The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 31, 1929, Page 2

—_— pace Two DAIL ¥ WORKER, NEW YORK, Ww EDNE AY, JULY 31, 1929 WAR INDUSTRY The Second International, Atter 40 Years--- Imperialism’s Ai \GAGHE OF WAR IN CONTROL OF A FEW RICH Dupont, Rockefeller dP. Morgan, Hands In Mo: sented Bethl panies are the U. S. Steel Co in the 1 1 ates st of its coal goe coke oven: try, through Oil Co, wh Oil. I these doubled or war. Rockefeller and Arms. efeller, al wel rese Arms, one manufac the United Colorado Fuel and Iron Co., bitterly anti-union as are all these great companies, the largest steel froducer west of the Mississippi. Rockefeller is also in Bethlehem Stee The DuPonts. E. I. DuPont de Nemours Co, largest munitions corporation in the world, is now making additional profits from rayon or artificial silk. | The nitro-cellulose process of mak- ing rayon in an artificial silk fac- tory can be changed overnight into the production of dynamite. It is probable that equipment in all rayon plants, not only those using the nitro-cellul process, can be adapt- ed for explosives. Munitions plants are thus extend- ed ‘and maintained under the inno- cent name of rayon mills, Rayon now brings in about one-seventh of the vast DuPont income. The Du- Ponts, who tripled their fortune dur- ing the World War, now have h investments in the General Mot Z (Berlin). 1889, on the hundredth of the stor ig of the the Inaugural Congress of ational took place rmen of the Con. une r, Vail- soldier of the revel litions of the to the Par ngmen’s mal, | ir hundred sixty-se delegates from 20 countr were .| present at the congress. The suc- cess of the congress was all the t of the fact the: reformi in P; in his speech of the Second In- ne of the greatest the peo- ming of ious and system- beg ystem- ction on the part onal proletariat for ni it wi he guar- rtain and decisive vic- helm Liebknecht cor s speech with the word proudest moment of my life to stand here and see the ful- filment of the ideal expressed in the words, aw orkers the World United.’ Hopes of Not Fulfilled. International by workers of all ance guard of the proletariat. These ernational {hopes have not been fulfilled. At the mo nt when the decisive test came, at the moment when interna- tional proletarian solidarity became necessity for the working the uttermost sense of the a vit clas: of approximately 25,000,000 for the first months of 1929. One of the DuPonts, explaining his part in the World War, summed up the magnates’ views. He wrote that he had done only his “patriotic duty” in providing arms and muni- tions for the Allies, and would be glad to do the same in another war} Corp. which brought them an income wealth). ‘s!—(thus still further multiplying his| strikes. ]words, in August, 1914, the Second ; {International collapsed shamefully. | Why the Second International col- lapsed and why its collapse was in | evitable, are questions which it is the duty of every cl: conscious worker to examine and understand. Two definite periods can be ob- served in the history of the Second International, the period from 1889 to 1904, when it played a great and positive role in the organization and the leadership of the working ses in the capitalist countries, nd the period from 1904 to 1914, in which the Second International degenerated progressively toward complete opportunism and social im- rerialism, the developed form of reformism triumphed. | The Amsterdam Congress in 1904 was the culminating point and at the same time the turning point in the history of the Second International. The congress met after the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese war and be- came an inspiring demonstration of international proletarian solidarity when Plechanov, the representative the Russian workers, and Sen Katayama, the representative of the Japanese workers. shook hands pub- of ~|licly on the platform as a sign of the fraternal alliance of the revolu- tionary workers of the belligerent countries. The congress decisively | condemned reformism which ex- pressed itself theoretically in the Revisionism of Bernstein, and prac- | tically in the French party in the | Ministerialism of Millerand. The granting of credits, etc., for the cap- italist state and the tendencies to participate in the government under capitalism, were condemned as irre- | |concilable with the principles of the revolutionary class struggle. First Russian Revolution. The Russo-Japanese war was fol- lowed quickly by the outbreak of the first Russian revolution, which opened up a new period in the his- tory of the international working |class movement. The comparatively peaceful period in which the work- ing class movement in Europe was limited mainly to parliamentary and trade union methods of struggle, the period in which the great legal mass organizations of the proletariat de- | veloped, was at an end. The new} imperialist period, the period of wars and revolutions, placed new tasks before the labor organizations. The gigantic example of the Rus- sian revolution spurred on the in- ternational proletariat and released | a wave of great political mass On the other hand, the rev- olutionary energy of the masses! frightened the bourgeoisie ald caused it to consolidate itself into a reactionary block again the working class, and to increase its armaments, both against the inter- nal enemy and inst external ene- mies in an imperialist war. In this new period the labor move- in ment could not continue to its old form, The working cl movemen ‘faced with the al natives of either adopting new forms of revolutionary mass action with a view to overthrowing the bour- geoisie, as _demanded by the left wing, or utilizing the growing vot- ing power of the working class par- ties and the increasing number of deputies in parliament, ete., ith a view to winning pesitions within the bourgeois state apparatus and thus going the way of adapta- tion to the bourgeois social order, propagated by the Revisionists. The so-called “Marxist Center,” which was the leading group both in Germany and in the International, wanted to accept neither of the al- ternatives. It condemned the Re- onists and declared itself in fa- of “the old tried and trusted, vor victorious tactic of the class strug- gle”; at the same time, however, it fought against the revolutionary al- ternative with hands and feet, cling- ing to the misrepresented and dis- torted words of Engels, which for decades were interpreted as a re- jection on principle of the armed struggle of the proletariat for | power. Mass Strike Discussion. The discussions upon the question cf the mass strike revealed the new groupings within the German and the international labor movement and the development of the Center which theoretically condemned ref- ormism, but by rejecting revolution- ary methods of struggle practically allied itself more and more closely | ith the right wing against the left wing. In, Germany this point was sealed by the pact made in 1906 between the Central Com- mittee of the German Social Demo- cratic Party and the reformist trade | union bureaucracy, which repre- sented no less a practical prohibi- tion of the political mass strike. The trade unions, in which the quali- fied upper strata of the working class dominated, became the strong- est bulwark of the reformist tenden- cies, which represented the pcint of view of the aristocracy which was bribed by imperialism and was interested in the maintenance of the capitalist order of society. The congresses of the Second In- turning | of labor | terni lin Ba volutionary deci the question » in 1912 still adopted good ms, particularly of the struggle but even at the congr it v possible to see the dominance of the opportunist elements in the international labor movement, Lenin and Rosa Luxem- burg succeeded in securing the adop- in against imperialist w tion by the Stuttgart congress of the famous d cing it the duty of all socialist parties to fight with all possible means against war and, should war nevertheless break out, to utilize the resultant crisis for the overthrow of capitalism. How- ever, the Social Demoer: Parties, which had had no experience in the revolutionary struggle and which were cffectually crippled by presence of reformist elements in the most prominent party proved themselves to be completely incapable of putting the reyolution- ary decisions into operation. Collapse of Center. In August, 1914, the Center went ever the camp of open reformism. In the tremendous August crisis there was no longer any possibility of maneu- | vering between the camps of ref- ormism and revolution; the exist- | ence of the bourgeois state was at stake and the alternatives were, either to support the imperialist war or to crganize revolutionary resist- ance to the war with a view to |transforming the imperialist war into a civil war for the overthrow lof tho bourgeoisie. The Centerists, who were unable to stomach the rev- | olutionary alternative, sank to the standpoint of the social imperialists who celebrated the “civil peace” pro- |claimed as the result of war, as the | fulfillment of their efforts for “a | peaceful development into social- ism.” The Bolsheviks alone, who had separated from the reformists in 1903 and who had built up their or- | ganii ions in the revolutionary struggle, so that they were able to stand the blows of the military dic- tatorship, were able to maintain the standpoint of proletarian interna- tionalism, not only in theory, but struggle. The Bolsheviks, under the lead of Lenin, had already drawn their conclusions in September, 1914, |from the collapse of the Second In- | ternational: the necessity of creat- | ing a new and really proletarian and | jrevolutionary International. The Third International, the Com- | munist International, did not only | continue the work of the First In- ional in Stuttgart in 1907 and | the | positions, | completely ‘and suddenly into | in the practice of the revolutionary | ternational, but also the work of the left wing inside the Second In- fears onal The Third Interna- tional represents everything really proletarian and socialist which was | in the Second International. How ever, it has removed mercilessly all those rotten elements of opportunist theory and practice which caused the collapse of the Second Interna- tional: toleration of opportunism. the diplomatic concealment of firn- damental contradictions, the na- tional autonomy of the individual parties, and the acceptance of unity | in resolutions instead of unity in deed. The Third International is a united Bolshevist *world party which represents the unity of’ revo- | lutionary theory and revolutionary practice. | Revive Yellow International. After a short interlude, in which | the centerist Second-and-a-Half- In-| ternational existed independently, | | the “Labor and Socialist Interna- | tional” ‘was botched together again in Hamburg in 1923. This new In- ternational has itself declared that the decisions of the former interna- \tional have no validity for it. in fact, the Labor and Socialist In- | ternational has nothing in common with the revolutionary traditions of the international labor movement; it represents the rallying point for all those reformist and nationalist ten- | dencies which led to the miserable collapse of the Second International in 1914. This international is incapable of any united action in the interests of | the proletariat, its unity is based |solely upon a community of interests lin the struggle against the revolu- |tionary labor movement. This “in- ternational,” which reflects all the imperialist antagonisms of the capi- talist states, is nothing but a branch | \office of the imperialist League of | Nations. Just as this latter strives under the hegemony of the for-the- moment-strongest group of imperial- ist powers to relegate into the back- ground subordinate differences in the interests of a joint action against | the proletarian revolution and its | bulwark, the Soviet Union, so also the International of Social Imperial-| ists acts as arbiter for the “socialist” jlackeys of imperialism to facilitate |joint action against the Communist International. Those decisions of the Labor and | Socialist international which are in-| i tended to look like international pro- letarian action, have no significance in practice. Whilst this international | adopted in Brussels the disarmament | resolution, the German social demo- And | | movement. jeratic ministers in Berlin voted for the building of the notorious a |mored cruiser. Whilst the Execut Committee of this international is- sued an appeal for May Day demon- |strations, the German social democ- |racy celebrated the 40th anniversary of the First of May with a blood- bath among the demonstrating work- ers in Berlin. Social Fascist Instrument. The reformist international i: longer an instrument for disorganiz- ing, confusing and disrupting the labor movement; it is an instrument for the conscious preparation of an imperialist war against the first pro- letarian state and for the establish- ment of a social fascist dictatorship against the working class. What once represented two diff ent tendencies inside the framework of one international organization now represents two hostile forces en- gaged in a life and death struggle. |The abolition of this split in th working class movement by the uni- {fication of the two organizations which have resulted from it, an ab-| surd illusion still nourished by “left-wing” social democrats, is as |impossible as a reconciliation be- tween the bour-geoisie and the pro- letariat, between world imperialism and world Communism. | The shameful and treacherous r of the social imperialist parties i: me le |daily driving thousands of workers | out of their ranks, whilst the Com- |munist International is advancing in {all countries to winning the majority of the workers. This is the decisive | preliminary condition for the over- | throw of capitalism and at the same time the final destruction of reform jism and the abolition of the split i lthe international working class iGastonia Strikers Life Stories Printed In “Labor Defender” The life histories of Gastonia strikers, written by themselves, fea- ture this month’s edition of the La- bor Defender, the magazine of the International Labor Defense. These textile strikers, who went on trial Monday, July 29, charged with murder, have sent statements to the entire working class of Amer- ica, through the Labor Defender this month. Pictures deal with the ‘latest de- velopments of the American labor movement. The strikes of New Or- leans, of Detroit, of the South, of no | GAS POISONS BERLIN TOILERS Similar to Recent Case | in Hamburg BERLIN, July 30.—Several per- sons were poisoned by gas and the inhabitants of the Westend suburb of Wilmersdorf were greatly alarm- ed tonight as the result of the dis- covery of what is said to be an ex- tensive cache of poison gas. The discovery was made in the {most fashionable district of the suburb. Workers laying a ground floor of building found several layers of small glass bottles. They were ig- inorant of the contents of the bot- |tles and broke a few. Several of the men were poisoned by gas. The police said the cache was the site of a war-time tear gas factory and it was reported that 100,000 small bottles of gas were buried a few yards under the surface when production was abandoned. | The discovery recalled a number of dangerous situations in Germany caused by inability to dispose of war as. One of the most serious was at Hamburg where a large quantity of gas escaped and resulted in a number of deaths, New York, are all graphically pic- tured here in a form that cannot be secured in any other publication in America. | Henri Barbusse, the famous | French author, is represented with an article entitled “Against Fas- |cism and War.” Fred Beal, the | Southern organizer for the National | Textile Workers Union, of whom 23 are on trial for murder and murder- | ous assault, has written an article, “Are We Murderers?” J. - Louis Engdahl writes concerning the next | war in his article, “For Labor’s De- fense Against Imperialist War.” John Dos Passos, the well-known |New York playwright and novelist, |has an article describing the vari- ous frame-ups against workers ia America. SUPPORT THE DAILY WORKER COME TO THE MOONLITE CRUISE | One month ago, June 21, The Daily Worker did not appear for lack of funds. This was the first time that this suspension occurred since the founding of The Daily Worker five and one-half years ago. We resumed publication the next day. A few com- rades and friends in New York pooled their resources to save the Daily, and give it a chance to appeal to the readers and loyal supporters. The campaign for funds is now five weeks old, and yet the Daily is in the same precarious condition it has been in at the beginning. The money coming in is too slow to cover the deficit, and give the Daily a breathing spell. Ten thousand dollars has been collected, when at least $1,000 per day is needed to pull the Daily out of its present crisis. Will the Daily get this money? will decide the fate of the Daily. 1.—Read the Daily. shopmate. carries the Daily. 2.—Buy a copy for a friend or 3. —Get a bundle for distribution. Insist that your standkeeper 5-—Insist that he displays it. Buy a copy to start off the standkeeper’s sales. Keep'this up for a few weeks. The next few weeks The readers will have to decide—— Shall the Daily live—or shall it suspend? Shall the Daily suspend—with the danger of war looming in the immediate present? Shall the Daily suspend—in the face of the at- tempt to railroad 15 workers in Gastonia to the elec- trie chair? Shall the Daily suspend—at a time when the workers are facing ever increasing attacks by the bosses, their police and gunmen, and their Right Wing Allies? UPON YOU DEVOLVES THE ANSWER. Publication of the paper means increasing sacri- fices on the part of all members and sympathizers of the Party and Daily. The minimum of one day’s wage for members of the Party and substantial contribution at least equiva- lent to a day’s wage must be forwarded immediately. READ THE SERIAL * ‘The next few days are crucial. The next few days will settle the fate of the Daily. WILL YOU ANSWER? Do not wait for another suspension. Enclose your New York, N. duce the huge Me deficit. check or money order immediately. Wire it or rush by air mail to THE DAILY WORKER, 26 Union Square, The Daily must increase its circulation to reach ever wider circles of workers. A large circulation will re- We have 4 number of ways for increasing the circu- lation, which are enumerated below. The Sustaining Fund must be established imme- f diately. Our readers and friends should not only send “1 SAW IT MYSELF” By HENRY BARBUSSE.—Author of ‘Under Fire,’ ‘Chains,’ and Other Great Novels. This brilliant novel has been tabooed by the ruling It is a story of white terror and workers persecu- tion that is full of harrowing details. The Daily Worker is fortunate in being able to present this story to its readers for the first time. class press the world over. known. In America it is hardly WILL THE DAILY SURVIVE? SEND ALL YOUR CONTRIBUTIONS AND SUBSCRIPTIONS TO DAILY WORKER, 26-28 UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK CITY. their immediate contribution, but pledge themselves to give a definite sum monthly or weekly. This will help the Daily avoid such crises as now exist. SUSTAINING FUND 1,_-Pledge contri 2.—Send it regular] yourself to send in butions weekly or monthly. the first of the month iy. 3.—Get your union or organiza- tion to contribute regularly. 4.—Get a same. co-worker to do the