The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 2, 1929, Page 6

} REBT Page Six yy DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, AUGUST 2, 1929 Daily Sais Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S, A. the Comprodaily Publishing Co., at 26-28 Union Square, New York City, } one Stuyvesant 1696-7-%. Cable: “DAIWORK’ i SUBSCRIPTION RATES: \ By Mail (in New York only): 1 38.00 a year $4.50 six months $2.50 By Mail (outside of New York): { 36.00 = year $3.60 six months 3 | Adéress and mail ail ch s to the Daily OrHers 2 Inc.. Daily, except vs | Published by { Sund three monthe 00 three months 28 Union Square <a>. New York The Southern Textile Conference at Bessemer City last Sunday one of the most important events of recent years in the labor movement. Not only did the delegates directly representing 40,000 workers and delegates from mill and mill center organizing committees, indirectly rep- resenting 35,000 more, reply to the Gastonia conspiracy by 907 227 continuing on a wider seale the work that was under way when the orgarizers and active strikers were thrown into jail charged with er of Aderholt, the chief of police, id plans for a widespread campaign among the put they 10 workers of the Southern textile industry based upon elementary economic demands. le barons who established slave pens the Southern workers, being na- id not strike, that they will never For years the in the South bh tive-bo: stage s ening of ers of the N asted the foreign-born textile work- Gastonia and Elizabethton the suthern industry explained that these were outbursts fomented from “the outside.” The Bessemer City conference was attended by dele- gates all of whom are native-born Americans from five mill states of the South despite that notion. Plans were laid for a struggle against what the Southern mill workers call the stretch-out (speed-up). against child labor and for a living wage and the eight-hour day. These are concrete demands that will rally hundreds of thousands of workers. The start made by the workers in the textile industry must be extended to embrace the other workers in the newly- industrialized South. That the Bessemer City conference recognizes the importance of uniting for a drive to organize the workers in other industries is indicated by the selection of a delegation of fifty to attend the Cleveland Trade Union Unity Conference, to be held the last of this month, where a strong center will be created to coordinate the activities of the new unions in the textile,.mining and needle trades industries, as well as the left wing forces in the reactionary A. F. of L. unions. The most adequate and effective reply to the Gastonia attempt at legalized murder of strikers and union organizers is the mobilization of the Southern masses for a struggle against the miserable conditions in the mills. Rationalization of the War Machine The administration of the “efficiency engineer,” Hoover, has designated the entire general staff of the United States army as a commission that is to conduct a survey of the military establishment of the nation and all its colonies and dependencies for the purpose of bringing it up to a higher degree of efficiency. Instructions to the commission are “‘to make a survey and determine what can be done toward reducing expenses by elimination, consolidations and doing away with duplica- tions without jeopardizing adequate defense for the nation.” It reads like instructions prepared by an expert on the “taylor system” of speed-up, elimination of waste, duplica- tion, and general raising of the “efficiency” level. And that is precisely what it is. The war machine is to be revamped and brought to the highest attainable level, not as Hoover hypocritically claims, to save taxpayers’ money, but in order to realize the great- est degree of effectiveness for the military establishments in preparation for imperialist war. While the imperialists are preparing for continuation of the drive against Soviet Union and preparing to fight be- tween themselves for a redivision of the world the working elass must prepare to combat imperialist war. August ist is only the beginning of the determined struggle to mobilize the masses for a relentless fight against imperialist war and in defense of the Soviet Union, the so- cialist fatherland of the workers of the whole world, and the outpost of the world proletarian revolution. British Labor Ministry Aids Mill Owners As far as the half million textile strikers in England are concerned, Stanley Baldwin, the tory, may as well be premier as Ramsay MacDonald, who calls himself a laborite. The police are on hand to preserve “law and order,” which means to prevent effective action by the workers against the employers. he minister of labor, Margaret Bondfield, is reported to be “watching the situation with the gravest anxiety, but feels there is no action which the department can take at present.” The 500,000 strikers are fighting against a 121-2 per cent wage cut imposed by the employers and yet the fake labor government announces it can do nothing at present. If it really represented labor instead of the British mill own- ers, bankers and other imperialists, the government would seize the mills and continue operations with a guaranteed living wage for workers. instead of using police power in the interest of the employers it would create special armed detachments of workers to serve the interests of the working class. i In the MacDonald government the workers of the world have a fine example of the manner in which the social demo- ¢ratic heroes of the second international serve the interests of capitalism. At home they aid the employers cut wages and in the colonies they sanction the infamous Meirut trial rainst Indian revolutionists who dared challenge the power f British imperialism. -, Like their social democratic comrades of Germany, the British Jaborites outdo the most avowedly reactionary of the capitalist parties in order to prove to their imperialist mas- caitieds. they can be relied upon to use the most vicious hods of suppression against the masses, pena oe ‘he Fight for Economic Conditions in the South | BEAT DOWN THAT SCALE! , A. N .L.C. Statement on I. General World Situation of \ Negro Masses. Throughout the world today the Negro masses live and struggle un- der the most brutal and opr ive | conditions. In Africa, America mcd the East Indies, the Negro workers are exploited in the most beastly manner in order to ate huge profits for the capitalist class. Millions of Africans have been robbed of their lands, their tribal ; governments destroyed, themselves herded like cattle into “reserva- jens and forced into the industrial | centers to work in the diamond and gold mines. Given the heaviest tasks ard underpaid, the natives are exploited in the worst way.. Dis- jfranchised, their movements con- ‘trolled through a vicious pass s; tem, victims of the most brutal | forms of race and class oppression, they are murdered by the thousands | for daring to protest against these | inhuman and atrocious conditions. | out of the sweat and blood and the | mangled bod of these defenseless natives, British imperialism extract tremendous profits. | In the West Indies we witness the intense exploitation of workers and | Yeasants who are reduced to a po erty stricken mass of landless worl ers. Compelled to work long hours for a mere pittance they are at the | mercy of the white petty officials who rule with an iron hand on be- | half of the absentee landlords. Mis- ery, drudgery and poverty is the lot of these overworked and underpaid | workers. yS- a | In order to maintain securely thei rule and to divide the workers and cripple their action, the white rulin class festers a rigid caste system based on color. By pitting the mu- |lattoes against the blacks, by giv- | ing the mulattoes a small degree of | yecognition they have temporarily | | succeeded in dividing the workers on ithe basis of color. The black work- | ers, the largest section of the popu- |lation, therefore, suffer the worst lexploitation. They have been pushed |down to the lowest level of society |and are looked upon with contempt | as inferiors. The colonial policy of | the capitalist nations is to keep the | native workers as a huge army of | | slaves producing riches for their! | masters. | @ Conditions in the U.S. A. i | In the United States the twelve ‘million Negroes are treated as lep- jers, as social outeasts. The Negro | masses in America are subjected to! a most brutal system of torture andj intimidation. Lynching, segregation, | | disfranchisement, mob violence, pe- | onage are the methods used by the | white ruling ‘class to subjugate and} | suppress the Negro workers. ,In the ‘ south where the majority of Nécroes | live, they are virtually slaves. A vicious system of vagrancy laws, debt imprisonment, convict lease la- | i bor is used by the land-owners in| ‘collusion with the banks and the ‘courts to enslave the Negro masses. | |In the north, the condition of the | Negro is little better. He is forced | to work long hours at low wages at | | the dirtiest, heaviest labor. He is| barred from skilled and better paid labor by both the bosses and the re- | _ectionary American Federation of Labor, which functions more and | more as an instrument of the bosses. Negroes thus suffer a double ex- | ploitation, being exploited both as | Negroes and as workers, | Victims of Monstrous System of Exploitation. The millions of Negroes in Africa, jthe West Indies and the United | States suffer under imperialist ag- | gression and domination. They are the victims of one of the most mon- strous systems of exploitation the | | are deprived of the most elementary | the theoretical j Convention world has known. The various im-, as in Soviet Russia can exploitation, perialist powers—America, Great| lynching, terrorism and inequality Britain, France, Belgium, Holland,|be abolished. In the Soviet Union ete.—exploit and plunder the natives | the workers of all races and nation- of thees colonies in the most brutal | alities have attained freedom and and merciless fashion. Coining huge | equality. profits out of the blood of these co- | yy lonials, the imperialists resort to the | “* most dastardly and violent means to suppress those who dare rebel against and resist this oppression. The once independent Negro nation of Haiti has been crushed by ruth- less American imperialism. The | Garveyism: Its Contradictions and Its Weakness. in the philosophy of Marcus Garvey and the Garvey Movement. Of these the most fatal and fundamental is cial fabric: the class character of publie of Liberia by the Firestone ‘ u capitalist society. Rubber Company with the direct support of the United States gov- ernment is one of the worst forms of colonial slavery ever instituted. Inder the yoke of American naval | rule, the natives ofthe Virgin Isl- ands have been’ impoverished and Garveyism sees the white race as an entity, imagines solidarity where no solidarity exists, neglects to take note of those contradictions and an- tagonisms in white capitalist society which, taken advantage of wouid mean so much for Negro liberation. Garveyism sees only powerful white nations, without recognizing the sharp class differences existing with- racial ideas among the white | iu those nations, in which the white workers and foster contempt and ha- | master class exploits the white tred for the Negro. The theory of | working-class population as ruth- “superior” and “inferior” races is | lessly as it exploits the colored co- tification for their | lonial populations, and with the same xploitation of the | results: the rise of revolutionary | movements aimed at the exploiting * sibs ie class. Garveyism does not recog- she poison of racial prejudiee and | nize the existence of an irrepressible Rit aeulel a tar age covted effort js {22d constantly sharpening. conflict q ae tea Ais Nece gal “lars a between the white ruling class and aaa ee eee eae Near worers OU | the white workers of the home coun- human rights. In order to maintain its policy of ression, violence and exploitation egroes, the imperialists create policy of super- Negro race. - risings, etc. N vi hi ht: the Negro workers of the bene-} se Gh even Pie Samy, Russian revolution whereby the Rus- sian working-class achieved the con- , 2 quest of State power could teach and leaving whe eet workers at I Garveyiém the lesson of the: sharp- the mercy of the employers.|_. - at eee 5 italist ii cthies tisae Mabe fakaia teeree ening class differences in capitalis' their’ masters=-the employers—-well: Jetset ue tae ee anon Only the trade unions affiliated with ; S#¥ime struggle between the Com- ae, alla Site ales err jpion of the oppressed colonials and Unions accept the Negro workers on | the Jeader of the world’s working- is Bene a comanty ae spies int be- class, and the imperialist powers as halt of the, workers, ob al reree. oppressors and exploiters of vast To successfully wage the struggle | masses of home workers and col for liberation, the Negro masses | nials, Garveyism is still blind (in- fit of unionization, thereby weak- | ening the trade union movement it | tentionally or otherwise) to this must unite with the class conscious | * P . |great fact. But what Garveyism white, brown and yellow workers in fails to note, the oppressors have 2 worldwide movement for the aboli- | long understcod, as witness their de- tion of imperialism, for the destruc- | nunciation of the Communist Inter- tion of the system of exploitation | nationa) and their refusal to recog- under which we suffer. Only under | nize Soviet Russia on the charge a workers’ and farmers’ government !ihat Soviet Russia has been giving Break That Banjo By I. D. W. TALMADGE, Break that banjo, Black Man, Sing no more them “blues” Our foes fear not our sighs— This soft euphonious wailing Damn Booker T. and all his pious crew We're Uncle Toms no more We know our foe... . . There are no race distinctions— We're colored all: Our color is RED Let yellow-livered curs lick the white plute’s boots— We, Reds, have learned to fight! Come, L’Ouverture, Blast forth your call again, In battle we shall win our rights (9) Janene) die as men. There are many fatal weaknesses | the inability of the Garvey leaders | system of exploitation of the Re-|to understand the nature of the so- | moral and financial support to the | revolutionary movements in the col- | onies, Garveyism, professing to struggle | | for the liberation of the Negro peo- | ples of the world, does not dare to; designate imperialism as the cause | of the oppression of Negroes and | others; does not dare to point to | imperialist England, United States, | | Belgium, etc., as the enemies against | whom the liberation struggle must | | be waged. Can cowardly leadership get us anywhere? Organizational Garveyism. In its organizational aspects, Gar- | veyism represents the leadership of the Negro bourgeoisie (that is, the business men, employers, landlords, etc.), over the Negro working-class. Through various capitalist schemes its object is revealed as to replace white exploitation of Negroes by | Negro exploitation of Negro work- |ers. For this reason it fails to point out to the Negro masses that Negro landlords can be just as heartless jin their rent extortions as white | landlords, that Negro oppressors can | be just as cruel as white oppressors. | Denouncing Du Bois, Kelly Miller and other bourgeois Negroes for their betrayal of the Negro masses, Garveyism declines to point out that this is the historic role of the bour- geoisie among all races and in every | country: that the Chinese bourgeoi- sie, the Indian bourgeoisie, the Ne-| |gro bourgeoisie, are constantly be- | traying the masses of their race for |the crumbs of concessions thrown them by the imperialist oppressors. | Il. A Correct Program for the | Liberation Struggle. Of all the Negro organizations | ostensibly fighting for Negro libera- jtion, the AMERICAN NEGRO LA- | BOR CONGRESS alone wages a | militant struggle and offers a cor- rect program. The A. N. L. C. pro- ;gram is based upon the realization | lof the class differences in capitalist | society’ and upon recognition that only the working masses have the revolutionary will to struggle, that | the bourgeoisie secking only a fuller are in the exploitation of their |own pecple are not capable of wag- ing a struggle for the real liberation | of the masses from capitalist ex- ploitation and oppression, but seek | jonly a fuller share in that exploita- | tion. The Negro bourgeoisie, prop- |erty owners, real estate agents, etc., ‘have a stake in the system under |which Negroes are exploited and op- | ‘pressed and are not in favor of the) \efforts of the oppressed masses to overthrow that system. Only the revolutionary Negro workers can lead the struggle against imperialism, against white ruling class terrorism, against lynching, Jim-Crowism, against debt slavery (peonage) against segregation and resultant high rents, against low} wages and insufferable working con- ditions and for the real liberation of the oppressed Negro masses. Negro Workers! Support the pro- gram of the A. N. L. C. Support the fight for a militant struggle against imperialism! Strengthen your struggle by join- |ing hands with the revolutionary | workers of the world! Down with imperialism! Down with capitalism! Long Live Workingclass Soli- darity! On with the real fight for African liberation! For.a free federated West Indies! For full equality, social and politi- cal, throughout the world! —BOARD OF DIRECTORS, American Negro Labor Congress, National Offices, 235 West 129th St., New York, U. 8. Ay a | By FEODOR. CEMEN GLADKOV, Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his home on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her won, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Communist Party. Under the direction of Gleb, the reconstruction of the factory ia started despite the opposition of Shramm, the bureaucratic chair- man of the Economic Council. Gleb goes on a mission to the Bureau of Industry, and on his return discovers that the work on the fac- tory has been sabotaged. aie: * (SEE remained in the same state of unnatural tension. His eyee became moist and his voice was hoarse and crackling with ex- haustion. “In the last case you have mentioned, I could only accept the point of view of experts, who proved by actual figures that it would be im- possible to exploit the factory during the next ten years. All the documents in this question have been sent to the Centre. I had no right to leave it to the decision of the Economic Conference. Regard~ ing the question of the tannery, the Soviet Executive Committee ap- proved the concession.” Badin showed his teeth and exchanged a glance with Shibis. “I know that it was authorized by the Soviet Executive. But it was unknown to us that your report was based upon false figures as well as upon men of straw. This matter will be discussed today at@the sitting of the Presidium.” He took a paper from the table and ran through it quickly. “Take this, Comrade Chumalova, and go at once to the Communal Administration. They niust order that all three houses be evacuated in order to convert them into creches and maternity homes.” @ Dasha came up to the table without looking at Badin or Gleb, but Gleb saw, an intoxication illumine Badin’s eyes for a moment. Gleb clenched his jaws until they hurt, and his ears tingled. “Comrade Badin!” “Ah, there you are at last! Where have you been wandering all this time, damn it? Well, let’s have your report, please! Your face looks absolutely baked—I suppose they roasted you well up there!” And he smiled amicably at Gleb. ons Jae Gs stood next to Gromada opposite Badin. And he began to speak, sternly, distantly, hard and brief. It came so rapidly and steadily, that it seemed he was not improvising his phrases, but reading them from a paper. “Comrade Badin, I and Gromada, a member of the Factory Com- mittee, have hastened here in order to learn by whose order and on what grounds work at the factory has been stopped. There is com- plete disorganization there and decay. Such ¢riminal action cannot be overlooked. ,I would like to know what scoundrel has been spreading sabotage and counter-revolution here! The workers are restless, Such wicked waste is worse than an attack by the bandits. Here’s Com- rade Shramm; let him tell us how the Economic Council could permit such a crime.” Badin’s white teeth shone again in a strangely. gay smile. “1 know about that. The Economic Council received a wire from the Centre of the Cement Trust, ordering them to cease work until it should be made quite clear that it would be necessary and prac- ticable to set the factory working again.” “I know whose work that was, Comrade Badin! But now the Economic Council has received a wire from the Bureau of Industry, addressed to the Chairman of the Economic Council, instructing them to take all measures to organize the work of renovation. This ques- tion has been discussed back there and I have the documents in my hand.” Shramm said in a strange hoarse voice: “That is the Bureau of Industry, but there is also the Cement Trust.” * 8 * LEB, beside himself with rage, flung up to the table. tremor beat in his cheeks. “Comrade Chairman of the Executive: I am putting this question plainly. It is impossible to work in this way. Let us agree if you like that Comrade Shramm is a good Communist—the devil’s own best Communist in the world!—nevertheless he must be hauled over the coals for this. This is no joke, Comrades! We shall speak about this robbery in another place! But Comrade Shramm never comes near to the workers—there’s no doubt about that! That matter will be laid before the Party Committee. Comrades, there is a plain threat here to our whole economic policy! Comrade Badin spoke correctly when he said: ‘Economic counter-revolution.’ An end must be put to this! The case of the Forestry Department was a comparatively small matter. This one is much more vital. We shall have to come to our senses, Comrades, roll up our sleeves and start a merciless clean-up! We'll have to have a sweeping-out in all the Institutions. We've had enough messing about with all this White Guard crowd; it’s time to make them feel our fist. I have to inform you, Comrade Badin, that the resolutions which we adopted at our Economic Conference have been approved; and that our requests for supplies and assistance will be carried out in full, I have obtained these measures during my ab- sence. Tomorrow work will start again and the Factory Committee will knock the seals off the stores and will take them under its care. And I'll tell you one other thing, Comrade Badin: we absolutely de- mand a new management staff for the factory. If necessary, we'll carry this question all the way to Moscow!” He unbuttoned his tunic and produced a bundle of papers, which he threw upon the table. © “There are the documents for you. We’ve had the Bureau of In- dustry thrown in our faces all the time, now we're going to give you Bureau of Industry!” A nervous Seeene face was deathly pale and his eyes dirty and glazed like those of a corpse. Shibis suddenly rose and rushed from the room without any of his former languor. Badin again looked from under ‘his deep brows at Shramm; again he smiled with that strange gaiety. “Well, and now, Shramm? The Economic Council will have to sit on the same bench with the Forestry Service, eh? It makes an interesting picture, now that things have taken this turn.” In the corridor Gleb ran into Dasha. Most likely she was waiting for him. Again she looked at him with bright, profound eyes, in which he saw fever and atortured cry. She stood before him, calm as usual, tranquil and pre-occupied. “Gleb, little Nurka is dead. She’s already buried; you didn’t come in time. Little Nurka has gone, Gleb, She flickered away and you weren't there... .” Gleb felt at first as though he had received a terrible blow in the chest. *When this passed, his heart felt swollen to bursting and he had a sickly feeling in the entrails, as one feels when falling from a height. He looked fixedly at Dasha and for some time could not control his breathing. “How so? But—it’s not possible! But it can’t be——!” Dasha stood leaning with her back to the wall, and Gleb saw her eyes, suffering, quivering and full of tears. Close by them, Gromada writhed convulsively in the grip of a paroxysm of hoarse barking goughing. * How? Little Nurka.. . Chapter XVI. ‘HE purging of the Factory Group was fixed for October 16th—that : is, in a week’s time from now. Serge was awaiting this day with his usual pensive smile, without any emotion or alarm, or the customary self-questioning which had so tortured him of nights. His only wonder was why he could not for a moment forget this date: October 16th, He even thought about it.in his sleep. He knew that this would be a terrible turning point in his life, and yet his feelings somehow were numb, The great question was: would he be excluded from the Party or permitted to remai nin it? This question flowed through his consciousness like a wave of light, irradiating all the cells of his brain so that they went quietly and un- disturbed about their work. Only at night did there flash up within him strange images and recollections. There were some curious light effects: sunlit foliage, sun-bathed children, the sea and the mountains* © in the sun; and then the cries of playing children or the chirping of crickets. The bald spot on his head, with its curly border, shone as usual when he went to the Party Committee or to a meeting. As always he | walked in deep thought, and carried his tightly packed, shabby port- folio. He was always busy and strictly performed his daily task. But not for a moment did he forget October 16th, Ha (To Be Continued) -~