The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 30, 1929, Page 4

pesaieiear oe apa Petes DATLY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JULY 30, 1929 U.S. A very serious ‘0 face not on between C but with th imperialist w tuation, Soviet Rus- sia, What we see now in China may be only the fir: eral imperia’ viet Russia. tep toward a gen- attack against So- The question of the war danger has already been made clear in many statements and resolutions of the C. I. and of the C. P. of the U, S. A. After the last imperialist war of 1914-18 we en period of “small” imperialist we The whole peri war of 1914-18 was a period of im- perialist struggles, of partial im- perialist wars. For instance, the Silesian: conflict between Poland and Germany; the Corfu incident, h just missed becoming a war between Italy and Greece; the Ruhr occupa- following th tion-by French imperialism; the Moroccan war, a colonial war of Rrench.. imperialism; the war in Syria against the Druses; next the imperialist intervention in China; and the intervention of American imperialism in Nicaragua. All of these wars—excent the Chinese in- tervention, whi form the imperialist int Sovjet Russia in 19 “smail,” partial wars. Chinese War is the beginning period of great wars. War Against U. S. S. R. Now we face the possibility of imperialist war directed against So- viet Russia. Alreagy the Sixth World Congress of the C. I. has laid down a general analysis of the general world situation, which shows the connection between the present world situation and this waf. The main feature of the present situation, its main contradiction is the contradiction between the in- creased productive capacity of capi talism and the restricted internal markets. This main contradiction acts upon all other internal and ex. ternal contradictions, among them the contradiction between the social- ist economy of the Soviet Union and | It is| the world capitalist system. no accident that this war prepared against Soviet Russia by the bour- geoisie of China happens immedi- ately after the acceptance of the Young Plan. The Young Plan sig- nified an attempt of the world bour- geoisie to find a solution between Germany’s need to dispose of com- modities to pay the Allies and Ger- many’s lack of markets. The Young Plan is marked by this contradiction within the Eurpean economic sys- tem. This war against Soviet Rus- sia by China would be an attempt of the world bourgeoisie to solve this contradiction, It is an attempt to organize an attack against the vast internal market of the Soviet Union, with the help of the other world market, China. That is, to crush the Soviet Government, to transform the Soviet Union into an imperialist colony; and, at the same time, to assure imperialist domina- tion over China. An Imperialist Attacn. The attack of the Chinese war- lords against the Soviet Union o the question of the Chinese Eastern Railway is not a separate event, but a link in the chain of many provo cations which the Soviet Union has endured in China, from the raids on the Soviet Embassy in Peking two years ago up until last mpnth, when a new series of provocations began with the arrest of Russian railroad workers in Harbin, etc. Such attacks must have been plan- Bed and aided by the imperialist powers. Weavness of Chiang Clique. } Let'us consider the internal posi- | fionand international role of the present’ Chinese Government. The head of the Chinese government, Chiang Kai-shek, is the world fam- gus hangman of the Chinese work- ers and peasants. He got credit mm the world bourgeoisie for hav- organized mass murders of Chi- fese workers and peasants. The present Chinese government is not a centralized, well-organized govern- ment. The economic position is not strong; and if such a government dares to attack Soviet Russia, it sig-| nifies that the Chiang Kai-shek gov- ernment is supported by the big im- perialist powers, that this attack was planned together with the Ja- panese, French, British and Ameri- can governments. The reactionary class character of the Chinese government is a proof that this attack represents the be- ginning of an open attack against Soviet Russia. This attack was planned a long time ago. You know of the chain of treaties which con- ected all these small states, trea- ties made under the supervision and control of France and Great Brit- ‘ain, You know also the facts about ‘the military preparation of Poland, Rumania, Finland, etc. Social Democratic Aides. In this preparation of war against Soviet Russia international social democracy has played a very prom- nt role. Social democracy in this period has not only launched a ipaign of slander against Soviet , but has begun to participate ively in ideological preparation war on Soviet Russia, and Bas an instrument of imperial- po ; | greatest danger to peace. in the planned attack upon So- + Russia. Take, for example, the v ,| position of international social de- mocracy toward the League of Na- tions, Wilsonism, the Kellogg Pact, the Dawes Plan, the Young Plan, dso on. In all of these interna- al social democracy has support- whole line of the world pol- of imperialism. t icy Aids War Preparations. Already in 1926 the Marseilles Congress of the Second Internation- al officially stated that world Bol- shevism, that the proletarian revolu- tion, is the greatest menace, the Now the position occupied by German social democracy—with the prime minister of Germany, Mueller, a social demo- —in Europe is based upon the western orientation of the German bourgeoisie, that is, upon the readi- ness of Germany to be an economic and technical ally of the big impe- in their war against The program adopt- nan social democratic last convention is a pro- m of war against Soviet Russia. Take the French socialist par y know the role played by such leaders as Paul Boncour and others, with the knowledge and permission of their party, in the greater pre-| pared for wir with the concur- rence of French militarism. In gen- eral, it is possible to say that inter- national social democracy is ideolog- jically preparing for war against the} Soviet Union and is a “direct, open) |irstrument of imperialism in the} |preparation of such a wat. | The same shameful role is played by small groups of renegades from |Communism, beginning with Brand-| jler and Trotsky, who still continue | \their propaganda against Soviet) |Russia, with the propaganda of| |“Thermidor,” that .is, with an at- |tempt to prove to the workers of |the world that there is no longer a |proletarian dictatorship in Russia; |which can only mean that, if the mperialists attack the Soviet Union, |the workers of the world have noth- ng to do with the Soviet Union. |That is the counter-revolutionary | meaning of this propaganda. Lovestone Aids Attack on USSR. ter-revolutionary propaganda against | Soviet Russia is carried out by the Lovestones. It is necessary to un- derstand and make clear to the Amerin Party that, in such a per- jiod as we have now, Lovestone’s propaganda about the “degenera- tion” of the CI, about a “running sore” in the Russian Party and the | CI, is nothing less than counter- |revolutionary _ propaganda, direct help to the international bourgeoisie {in their war preparations against |the Soviet Union. All possible fol-| |lowers of Lovestone in the ranks of| the American Party must under- stand that now is the time to de-} |cide whether they are with the Com-| |munist Party for the defense of the) Soviet Union or in the camp of} | counter-revolution. We must explain to the masses the peace policy carried out by the} Soviet government, notwiths anding | the many provocations it has re-| jceived. Until now the Soviet gov- {ernment has carried out a deter- ined policy of peace, subordinat- ng questions of so-called formal] |prestige to the real interests of the| |workers and peasants of Soviet | Russia. | Now we face a different conflict, the danger of war against the Soviet | |Union. Let us clear up some facts.| |First of all, the plan of the imper- jialists is to make the Soviet Union| appear the aggressor. Second, to} make it appear that the Soviet} Union is warring against a so-called | national revolutionary government (a bourgeois paper today calls the Nanking government a revolution- ary government). Thus they would make it appear that the Soviet | Union begins a war for a colonial jconcession, for a Chinese railway |passing through Chinese territory, |and they hope to represent the So- |viet government as continuing the jold ezarist imperialist policy. Their |strategic plan is also perfectly clear, It is also to draw the forces of the Red Army to the Far East- ern front, in order to facilitate a possible attack through Poland and) Roumania. Soviet Against Imperialism. | Many times the Soviet Govern- |ment has proved that its policy to- ward the oppressed nations, the colonial countries, is one of friend- jship and political support against limperialism. Take the example of | Persia, where the Soviet Union re- nounced all the privileges, all the imperialist seizures of the Tsarist Government. The same applies to | Turkey, Afghanistan, etc. Even in this same China the Soviet Govern- ment gave up all the extra-terri- torial rights, the Boxer indemnities (i.e., the contribution exacted from the Chinese Government by the im- perialist countries and by old Tsarist Russia). All concessions, rights and privileges were given up to China, but to have renounced all economic rights in the Chinese Eastern Rail- way would have signified to give this railway immediately into the \hands of Japanese imperialism. Japan has a dominant influence in Manchuria, which is now practically an economic colony of Japan. The strategic and economic importance In the United States, this coun-) |To have given over the Chinese Eastern Railway would have signi- fied a concession not to the Chinese people but to Japanese imperialism, would have reinforced the position of Japanese imperialism towards the U.S.S.R. and towards China itself. By retaining her economic rights in the Chinese Eastern Railway, the So- viet Government defended not only Soviet territory but also the rights |and economic position and strategic 'safety of China. White Guard Stronghold. Manchuria is now the stronghold of the Russian White Guards with a very big concentration of former Tsarist officers—almost 20,000 mili- tarily organized and perhaps be- tween eighty and a hundred thou- sand who could be mobilized. To give up the Chinese Eastern Railway | with all the other rights would in ef- fect be to transform Manchuria into a point of concentration of all White forces for attacks on Soviet Russia, |and also to hand over to the White bands this railway, that is, the pos- sibility of attacking Soviet Russia all along a front of 100,000 miles, of ‘attacking Soviet Russia at any mo- ment from three directions. U. S. Backs Chinese Bandits. What is the role of American im- perialism in this attack against the Soviet Union? It is clear from the world position of American imperial- ‘ism that such an important step as the attack by the agent of imperial- ism, Chiang Kai-shek, could not have been planned without the knowledge {and approval of the American Gov- ernment. We do not know as yet the facts, but it is very probable that this latest understanding between Great Britain and America is based on a compromise as regards Russia—that lis, it is probable that certain con- |cessions of Great Britain to America {on navy questions, etc., were bought at the price of agreement on an at- tack against Soviet Russia. American imperialism has helped and is now helping the Chinese gov- jernment. You know about the financial advisers sent by Wall | Street to China; you know that a considerable loan was given to }China; and so on. Now the situa- | tion is such that an attack could not be planned without the knowledge of American imperialism. The Ameri- can government is highly respon- sible, is one of the conspirators in this war against Soviet Russia. This is a point of greatest importance for the American Communist Party, be- cause it is the duty of Communists in all countries, their first duty, to denounce and expose the imperialist, counter-revolutionary role of their own government. War Against All Workers What is the general position of Communists in the struggle against imperialist war? Every imperialist war is primarily a war against the working class, against the toiling masses. The war against Soviet Russia is a special kind of im- perialist war. This war against So- viet Russia will be directed against the workers in all countries, against Communism all over the world. The war against Soviet Russia is im- perialist war par excellence. This imperialist war against Soviet Russia will be a clear class war against not only the Russian work- ers and peasants but against the workers in all countries. This clearly expressed class character of this war is the main feature in the character- ization of the coming war. What is the general position of Communists toward such a war? Our slogan is war against war, war against counter-revolutionary war, against the class war of world im- perialism against Soviet Russia! The task of Communists at this given time is to fight, first of all, against their own bourgeoisie. The struggle against war is a continua- tion of the class struggle against the bourgeoisie in a sharper form. In this war the American Communist Party must take a position and call upon the masses to take an attitude of active defense of the Soviet Union. We are for the defeat of the Chinese militarists and their im- perialist bosses, their imperialist co- |conspirators and helpers, the Amer- ican capitalists; for the defeat of the American capitalists in China, for the defeat of Wall Street in the war planned by American imperialism! Fight on Soviet Side. Next, we must actually fight for the victory of ‘Soviet Russia, for the victory of the Red Army. At this moment we do not know wheth- er the war hes actually begun or not, but, if so, the Red Army is fighting not only for the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia but is fighting against world imperial- ism, against a, class war directed against all workers all over the world, That is, our general slogans must be: War against war! Active de- fense of Soviet Russie! Defeat of our own government, the American government, together with its mil- itarist instruments and puppets in China! Active fight for victory of Soviet Russia and the Red Army! That is the general position. It is necessary also to give concrete ticular situation of the United States which slogans will depend upon the forms of American intervention in of Manchuria for Japan is so great that Japan could not effectively make war, if she did not have Man- jchuria as an economic pind iderland. this war, First of all, the financial and economic help of American capitalism to China — the loans, munitions, financial advisers which slogans as regards the special, par- | Ri | will be sent by American imperial-| ism to China. Second, it is possible |to expect also the sending of Amer- ican battleships, of American de- ' stroyers and cruisers to China, in or- der to “safeguard and protect the lives and interests of American citi- zens in China.” These are the pos- sible forms of American interven- | tion in this particuldar period, when |the war against Russia is still lo- |ealized in China. Perhaps, tomor- |row, in a week or in ten days, we [will have quite another situation. |The forms of American intervention in this new period will be different {and our slogans and tasks will be jdifferent. I am taking only this | given moment, | Must Organize for Mass Action. | The main characteristic of the Bol- |shevik position in active struggle | against war is that the struggle {against war is hot an individual | action but mass propaganda leading |to mass action. Our Bolshevik ta- | tics consist precisely in organizing |@ mass movement, mass struggle against the war; and this mass struggle against the war must be led to the highest point, to the transformation of the war — the class war of imperialism against the working class — into civil war in every country. As regards our tactics, we must reject any frivolous treatment of the question of war, as, for instance, that we shall answer the declara- | tion of war with a proclamation} of a general strike, or that the mere | fact of the proclamation of war against Soviet Russia would signify the world revoiution, Such a wrong | note was struek in an editorial ar-| ticle in the Daily Worker some days | ago. Our task is not to underesti- mate the gravity of the situation, | not to belittle the danger of the} situation, not to play with the| danger of war. We must also re-| ject the anarcho-syndicalist position, expressed a long time ago by Gus- | tave Herve, that the workers will) answer the general mobilization for | war by a general strike. It would | create an illusion to say to the work- ers upon the proclamation of war we | shall immediagely answer with a general strike. It is an illusion. But, at the same time, we must not re-| nounce the general strike as a wea- pon in the struggle against imper- ialist war. We must carry out con- tinuous propaganda and agitation for the general strike prior to the war and during the war, but the general strike is a propaganda and agitation slogan. It depends upon) the concrete, revolutionary situation in each particular country when the slogan of general strike can be put forward as a slogan of immediate action. That is, our position is now propaganda and agitation for a gen- eral strike but not as an immediate slogan of action, Fight Pacifist Ilusions. At the same time, the Commun- ists should carry on ruthless critic- ism, a merciless fight against all pacifist illusion, all pacifist ide- ology, must expose these pacifists as an instrument in the prepara- tion and carrying out of the war.) In one of his articles written in} 1916, Lenin gaye a very good, clear | characterization of the social role! of pacifism, Lenin said: “To preach peace at the pres- ent time [i.e during the war],| | without at the same time calling | upon the masses for revolutionary | action, can serve only to sow illu-| sions, to corrupt the proletariat by imbuing them with confidence in the humaneness of the bourgeoisie and to convert it into a plaything of secret diplomacy.” This is a very good analysis of the social role of the pacifist: they preach peace without at the same time calling the masses to revolu- tionary action. Pacifist propaganda —without a call to immediate action —is objectively not only prepara- tion for war, serves not only as a smoke screen for the imperialists, bus is an instrument of the imper- ialists in the war. The next point as to our general attitude is to fight to create a united front of all revolutionary workers in the fight against the war. I repeat, the practical slogans and actual organizational steps will depend also upon the forms of in- in this war— whether this interven- tion is in the form of a military or of organized raids, or of trying to organize internal uprisings in Soviet Russia, or perhaps of direct participation in the war. We must expect also the intervention of the bourgeois pacifists of all kinds, of the supporters of the League of Nations, and so on, We can expect also the utilization of the League of Nations and other institutions as an instrument against Soviet Russia, You probably have already noticed in the newspapers, especially in the cables from London (London is now giving the political line as. to the position of the bourgeoisis in the war against Soviet Russia), first of all, that Soviet Russia planned the mobilization and concentration of troops a very long time ago, that this fact of the concentration of ian troops provoked Chiang Kai-shek to take such measures as the seizure of the Chinese Eastern Railway. The object of this propa- ganda is, first, to present Soviet Russia as the aggressor, as being tervention of American imperialism | blockade by either navy or army, | ment, on the line of the Kellogg Pact, and so on. From the same imperialist powers, from the same brigands who planned the attack. The international Social Democ- cy will organize an intense propa- ganda, representing the Soviet Gov- ernment as a danger to peace, and so on, We should prepare ourselves also to answer these maneuvers of the imperialists. All these man- euvers have only one aim, i. e., to deceive the workers of the world as regards the class character of ths war, as regards the true position of the Soviet Government, the truly | defensive position of the Soviet Gov- ernment, defending itself against a war planned a long time ago. Practical Steps Against War. | It is possible to suggest some con- crete form of organizational work in our struggle against the war. First of all, the preparation of the| workers for strike. A general strike is a sedidus thing. A general strike during a war could signify an armed uprising, an insurrection, Let us not play with the general strike, with-insurrection. But we should |prepare a strike of protest against | the war, led by the CPUSA. Such a question demands a very serious | study of our forces, of our possibili- ties in every branch of industry. But our general task is to prepare a strike of protest against the im- perialist war against Soviet Russia. United Front from Below. We must not forget the réle of mass organizations in the struggle against war; first of all, the trade unions; second, the so-called na- tional organizations or language organizations; lastly, such organi- zations as the Anti-Imperialist League, The ILD, and so on. It is necessary immediately to make all of these mass organizations raise their voice of protest against war, to mobilize all the workers, all the members of these organizations for action againt the war. We must prepare a united front from below, a united front in the shops and factories. It is necessary to establish in every factory and shop a special anti-war committee. Perhaps in some shops such com- mittees are already established in connection with International Red Day on August the First. It is nec- essary to transform such Interna- tional Red Day Committee into | anti-war committees in the factories |to mobilize the workers against the war. What are the tasks of these jcommittees? To organize the workers for action against the war; to intervene if the bosses of these factories are sending munitions or some material help to the Chinese troops. Center on War Industries. Special attention must be drawn to work amongst such branches of l|industry as the miners, the muni- tion workers, the transportation workers, the dock workers, marine workers, chemical workers—that is, to all workers in war industries. Also, in the case of the dock workers and marine workers, etc., it is nec- essary to create workers’ control committees to check the possible sending of war materials to China, and so on, The general tasks of these com- mittees are to prevent the sending of war materials to China to be used against the workers and peas- ants of Soviet Russia and to sabot- age war production and the sending of war materials. If it is not pos- sible to prevent, for instance, the sending of a ship with war ma- WAR DANGER shall have attempts ct mediation |terials to China, it is necessary to made by the MacDonald Govern-|call this to the attention of the | the Agitprop channels, the funda- | The very serious international situa- | |larged Plenum, the resolution of the working class, to denounce this fact, to organize propaganda to mobilize workers around this fact. Appeal to Armed Forces. In case of the sending of Ameri- can battleships to China, the party should address a leaflet to the mar- ines of the United States Navy, ex- posing the role of this maneuver as | moral and political support to the |S Chinese Government in this war, | and calling on the marines to frat- ernize not with the Chinese hire- | lings of American imperialism but | to fraternize with the Chinese |¢, workers and peasants who struggle | against the Chinese Government, to fraternize with the Red Army; and, using the formulation given by the ith Plenum of the CI, to call the} sailors and soldiers “At the right| moment to join the forces of the| Revolution.” as mi m Mobilize Young Workers. Special attention must be drawn upon should try to transform economic} very responsible moment, when the | Party is facing a serious situation— factionalism in the Party. It is neces-| sary from this standpoint, which we | |tional strife in the Party now is| strengthening of Party discipline is |now of vital importance to the Amer-| can Party. pline, without an eneggetic answer to| zation there. At the same time, it the slightest attempt to divide the Party, Some Suggestions as to Our Political Posi- tion Toward War and the General Tasks of the Communist Party in the Struggle Against Imperialist War—By GEORGE WILLIAMS. Party, to link up sugh class strug- gles as Gastonia and other forms of struggle against our own bour- geoisie in this country with the War Danger. |give political slogans and political |content to the economic struggles! |and propose also political demands, such It is necessary to try to| strikes. Communists should protests against the war, demands | the American bourgeoisie; ruggles into political struggles. | Stop Factionalism at Once. Next, it is necessary—in such a} put an end once and for all to| ust make clear to all: that fac- ore criminal than ever. The| Without strong disci- without discipline in the | tude of Bolsheviks on the question of | war, we should call conferences of discuss the practical ways and means of the struggle against war in the United States, Work on West Coast. Next, it is necessary to prepare a general thesis—very short, very clear, which every worker can under- stand—giving the position of the American Communist Party on the question of the war against Soviet Russia. After having elaborated such a thesis, giving the general ati- functionaries in all the important districts in the United States to pre- pare our agitators and propagandists to carry out the daily work. Special attention must be drawn to the West Coast—to Seattle, California, Los Angeles—for these districts now will have the greatest international im- portance, since they will be points of departure for sending war materials to China. The Party must immediately strengthen its organi- is necessary to reinforce and help | the Pan-Pacific Monthly, a mugazine also to the work amongst the young |Party ranks—without this, the Party} which will play an important role workers. The task of the YCL is very important now. We must rein- force our work in all youth organi- | zations. The same must be said about the work among the women; we must mobilize them to carry out anti-war propaganda. The sanie for the sport organizations; the same | for all mass workers’ organizations. di; dis Also it is necessary to prepare a special form or kind of material aid of the American workers to the workers of Soviet Russia, to~ the Red Army of Soviet’ Russia. We cannot yet determine the practical form of this help, but such organi- zations as the trade unions, the co- operatives, and so on, should organ- ize concrete help to the Russian m workers, Committee of Action. At the same time it is necessary —after the preparatory work and basis, after the creation of impor- tant organs, shop committees, and se on—to call a conference, a united front conference against war, with the participation of all workers and left wing organizations. This con- ference should create a special na- tional committee of action, of strug- gle against the war—this body cer- tainly to be controlled by the Com- munists. It is especially necessary to trans- form now the Friend of Soviet Rus- sia into a real mass organization. This moment is a very favorable one for the transformation of the Friends of Soviet Russia into a large ‘mass organization. It F A Must Mobilize Party. As regards the inner party tasks: tion now demands from the Party the | concentration of all its forces, all its energy upon the fight against the war danger. First of all, a se- rious presentation is necessary of the fundamental’ question of the Bolshevik tasks in the struggle against war. It is necessary to pub- | lish immediately .in the Daily Worker, or possibly to send through th to mental resolutions of the C. I. on the question of struggle against war, | such as the resolution of the 8th En- last Sixth World Congress: also | some masterpieces of the work of Lenin, as, for instance, Lenin’s in- structions to the delegates to the} Hague Conference, and so on — a) very serious presentation of the | question of struggle against war. | We must have an internationaliza- tion of the inner-party life and of the class struggles carried on by the PERIALIST WAR REVOLUTIONARY CONGRESS THE YOUNG PLAN . REVIEWS AND BOOKS 39 EAST 125TH STREET pS engone who planned this campaign |} ths ago. Second, probably we JUST OFF THE PRESS July Issue The Communist A Magazine of the Theory and Practise of Marxism-Leninism THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE AGAINST IM- H, M. WICKS THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION—AN AMERICAN TRADITION A. LANDY RIGHT TENDENCIES AT THE TRADE UNION UNITY WM. Z. FOSTER GASTONIA—THE CENTER OF THE CLASS STRUG- GLE IN THE “NEW SOUTH” WM. F. DUNNE The Reparations Conference and the War Danger A. FRIED The New Reparations Plan, by G. P. FURTHER NOTES ON THE NEGRO QUESTION IN THE SOUTHERN TEXTILE STRIKES CYRIL BRIGGS CAPITALISM AND AGRICULTURE IN AMERICA (Continued) V. 1. LENIN ECONOMICS AND ECONOMIC POLICY B, VARGA LITERATURE AND THE CLASS STRUGGLE FRANZ MEHRING Price 25 Cents WORKERS LIBRARY PUBLISHERS NEW YORK CITY |cannot fight against the war. is, every member of the Party must | be on the job and under the strictest | the Sixth World Congress and the 8th Plenum on war, but also prac-| tically what this given unit, this given nucleus can do in the concrete | situation in the struggle against | war. the Party for an illegal situation.... for the American wcskers, for the American soldiers and marines. one of the next few days there should be called a ‘special meeting of the leading comrades of the trade unions, izations, Party press, and so on, to ee ZOLA’S “NANA”, AT. THE 55TH] That iscipline. All Party units should iscuss, not only the Resolution of The important task is to prepare Special leaflets should be prepared In ass organizations, language organ- STREET PLAYHOUSE | “Nana”, the French picturization | of Emile Zola’s novel, is having its first American presentation at the | 55th Street Playhouse this week. | was directed by Jean Revoir, son | of the impressionist French painter, | Catherine Hessling, a popular | rench film actress, is Nana, Wer-| in such a raoment, It is the duty of the Party, of the leading Farty organzations, ard of all members of the Party im- mediately to begin the practical carrying out of the concrete tasks of the Party against war. It is not only our international duty as work- ers, as Communists, to defend the Russian workers and peasants; it is also our duty before the American working class, because in this coun- try only the Communist Party will carry out a merciless fight against this war upon Soviet Russia. Only the Communist Party will be able to organize the American workers, to show the American workers the road to fight against war, to the trans- formation of imperialist war into a civil war against the bourgeoisie. ° IN “THE JOURNEY’S: END. ner Krauss (of “Caligari” fame) ap- pears as Comte Muffat, and Jean! Francaise, plays the part of the| Comte de Gert, a German actress is Zoe. | New Mass Arrests Of Communists Made Finnish police has effected numer- | ous arrests. these proceedings is the alleged dis- covering of a “secret Communist or- ganization purposing to effect a rev- olution in Finland. cow had been confiscated. The old | story of the “Trolling rouble” seems; the Working Class From the Bot- “The Prince “So This Of Rogues” Is Paris” ‘3 directed by Lubitsch FILM GUILD CINEMA fentinuous Daily 52 West 8th Street Starts this Sat., tay hold of the ready-made state | power-—Marz, ngelo, a member of the Comedie | Vandouvros. Valosca | | | | Colin Keith Johnston who is one of the legding players in the English war play “The Journey’s End”, now at the Henry Miller Theatre. By Finland Fascists) HELSINGFORS (By Mail).—The The excuse offered for bourgeois! ‘ged the weapons that b: denth to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons—thé modern working class—the proletarians.— Karl Marx (Communist Manifesto), The bourgeois newspapers write at enormous sums sent from Mos- Build Up the United Front of pall on certain people. tom Up—at the Enterprises! ese { —_—..s x NOW PLAYING! GALA TRIPLE—FEATURE PROGRAM! 4 CINEMA EVENT ¥OR EVERY MUSIC-LOVER! ‘| “Life of BEETHOVEN” —AND ON THE SAME PROGRAM— Spring 5095-5000 ‘an expedition flim through Mongolin—the scene of ake prewene Resins REFRIGERATED AMEO NEWEST RUSSIAN MASTERPIECE IN OLD SIBERIA (KATORGA) “Powerful suspense clim- 2nd Big Week “3 STAR FILM” . Daily News “Very interesting unusual “In Old Siberia’ ® fine camera touches.”—Times ax and acting.”—Tribune eS ae Covi 24 NINA TARASOVA 33"qn'uay cum Greatest entertainment value in tows. BROADWAY NIGHTS with Dr, Rockwell—Odette Myrtil ST. THEA, W. of B’way. Eves. 44th 8:30. Mats. Wed. & ‘Sat; 2:30 Class cannot simply ry, and wield it for its own + Thin ney Commune (Paris ¢) breaks the modern state atronize Our @ Advertisers © Don’t forget to mention the “Daily Worker” to the proprietor whenever you purchase clothes, furniture, etc., or eat in a restaurant Sse C!D B