The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 8, 1929, Page 6

| Bia Page Six ‘DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY Daily SQic Worker | Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S, A. Published by the. Comprodaily Publishing Co, Ine, pails, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New York City, Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable: “DAIWORK!’ . SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only)? 50 six months $2.50 three months 8.00 a year . . (outside of New York): $6.08 a year 0 six months $2.00 three months addres: and mail all checks to the Dally Worker, 26-28 Union Square. New York, N. The Hoover-Stimson War Drive eae in history has a government been proved as un- principled, as utterly hypocritical as the Hoover admin- istration is shown to. be by the revelations published yester- jay regarding the secret Stimson note to Britain, Japan, France, Germany and Italy that they, with the United States, should take control of the Chinese Eastern Railway from the Soviet Union and China and establish a six-power control over it. This proves a number of facts that we have insisted upon from the beginning of the conflict in the Far East. (1) The action of the Chiang Kai-shek bandit govern- ment is not motivated by any nationalist interests, as the imperialists and the Trotskyists contend, and as the con- ciliators and followers of Lovestone in America imply, but is the action of conscious hirelings of imperialism. (2) The motive is to wage open intervention against the Soviet Union in an effort to destroy the workers’ and peasants’ government and turn that vast territory into an imperialist slaughter house in an effort to retrieve that one- sixth of the inhabitable globe that was taken out of capitalist economy by the revolution for imperialist exploitation and markets. (3) The attempt to utilize the puppet government of Chiang Kai-shek and the auxiliary bandit regime in Man- churia for the purpose of qpening up the rich resources of that country for exploitation. (4) The joint control of the railroad for heavy concen- tration of forces against the Soviet Union and against the danger of a new rise of the Chinese revolution. (5) The prime mover, the directing force in the whole campaign is Yankee imperialism. Stimson used. the pacifist smoke screen @f the Kellogg pact in order to align the im- perialist nations into a bloc for a concerted drive against the Soviet Union. At the identical time he was talking peace he was preparing for war. (6) The attempt at mobilization of He capitalist na- tions against the Soviet Union is the internationl class strug- gle raised to the highest possible stage at the moment. (7) The imperialists, in conducting this fight against | the Soviet Union have consolidated all the forces of counter- revolution under their leadership.’ This includes the two so- cial democratic governments, Britain and Germany, all strata of social reformists, the ifdustrialists eager for war profits, the petty bourgeoisie, and the latest recruits in the camp of counter-revolution, the Trotskyists, the conciliators recently kicked out of the Communist International, Lovestone and his followers in the United States. To meet this situation requires the greatest possible con- centration of working class forces against the imperialist conspirators and in defense of the Soviet Union and of the masses of China who suffer under the awful tyranny of the imperialist hirelings at the ‘head of the vassal government. The gigantic demonstrations and struggles of August First must be repeated on an ever widening and deepening scale until every available force has been mobilized against imperialist war. Here in the United States, the masses who must struggle directly against the Hoover-Stimson goverment must realize that the whole system of intensified exploitation of labor; the rationalization process, the throwing onto the industrial scrap- heap of millions of workers who cannot keep up the pace de- manded, the savage and murderous attacks against us, are all part of the imperialist war preparations. In ever larger numbers and in greater volume the masses must fight to defeat the Stimson conspiracy against the fatherland of the working class of the world. Defend the Soviet Union! Fight against imperialist war! Defeat the Stimson conspiracy! Egyptian Home Rule, Limited Een, the historian, quotes Augustus, “founder of the J Roman empire” as saying, “a nation can be deprived of its liberty provided it is solemnly assured it enjoys freedom.” That Augustus and the Roman emperors who followed him were wrong is indicated by the very name of Gibbon’s work: “The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.” Premier Ramsey MacDonald and his foreign minister, Arthur Henderson, may not know anything about the theory of Augustus, but their duplicity in dealing with Egypt proves that they practice it. First, Arthur Henderson announces that the old policy of suppression and terror against Egypt is to be replaced by “the fullest measure of home rule.” This is’ immediately qualified with certain. very specific reserva- tions. The English government is to insist-upon naming all officials of the Egyptian government charged with handling “foreign policy.” That means that only British interests will be considered as far as Egypt’s foreign relations are con- cerned. The second qualification is that English troops will “guard” the Suez Canal. The third reservation is that Eng- land is to retain the Sudan. This latter is impossible with- out the free passage of troops through Egypt. The fourth string to “the fullest measure of home rule” is the insistence upon the appointment of “financial advisers” to control the economic life of Egypt. The purpose of the MacDonald-Henderson gesture is perfectly ‘clear. 1t is to carry out British imperialist policy without in the slightest altering the tyranny that character- ized the tory regime, while at the same time trying to deceive the masses in Egypt and the workers in Britain by meaning- less twaddle about “home rule.” _ j Henderson uses the same vile instrument for carrying out his policies that was used by the tory government— Mahmud Pasha, premier of Egypt.: Mahmud’ signed the ent with Henderson, but there is a strong probability ‘Phat the Egyptian parliament will not ratify it. In which case the MacDonald government will repeat the performance of Baldwin and dissolve the Egyptian parliament and have the “agreement” ratified by a hand-picked cabinet of impe- _-rialist mercenaries. ~The demand of the revolutionary forces in Egypt is not e rule,” with or wil = qualifications, but complete in- “ | Cleveland. it “THE “MILL _ BARON: “SEE YOU LATER, AUGUST 8, 1929 Wo en So Gl RLIES.” By Fred Ellis. Negro Bourgeoisie Assembles | proletariat, which does not so easily | indulge in lynching at the request | By SOL AUERBACH. The 12,000 Negro workers |poor farmers in this country wer blissfully not mentioned at the Twentieth Annual Conference of the | = Business Men Convene at Cleveland N.A.A.C.P. | To Exploit and Fool Workers of Own Race National Association for the Ad-|—— vancement of Colored People, whi has just completed its sessions in its point of economic vantage. For , the Negro workingman has be- come ,an object of exploitation and as such he is to be kept in serfdom and slavery. For the Negro work- the colored bourgeoisie dly an enemy as the white capi- One need not go far to find the jreason for th The conference was representative of the Negro middle class. Even at its mass meet- | ev, ings the composition of the audi-| de ences was predominantly bourgeois. | tal The N. A. A. C. P, is an organiza-|traitor and sold out the Negro | tion for the development and con- {masses for the advantages of being tinuation of a Negro middle class. | parasites. |The 20 years of its existence h | “Education in Treachery.” |seen the growth of a Negro tour-| It would have been an ‘education geoisie, composed of teachers nery for Negro workers to fessionals, landlords, real » been present at this confer- |men, business men and even some jence. At the mess meeting at the |bankers, which for its existence and |Public Auditorium, at which about |maintenance poached upon the Ne-|three or four thousand were pres- | gro workers in the community. The|ent although the auditorium seats N. A. A. C. Py is an expression of |15,000, James Weldon Johnson, sec- this well-to-do poaching class, an or. ry of the N, A. A. C. P. ganization prima concerned w’ aced Hamilton Fish, representative |guarding its interests and helping | from New York, “as a very close in the growth of this class. |friend of mine of whom I am very Banks Greet Delegates. |proud.” Recall that Hon. Fish was It is therefore not surprising to the commander of the Jim-Crowed | find that the mayor of Cleveland |Negro troops during the world war |welcomed the association in the and is now on the foreign relations |name of the city, and that leading | committee of the House of Represen- | jbanks and other business institu-|tatives, busily engaged in preparing ions, of Cleveland extended their | another world-wide slaughter. welcome and invited the delerates|Hon. Fish addressed the audience as to visit them. Although there was | ‘Fellow Americans” and reeked with | evident some dissatisfaction among | P for the “patriotism a few delegates, the general atmos- | the colored people in times of peace | phere of the conference was sub-|/and war.” He re-echoed his jingo- |mission to Yankee imperialism and | ism again and again with his praise \a willingness to grovel at the fect|for the bravery of the Negro troops of the white bourgeoisie for the priv- | under his command, with the evi- jilege of holding a segregated para-| dent conclusiom? that they are ex- |sitic position in relation to the work-| pected to be just as “brave and de- Jers of their own color. Protest| voted” during the next war. “You jagainst race prejudice and lync e the right, to acquire wealth,” was generally the only sign of wee he shouted. ‘Acquire it. In an- |kneed revolt, and even at that it was | other 66 years there will be 25,000,- Jaccompanied by a dis willing- | 000 people of your group in this | ness to submit to segregation, | country, . with your own banks, golf} This only reflected the fact that | clubs, industry and artists. ... Your | the Negro bourgeoisie had attai ined | destiny in your own hands.” a position of its own and would ra-| It was by no accident that the De- | ther submit to segregation and the|Priest case played a major role in dependence of all imperialist powers. That goal will never be attained through “agreements” with imperialism, but only through unrelenting armed conflict against the tyrants and all their native agents, New Orleans Strikers at the Mercy of Mitten O SOONER have we come to the conclusion that some particularly dirty betrayal of the working class by an alleged labor leader is the lowest level of infamy that can be attained than some swindler sinks even lower. At this moment W. D. Mahon, president of the International Association of | Street and Electric Railway Employes holds the prize as a past-master of fakery and betrayal. After the militant struggle of the New Orleans traction strikers Mahon stepped in and began a series of. familiar maneuvers that culminated in his entering into a conspiracy with Secretary of Labor James J. Davis to have Thomas E. Mitten, of Philadelphia, go to New Orleans to “settle” the controversy. Davis, as is well known, is himself a Pittsburgh million- | aire, and was one of the original Harding appointees in the Teapot Dome cabinet; a political pal of Andrew W. Mellon, the chief scab-herder and strikebreaker in the country. Mitten gained notoriety years ago by breaking the strike of the Philadelphia street railway workers and establishing a train- ing school fortscabs so that he could break strikes all over the country. For years Philadelphia scabs trained in the Mitten school have been used to break strikes in other cities —the most notorious recent instance being the Buffalo car- men’s strike, It is this professional strikebreaker, this enemy of or- ganized labor that Mahon, president of the carmen’s union, proposes to send to New Orleans with the approval of the strikebreaking government. Thus Mahon again proves to the public utility magnates that they need not organize company unions of their own because he will deliver the men who pay dues into his organization bound and gagged to the employers. The New Orleans strikers should refuse to accept this in- famous sell-out and should continue the fight against the | company and against Davis sar iaseane and Mitten. ¢ ch insults of Jim Crowism than lose! is as} for it has turned complete | intro- | the progeeding of the conference. Both DePriest, Negro representative from Chicago, and Fish made capi- tal of the resolutions passed by two Southern state legislatures condemn- ing the reception of Mrs. DePriest at the White House. They used it for their own political purposes, for the interest of the republican politi- cal machine. Fish took the occa- | | sion to utilize the indignation of the Negro bourgeoisie at the prejudice ainst their representative, by call- ig the democratic party a bunch of olitical vultures,” a language which appealed to the audience and which could as readily have been applied to Fish, DePriest and their colleagues. Rave About “Ballot”. The most treacherous aspect of the conference was the attempt to convince the Negro, workers that they can attain their ends by means |of the ballot. In the face of ter- | rorism against Negro voters, well known to everyone there, DePriést | declared that “the power of the Ne- gro in obtaining his rights as a citi- zen lies in the ballot.” Our “gen- | tleman of color,” however, failed to The| explain how it was that the Negro | | was to use the ballot to obtain his |wehts of citizenship, which he is of | | Supposed to have anyhow, when he | |was not permitted to use the ballot. | |Nor did he, nor anyone else there, | even dare to speculate on what good the ballot would be to the Negro workers after they had obtained it. James Weldon Johnson took care to interject into his introductory re- |marks and speeches, careful refer- ences to “peaceful and non-violent. jevidently looked forward to the 66 years promised by Fish. D: decai Wyatt Johnson, pres Howard University and re |the Spingarn Medal for “service to the Negro race,” although at one | time thrown out of a peace confer- ence in Cleveland for his opposition to the pacifists, laid down as the primary task of the N. A. A. C. P., the “direction of indignation into | peaceful and non-violent channels. The N. A. A.C. P. has done this,” he continued. “It has saved us from | violence by calling our attention to the foundations of the United States government. We must not |make an effort to overthrow the American constitution but see that the law is carried out.” According to him this was to be done by per- |Suasion, a persuasion of whom and | by. whom he “does not say, but he evidently means a persuasion by the Negro bourgeoisie of the white |bourgeoisie to permit them to be- |come wealthier, and at the same time tone down a little on the ques- tion of segregation and jim-crowism. From Dr. DuBois, editor of the Crisis, came the same song. In the light of this talk of “peace- ful development” for 66 years and non-violence we must all be anxious to hear what the conference said about lynching. It was a topic on which any Negro audience cannot keep silent and the chief task of the N. A. A. C. P.,.as indicated by, Mordecai Johnson, was to turn the violent © tesentment of the Negro | masses into “peaceful and non-vio~ |lent channels.” The conference pro- ceeded to prove its persuasion the- ory, as related to lynching, by point~ ing to the fact that while there were 78 lynchings in 1909 there were only 11 in 1928, with the obvious infer- ence that the decline was due to the existence of the N. A. A. C. P. ‘They remarked, both in their speeches and in their report, that the 11 lynchings for 1928 was a sign of marked im- |provement. Perhaps in 66 years there will be only five. If anyone there realized it, they did not state that the cause for the decline in the number of lynchings was due to the industrialization of the south, to the growth ofa Jarge | white and Negro development of the Negro race.” He | Mor- | |perialism against the Negro work- jers. of the “citizens committees.” The | most significant barometer of the feeling of Negro workers in regard to lynching was the scattered but insistent applause which greeted the remarks of Hon. Fish when he re- commended. that machine guns be placed on the jails with which to repel “cowardly mobs” intent on lynching. Of course, Fish did not say that these machine guns should be given to the Negro workers,— what he said was that they should be given to the sheriffs and wardens and that they should be held respon- sible. The response to this sugges- tion—true, made with quite another purpose in view—was indicative of the feeling of Negro workers in the audience, that organized violence and not non-violence could protect the Negro workers from lynching | bees. zs A Successful Racket. In drawing up the list of achieve- ments in the 20 years of its exist- ence the N. A. A. C. P. was insistent on saying that a “series of court. de- cisions has laid the foundation of our real citizenship as voters, house- holders, travelers and workers.” The report of the activities of last year was concerned mostly with a few court cases based on segregation and jim-crow, many of them being con- cerned with well-to-do Negro men and women who found discrimination while traveling. The number of feet of publicity the organization suc- ceeded in getting laws announced, as was the mileage covered by its well- | paidy officials and field orgenizers during the course of the year. We. must not, however, underesti- mate the damage that can be done by this organization as e social re- formist agency, within the ranks. of the working class itself. The report of the N. A. A. C. P. included an open offer to the A. F. of L., mak- ing a bid to cooperate with it as a treacherous agent of Yankee ém- The report suggests that it is time for black and white labor to get together and proposes that “there be formed the National As- scciation for the Advancement of Colored People, the American .Fed- eration of Labor, the railway broth- erhoods and any other bodies agreed upon, an inter-racial labor commis- sion.” Sanction Segregation. This is nothing more nor less than an offer of cooperation with the A. F. of L. officialdom.in an-effort to create a Jim-Crowed section of the reactionary unions in order to keep the Negro workers from organizing into the new left-wing unions, Bill Green proposed practically the same thing when he promised to grant stparate charters to Negro workers whom A. F. of L. locals re- fused to admit, at the recent meet- ing of the Pullman Porters in N. Y. This is a more or less complete picture of the N.A.A.C.P. conference. Full support‘of Yankee imperialism and its war preparations; the cloud- ling of the actual system of vicious discrimination ‘and prejudicial bar- riers against the Negro workers; by its talk of the ballot:and non-violence attempting to keep the Negro masses in subjugation; by accepting segregation ‘and, lessening its fight against it attempting to continue the artificial barrier raised between the white and Negro workers; and finally, offeritig to complete its ser- vices, bidding for a space on the A. F, of L. stump to further delude and betray tho Negro workers. Here and there were bright spots. Sadie VanVeen, delegate of the Workers Interracial League of Cleveland succeeded in gaining the floor and presenting the case of the Negro workers. That was the only time Gastonia was mentioned, nor anything else but non-violence talked. There was scattered support from more militant delegates and a flare- up here and there. But the Confer- ence closed looking forward to the advancement of the Negro bourg- eoisie. at the expense of the Negro workers, -_ i |t pera | flection of the sky. : the blue mass o: By FEODOR ‘CEMENT GLADKOY Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N.Y. — : 4. 7 I the morhing, at the usual hour, Serge awakened and rose at ones, He washed quickly but thoroughly. Towel in hand he stood ness! the window, which had been open all night. It was cold in the roomy! and a cold shiver ran down his spine, making him feel fresh and braced, | The sky "was deep blue as in summer and the air was transparent and} golden in the distance. The houses below shone in the sun, and the roofs glistened with the morning dew, and seemed blue with the re} On the tops of the mountains above the factoryy'| the snow-drifts were dazzling. Far away in the valley, winding bee’) tween the quarries and the woods, a goods-train crawled like a red’ i caterpillar. He could clearly distinguish the little square box-cars witli their black doors and the gaily revolving wheels. In fiery wreaths tha’ steam was flying from the funnel, and for a long time did not diss} perse, but rolled over and over in pink clouds. And the smell of the} autun was sweet; the acrid smell of the earth poured in in a ing and cool waves. It was healthy, fresh, bright and sunny. The Party Cleansing. . ... The mirrors with the repeated reflece tions of the crowd and the phaudslians: His confused and naive an« swers. It all seemed so far away and so unimportant! The blood } coursed fresh through his healthy body and he longed for heavy mans! val work to develop his muscles. Standing at the window he was! waving his arms which needed movement: one—two—three—four! Polia. . . - Like a shadow a dull pain fell upon his heart. 4 She had not come to him; she, did not need his friendship, This time she wanted to keep to herself what had happened in the night. ! That was his pain, and his pain only. His pain made her seem nearer and dearer. He would never tell her about his pain, and so she would | never know of it. She was strong, knew how to laugh, and would meet him one day with a smile, greeting him like a friend. Dear, dear Polis... - a He took his portfolio artd went out into the corridor. Polia’s door} was shut and it was quiet in her room. She slept. Let her sleep, | She must rest’ and calm’ herself so that she might smile joyously later | on, a ASENSD at the Party Committee Headquarters, he went into an office of the Party Cleansing Commission. 4 Although it was early in the morning, the dimly-lit room, with itq iron barred window, smelt of cheap tobacco and damp. Several men were standing near the table and their faces were like those of mem just convalescent from a severe illness. Two stoop-shouldéred ‘meq, blindly collided with Serge; they had worked with him in the People’g, Commissariat of Education; silently, blindly, like beaten creatures they, i stumbled through the doorway. Then Serge heard Shuk’s shott, “What we need is some shooting, dear Comrades. Those are the ones who should be chucked out of the C.P.R. What do they know about the working man? All you do is to look after your own bellies and to hell with the workers! How could you clean me out, you swine,’ when you don’t even know my mug? Have you ever eaten porridge, with me? What aré you trying to put across—when you're not wort) a damn yourself!” 4 The lanky man sat at the table, cold and deaf, wrapped in him he was looking at some papers in a voluminous dossier. As S! shouted his last words, he raised his eyes and looked inténtly at ‘Shule, “Comrade, if you consider yourself a Communist why don’t you show more self-control. Ihave already told you that——” Shuk rushed ,towards him with distorted face and banged his on the table, “Dd you want me to say thank-you, you bloody swine, for all dirt you have done me? Is that what you want? I’ve been you long enough, you careerists and profiteers!: I’ll unmask you You'll get yours in the end!” d . . Tee tall gaunt man remained completely apathetic, as though words which Shuk was shouting did not concern him at all. He said indifferently to another comrade who stood near the wall: | | “Comrade Nachkassov, look up the papers about Shuk and puf them aside for re-examination at today’s sitting of the Commission.” 4 Again he looked at Shuk with his cold gaze. “Comrade Shuk, you have now destroyed for good all chances o§ re-entering the Party. You have amply shown yourself to be a harme ful disruptive type. I shall bring up the question today of your fina]® and definite exclusion, And if you continue to shout in this way, I shall ask the Comrade on guard to remove you by foree. Please leave the room.” And again he began to glance through his papers. Blinded, his face purple, Shuk ground his jaws. Then he noticed Serge and went up to him as though he sought protection. ‘ “You see what is happening, my dear Serge. Let us watch, oba serve and learn. . , .” | With a discouraged pective he left the room. Tskheladze was standing opposite the table. He rolled his big, bloodshot eyes and gazed fixedly at the papers on the table, His jaws moved continually like a mill, and a thick milky foam was in the cors ners of his tightly closed lips. Serge had always seen him silent; one never saw him at work, andia couple of years ago he had been with the Greens, of whom he had commanded a section; he had been the first to enter the town during the fighting. He seemed to have brought his eyes up against something pointed he shuddered and stepped up to the lanky man. He spread his fingers wide apart and gesticulated. “Comrade, why are you joking? Let me see with my own cyeomy What’s the use of words? Let me see the document.” Surprise flashed in the eyes of the gaunt man. “I have already told you, Comrade: you’ve been turned out of the Party. for intrigue and plotting. I have no time to joke with you You can lodge an appeal.” Tskheladze froze into his former pose, again his jaws worked. “Ho, so this is‘how things are done, Serge, dear Comrade. Loot take it all in!” . ° ° Ate went up to the’table and inquired regarding the ae ad the Commission. Inwardly, he had known since yesterday that | would be excluded. He did not know why, and if he had put ae tion to himself he would not have been able to answer. But he completely convinced. “Yes, you have been excluded.” “On what grounds?” “I cannot read you the report just now. In due time you receive a copy and you will know the grounds. If you are not sat you may appeal.” He did not look once at Serge. As soon as Serge heard his words, his heart jumped and he a swoonipg nausea invade him, It was not he, but another, saying) a hoarse whisper to the gaunt man: “You know, this means political death to me. stand that, Comrade?” -“Yes, I understand. It is political death,” “But what for then?” . i | De you waden “There were serious reasons.” ‘ Serge wanted to go away but could not move his’ feet from- spot. They seemed heavier than himself. Outside the window was no sun, just a red reflection in the sky. And he thought, seldom the sun shines:in this, be mist; and he saw the blue sky 1 ‘the station/warehouse nearby. He did not know hov he walked away from that aii) and did not pemember -where he, ha been standing. (to Be Continued)