sure of the workers. Today in ( ton county it would be hard to find a mill worker who is not sympathetic to the defendants even if he is not yet a member of the National Tex- tile Workers Unien. Throughout the South the radicalized workers are in revolt or on the verge of revolt against the stretch out sys tem, and are steadily organizing for a fight for better conditions. The mill owners and the machinery of the state which they dominate fear done? 1 rapidly | EW YORK, FRIDAY, AUGUST 9, 1929 By Fred Ellis. North Carolina Camouflages Vengeance With “Fairness and Impartiality” e effect upon these workers of her Sacco-Vanzetti case.” They ur exposure of capitalist justice, the disillusionment of the worker who have already lost most of the faith the old shiboleths about de- mocracy, equality, impartiality, fe ness of the state. It may be he Manville-Jenckes Company ailed in two of its plans: first, ch Fred Beal and run the other union organizers and most active strikers out of town and smash the union; second, to rush the trial thru before the I. L. D, and the N, T. U. had built up a nation wide defense organization and mobilized the forces of the aroused working class. There has been for some time past a split in the battery of lawyers for the prosecution: one group directly hired by Manville-Jenckes, led by Major Bulwinkle, who would , {Stop at nothing, whose methods are ‘erude and whose only desire is to get rid of the “troublesome foreign agitators,” and another group rep- resenting generally, who fear reaction against them, for political and other reasons, who are influenced by the mass pres- sure of the workers and the out- raged popular sentiment throughout the state, who want to send the de- |fendants to the chair or penitenti- lary as much as the others, but who want to do it by “due process of law,” camouflaging the trial with the usual trimmings of capitalist justice, Remember Other Cases. They have been made aware that | the workers of America have learned the lessons of the Mooney-Billings, Sacco-Va ti, and other cases in the history of the American labor movement. They figure that they can accomplish their purpose just as well in Charlotte as they could in Gastonia. They think that they the southern capitalists | § | have, by changing the venue, “taken | the wind out of our s ” As Judge | Barnhill said when granting the mo- tion of the defense for a change of venue, “if the trial is held in Gas- tonia it will always be said that pre- |judice existed and the defendants did not have a fair trial.” This idea is repeated editorially with varia- tions in dozens of papers in the South. Some of them only make it more obvious than others that what the capitalist class of the South want is to give the trial every ap- [pearance of impartiality, which could not be done in Gastonia. “We don’t want to give the radicals a chance to say that they did not have a fair trial” is the burden of the editorials. Cleverer Scheme. In other words, convict the strik- ers and union organizers of murder {and conspiracy to murder, get rid jof the Communists and militant | and their union, but do it respectably, impartially judicially; no rough stuff such as the Manville-Jenckes and their Gas- tonia gang pulled off. Don’t shock public opinion with the crudity dis- played ‘heretofore. Try to camou- flage the class issues involved. Don’t advertise Communism. Prevent the union from getting publicity. Such is the tactic of the state of North Carolina, | In line with thi: the move of the prosecution in releasing the three j women organizers and Communists on bail, and reducing the charge against them to second degree mur- 3 5 der, This is a fake gesture of “sou- | thern chivalry,” calculated to appeal to public opinion and build up this illusion that the state is fair and impartial, merciful to “defenseless” girls, ete, The Greensboro Daily News of ‘ August 1 says editorially: South” | “The prosecution does not need to) be too depressed about the change of venue for the bolshevists. The} Charlotte atmosphere is not reputed |to be especially favorable to agita- | tors and such.” | In other words, this editor reas-| sures the prosecution that they can | obtain a conviction in Charlotte al- most as readily as in Gastonia, for anyone who agitates against the capitalist exploitation is just as cor- dially hated there as in Gastonia, | Veiled Danger Greater. The danger is not less, but greater. The prosecution must not succeed in its attempt to delude the workers) With the belief that there will be a fair trial to lull the workers into passivity. The vengeance of the mill owners, of capitalism, against those who dare challenge their domination over the lives of the workers, is just as terrible when camouflaged with empty phrases, as it is in the raw, crude form of beating strikers jon the picket line, destroying their | headquarters and homes and threat- | ening their lives. The New Republic says that the “honor of the State of North Caro- lina is at stake.” This idea is re- peated ad infinitum in hundreds of southern newspapers. No, It is not/ the honor of the state of North Car- | olina that is at stake. It is the right | of workers to organize, to strike and | to defend themselves, The lives of | twenty-three militant workers are at stake. But what these editorials mean is that the state must save its face, preserve its “honor,” i. e., its | preten: of impartiality, of demo- cratic justice. This pretense must he exposed and the workers awak- ened even more fully to the realiza- tion that no workers can expect jus- tice in capitalist courts, that to trust | the state to give these twenty-three class war prisoners a fair trial is to | allow the state to send them to the electric chair or to the penitentiary. Capitalism has no honor. More than ever it is apparent that only the |mass pressure of the aroused and militant. working class can save | them capitalist vengeance. Thesis on the International Situation (Continued from Page 2.) | political and_ organizational meas- ures to develop by all possible | tories in the struggle against the jemployers, against fascism and re- proletariat, on the basis of applying means a mass struggle against this |formism, in order to give a broader new forms of the tactics of a united threat, to assure the continuation, basis to the work of the Red Shop front from below and of largely even an expansion of their mass.) and Factory Committee, and in or- | drawing into the struggle the un- organized masses (strike commit ;work also under conditions of illegality, and to be ready at any jworking class a, more organized jtees in Germany, conferences of moment to combine illegal and legal | character, it is necessary to create | workers’ shop delegates, like those _that prepared the May Day strike in Paris and Berlin), For this pur- pose they must rush all their forces into the industrial undertakings, they must make of every factory a fortress of Communism. They must make a selection of the best ele- ments of the old cadres, supple- menting them with new forces that tare rising in the process of class ‘battles from below, from the masses; they must in a planned and systematic way develop self-crit cism which is the most important methods of work, In the struggle against the threat- |ening war danger, against the em- ployers’ offensive and against the | slanderous campaign of the re- formists, all Communist Parties must conduct an extended campaign | | of making clear the colossal achieve- _ments of Socialist construction in |the Soviet Union (the Five Year | Plan). Capitalist rationalization | which drives the proletariat more and more to poverty must be con- \trasted by them with Socialist re- construction carried out in the U. instrument for the revolutionary re-!S, S, R.—and undertaking that is education and bolshevik steeling of | hecoming a powerful lever for rais- the Party cadres. From the point ing the material and cultural stan- of view of solving the central task |dards of the working class and of —winning the majority of the work- the toiling masses of the village. ing class for Communism—it is} 11, At the same time all the ‘necessary to take all measures to Parties must strengthen mo: de- crystallize organizationally political infiuence of the Communist munists and of the revolutionary | Parties. trade union oyposition in the re- In view of the threat to a num- | formist trade unions; in countries ber of parties who have hitherto | where the trade union movement is worked openly, of a ban upon their | split they must work with all theii the |cisively the activities of the Com- | cadres of revolutionary delegates elected by the workers in the fac- tories, All the Sections of the CI must accomplish a basic turn and a radi- {eal change in the methods of their work in the realm of revolutionary activity among the most oppressed |and exploited strata of the prole- tariat, among the working women, workers. In the fact of the growing role of the laboring youth, and partic- ularly in connection with the war danger, the question of a revolu- tionary mobilization of and an ex- tended influence over the masses of the working youth‘ acquires ex- tremely great significance and de- mands increased attention on the part of all the Communist Parties to the questions of the youth move- nent as well as active support to the work of the Y. C. I, In the oast year the Y. C. I. has fulfilled its task in carrying out the line of the Comintern as regards the strug- legal existence, the Tenth Plenum energies in the interests of strength- gle against the Right and the Con- of the ECCI makes it the duty of | ening the Red Trade Unions, these Parties immediately and un- | ciliationists. The position of the In order to strengthen the influ- | mass work of the Young Communist conditionally to take all necessary |ence of the Communists in the fac- | Leagues, however, and their organi- \ jde: to give all the battles of the| the working youth, and the village | zational development, have remained entirely unsatisfactory and impera- | tively dictate the necessity of carry- ing out that turn towards work ;among the masses which was de- manded by the Fifth World Congress of the Y. C. I. In countries where there is a revo- \lutionary peasant movement and a ‘national movement for liberation, the main task must consist, besides |winning the majority of the work- ing class, in reinforcing the hege- mony of the proletariat and the leadership of the Communist Party |in this movement. It is the task of the entire Com- intern to aid in all possible ways the creation and the strengthening in the colonies of mass Communist Parties, as Parties of the prole- tariat, as the vanguard and the lead- ing force in the coming revolu- tionary battles, 12. It is necessary to steer a firm course towards mass parties, fighting both against the remnants of sectarianism and social demo- cratic traditions and against the remnants of unprincipled faction- alism which in a number of parties (for instance the American) cramps their further development and is one of the causes that prevents them from becoming a mass Party, In a number of sections of the Comintern, like for instance the Swedish one, there are still wide- | | Tskheladze with his heavy boots clattered over the other table, By FEODOR EMEN GLADKOY, ‘Translated by A Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. ¥. { Cc | GHUK was clenching his fists and laughing bitterly. “Well, here you are, Serge; what fine work, eh? But Badin re~ mains in the Party; Shramm remains, Khapko and all that drunken crowd. Ha, the bureaucrats can sing in glee! But Savchuk has been turned out of our Group, and Mekhova and you have been excluded— now it’s easier for them; everything will go well for them now. But I’m going to show them how the fishermen catch fish! I shall know how to shake them up.” Tskheladze shuddered convulsively and again stretched his fingers out like a fan. ‘Comrade, why are you joking? Why are you speaking empty words? Let me look with my own eyes at what you have written about me?” Again there was astonishment in the eyes of the quiet man. leaned short-sightedly over the papers and said in a tired voice: “Comrade Nachkassov, show Tskheladze the decision in his case.” He and the stout member of the Commission showed him a sheet of paper covered with writing. | “Here. Read. Can you read Russian!” or) And he pointed with his finger to the middle of the sheet. 3 | “Go to hell, you son of a bitch!” { Crazily, with mad, burning eyes, Tskheladze stared at the grey warts of Comrade Nachkassov; his teeth were €hattering like small shot. He did not glance at the paper. He struck himself a terrible blow with his fist behind the ear, and cried in a strident voice of pain and terror: “You've cleaned me out—. out—! Oh!” A shot echoed in the room and it filled with smoke. ' Tskheladze lay on the floor. Blood trickled from his pierced skull. The gaunt member of the Commission sat at the table. His face was grey. His wide-open eyes were like those of a blind man, expres- sionless. | Serge never knew how he had left that room. When he came to | himself he saw Shidky beside him. He was pushing a glass of water between his teeth, shouting and breathing heavily, | “Drink, damn you! Don’t cry like a woman. Understand, every- thing is not decided here. There are higher organs. The Party Com- ~ | mittee will not let the matter go by. They can clean me out of the Party too if they like, but I won’t forgive this disgrace.” Serge lay on the sofa, his whole body shaken with sobs. * You’ve cleaned me out! T’ll clean you Chapter XVII. A THRUST INTO THE FUTURE. 1 “WE SHALL GO ON!” Be re-starting of the factory was fixed for the anniversary of the Bolshevik revolution in the coming November. It was decided to have a solemn sitting of the Town Soviet in the “Comintern” Club in order to combine the historic triumphal anniversary with the first great victory locally on the economic front. The Party Cleansing was at an end, but the corridors of the Palace of Labor were crowded with sweaty battered people, full of blue smoke, suffocating confusion and patient expectation. The people were collect- ing together in groups; their sweat-damped hair clung to their fore-' heads. They spoke in low tones, and looked like sick people. The Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection had been for several days, quietly and unostentatiously, carrying on a strict revision. As usual, Gleb sat in his private office, with doors close shut, and received visitors from éleven till two. Calm and severity reigned be- hind his doors. The apparatus was working, despite its complexity, calmly and powerfully, with a staff just as large as before. Only the elegant technologists were rather paler than before; dazed and with anxious eyes. Among the crowd of employees, bending over books and papers, one could mark no excitement or fear, just as though there were no Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection here at all; as though no one knew what it meant, or that an inspection was taking place, t ieee one (ise divided his time between the factory and the management of- fices. He ran from building to building, workshop to workshop, amidst the dust, piles of materials, the clamor of toil, restraining him- self with difficulty from grasping a tool, and himself joining in the work. In the repair-shop he got into a row with Saveliey. He was one of the old workmen, morose, unsociable and silent. He often stopped work for a moment, coughed noisily and spat black thick phlegm. On one of these occasions, Gleb snatched the tool from his hand and pushed him away from the bench with his shoulder. “What are you messing about here for, damn it! Do you think you’re working for strangers?” Saveliey, stupefied, stared at him with bloodshot eyes, deprived of breath from his coughing. “You mustn’t waste time to spit here, wink or blow your nose, but only to work. Every second is more precious to us than a whole life!” He was shouting and swearing, brandishing the wrench, all fey- erish. Savaliev pushed him away with his shoulder, shook his beard and spat on his fist. “And what do you know yourself, you shaven fool? : I’ve been working at the bench for years. I’m a turner and a fitter and I know my job, God damn it! And you, why—you’re still wet behind the ears! You're still a weakling kid! You were still at your mother’s breast while I was carrying loads on my back. And here you are swanking like a commander.” “And I—I spit in your old beard! There’s a lot like you, always ready to loaf around and talk about what wonderful workmen they are. All you're concerned about is your own belly! You‘don’t know any- thing about the general labor question and production—all that means nothing to you!” * Soars, his fist on high, was bellowing; he looked like a hairy shaggy old watch-dog. “Wordy bastard! Go to hell with you, damned animal!” Without stopping their work, the workmen were laughing and yell- ing with delight. “Give Chumalov one in the jaw, old whiskers! “Hit him in the mug, Chumalov! senses!” Gleb pulled himself together, threw the tool on to the bench and laughed so loud that it filled the whole workshop. “Well, what an idiot and an ass I am! Don’t get angry, old pal! My hands are itching, and I’m mad as a hatter!” And off he ran to another department. The repairing of the furnace and the crusher was almost finished. The ropeway was already working. Wheels were spinning and pulleys shrieked into the mountains. The overhead cable to the wharves, ho ever, was still silent, with its trucks, as it were, frozen in their flight; and the safety-net beneath it red with rust. The white seven-foot ciock, in the factory tower, which for three years had been still, again moved its hands; and, at night, lit up by an arc lamp, showed the hour so clearly one could read it a mile away. In the coopers’ shop preparations for work were being made, The work benches were repaired and the rubbish and dirt cleared away. Rivets had been brought from the stores in trucks. Savchuk, per- spiring freely, covered with dust, was shouting and swearing—coopers are the best at swearing. He and his mates were hurrying from place to place in the shop, getting everything ready. (To Be Continued) _ appeals for a struggle against these attempts, and considers that the greatest danger at the present period is the danger of the Commu- nist Parties lagging behind the tem- po of the development of the mass revolutionary movement. The Plenum of the ECCI appeals to all the sections of the Comintern to wage the most decisive struggle against the laggard tendencies which are a reflection of social democratic remnants, that must be overcome if the Communist Parties are to carry out their role of the vanguard shops, prohibiting the Communist |of the proletarian movement lead- Go on!” Bring. the old fellow to his a great danger also to practical work, Without a decisive struggle and an overcoming of these oppor- tunist vacillations, th: Communist Parties will not be able actively to carry out the revolutionary tasks confronting them. In conclusion, noting the increased attempts on the part of thé enemies of the revolutionary proletarian movement to separate the Commu- nist Parties from the broad prole- tarian masses (by means of expell- ing the Communists from the trade unions, taking them off from the spread Right vacillations which ar press, the Communist organizations, jing the working class to new revo- tl Plenum of the pres lutionary, battles -and victoriess «ee: