The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 23, 1929, Page 6

mia) i Page sxx = & Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc... Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New York C Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8 Cable: “! SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By Mail (in New York only): $4.50 six months $2.50 three months By Mail (outside of New York): $6.00 a year $8.50 six months $2.00 three months Adéress and mail all checks to the Daily Ryackars 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. CR> Published by the $8.00 a year The Hypocritical Cry of Red Imperialism The manifesto of the Chiang Kai-Shek government issued to all “foreign governments” repeats in toto the whole range of lies regarding the motives and policies of the Soviet Union that furnished the excuse for its war-like threats and actions against the workers’ and peasants’ republic. Out of all the maze of calumny the one recurring theme of the manifesto is the charge of “red imperialism.” Thus do the imperialist hirelings, the debased flur the great capitalist powers, try to conceal their own service to imperialism and their betrayal of the Chinese masses to the imperialists, by charging the one great anti-imperia power on earth with “red imperialism.” The vassal government of China must think its subjects are of short memory and that the workers of the world are stupid to imagine that they will believe that the Soviet Union, the first government to renounce all claims to extra-territori- ality in China, the first to side with the Chinese masses in their struggle against imperialism, ever did have, now has, or ever will have any imperialist aspirations. But the ridiculous and*hypocritical of “red imperialism” is not new. It is reechoed by every scoundrel who grovels before the shrine of imperialist aggression. It was formu- lated into a plank in the platform of social democracy at its world congress last year in Brussels, when the heroes of the second international and murderers of the working class charged that the existence of the Soviet Union was the great- est obstacle to world peace. In the United States the con- temptible organ of scabbery, the Jewish Daily Forward, as well as its English weekly edition, The New Leader, repeats Chiang Kai-Shek’s charges of “red imperialism.” The crimes against the Chinese masses perpetrated by Chiang Kai-Shek are too well known, the mountains of corpses, the rivers of blood that he and his associate crimi- nals have shed, are sufficient to damn his every utterance as emanating from a debased imperialist prostitute. What is of major importance as far as the working class of the world is concerned is the fact that the social democrats of the world completely identify themselves with Chiang Kai-Shek. That is one more instance in this period of imperialist war danger. | <jo¢an of 10,000 new members for | This is one of the important phases of the present moment that will be thoroughly discussed at the anti-war conference of labor organizations to be held in Irving Plaza, Thursday evening, July 25th, to organize the great demonstrations and strikes for Soviet Union Defense Day, which occurs on Au- gust Ist. Soviet Union Defense Day. Events the past two weeks have abundantly proved the correctness of the estimation by the Communist International of the period in which we live as one of tremendously increas- ing sharpening of all capitalist antagonisms. The concerted imperialist attack on the Soviet Union by the imperialist powers, the world-wide campaign of provocation and slander against the workers’ and peasants’ government proves the soundness and revolutionary clarity of the leadership of the Communist International that proclaimed the fight against the war danger as the central task of the Communist Parties of the world. The setting aside of August 1st as a day for mobilization of the working class of the world in mighty strikes and demonstrations against imperialist war was not accidental. It was the result of an accurate estimation of the forces mak- ing for world war. The mobilization of the workers to fight against imperialist war was decided upon two months before the latest and most vicious assault upon the Soviet Union in this decade. August ist was to be the beginning of a world-wide drive against the imperialist war mongers on every front. The action of the Chinese bandit government in the service of imperialism has concretized the war danger. The capitalist class of the world is united in an effort to broaden and deepen the war against the Soviet Union. The fact that the United States, Great Britain and France unite in identic proposals to “settle” the dispute on the basis of the Kellogg pact is evidence of the unity of purpose of these three powers. They openly talk of economic and military intervention. Since the Bolshevik forces seized power in 1917 the imperialist powers have conducted an economic war against the Soviet Union, actual armed intervention. > The military power of the Soviet Union is being mobilized to defend the revolution against the imperialist hordes. The class conscious workers of the world are part of the reserve forces of the Soviet Union, the socialist fatherland of the working class. The new situation makes it imperative that August 1st be not merely a struggle against imperialist war, but that the mobilization of the working class take place.under the slogan of Soviet Union Defense Day. In ‘response to the call of the Communist International we must “convert International Red Day, which is the day of struggle against imperialist war, into a fighting demon- stration against the organizers of a new, bloody massacre.” “The existence of the Soviet Union as an outpost and a ‘ormidable fortress of the revolutionary proletariat of the world in its struggle against capitalism results, on the part of capitalism, not only in active steps to suppress and defeat he proletariat through a most oppressive internal policy against the workers of the different countries, but also ‘hrough a policy of united capitalist warfare against the Soviet Union.” MAX BEDACHT, Member of the Secretariat »f the Communist Party of America, writing on “The Comin- ern Address to our Party” in The Daily Worker, July 6, 1929. “An imperialist victory in the fight against the U.S.S.R. vould mean much more than the defeat of the proletariat of he U.S.S.R.; it would inflict the severest defeat the interna- ional has ever suffered throughout the world course of its xistence. The labor movement would be thrown back for lecades. The severest reaction would rage in Europe.”— ‘heses and Resolutions of the VI World Congress of thy Jommunist International, August, 1928. A * The only new form the war could take would be ‘ MAKING THE “NEWS” DAILY WORKER, By Fred Ellis | is Prepare for August 1 in France | PARIS (By Mail)—The Commu- |nist Party of France has raised the the First of August (International | Anti-Work Day) campaign. What | one section of the Party is doing is told in an article coming from the Lyons District, which was published in ’Humanite (central organ of the Party) recently. The article fol- Strengthening Our Party. In our ranks, opportunism shows itself in not the their variety. | There is a feeling of scepticism }among some of us who, without |elearly realizing it, always express | doubts, enlarge the difficulties and who, in the bottom of their hearts, are persuaded that the effort ex- pended is pure foolishness. These say that it is impossible to call a general strike for the First of August, and therefore there is nothing to do. This is a lack of confidence in the rking class, in its fighting abil- among a number of comrades j who finally deny more or less openly the radicalization of the |masses. Their theme is always the same: There is nothing to do, the workers are satisfied! You will have a fi Fight Opportunism, | Oppertunism is everywhere, and, if it doe: t show itself ¢ it s di nt and hinders eing the guide of s in the revolution- dangerous because of t the working cl: ary struggle. | Fight against opportunism in our |ranks! Fight pitilessly and vigor- lously, such is the slogan under | which we must prepare our work | for the First of August. By GEORGE MINK As a center for the marine work- er the present International Sea- men’s Club plays a very important role in the organization of the sea- men into a new Industrial of Marine Workers, which will be cational League and the Red Inter- national of Labor Unions. ¥ The recent announcement of the on August 17, and 18, in the Port of New York, issued by the Ma- rine Workers League from its Na- tional Headquarters at 28 South Street, New York City, rightfully ‘calls upon all Negro marine workers to join its ranks. The M. W. L. cor- | rectly sees the importance of or-| ganizing black and white workers | The Negro) into one organization. in the marine industry plays a very important role, especially the ap- | proaching war danger. A large per- centage of the various ports are handled by Negro longshoremen, The War Danger | ty imperialist plots against the So- viet Union, the war danger looms very close. The ship owners are a countries but the Union of Social- part in driving tH® Chinese mili- tarists to their present attack on the U. S. S. R. The seamen have thus two, causes for fighting their employers: their own, because of direct exploitation, and their solidarity with the work- rent forms which are | Union | affiliated to the Trades Union Edu- | East Coast Conference to take place | In the present crisis, brought on part of the system that rules in all | ist Soviet Republics, and have their | | | August, is 10,060 New Party Members for the First of the Slogan | But how make over our Party, how give it more life? Three typical examples which hap- pened after the miners’ strike of the | Loire permit us to make a forecast. Activity in Loire. It is useless to recall that the Loire strike made it possible to dis- cover some elements in our ranks r social-democratic. After the self-criticism of the faults of the y, Servel and his followers expelled from our ranks. At Ricamarie, after a period of vigor- ous self-criticism of the internal | character of our organization, the jexplanation of the decisions of our Party were made before all the | miners, the works papers have given the reasons in several issues. At the same time, the few comrades | who remained in the nucleus got to | work, appealed to the most militant elements, organized groups of sym- pathizers. The result? Last year the nu- cleus had 15 members; this year it contains 25 members. | Election is Successful. At the municipal election our, Party succeeded in presenting a slate of the radicals and socialists and a slate of Servel. At the first | | ballot we ,had 420 votes, radical-so- | 'cialists 780, Servel 480. At the sec- ond ballot two slates remained, the | Party and the anti- s. Servel had withdrawn. ed 800 votes. | Take the example of Saint-Bti- | i enne, \ eriti ism was carried out in the Party, but none of the organiza- tional measures which should have followed were taken. The serious mistake was made of not explaining the attitude of the Party sufficiently in the factory papers and in the leaflets, or not defining the role and the attitude toward the trade unions. Nucleus Became Passive. Our nucleus of the miners showed itself entirely passive, because it did not rid itself of social-democratic elements. In brief, instead of get- |ting to work to get rid of those who no longer had a place in our ranks and to call on new and mili- tant forces, they hesitated, took | half-measures—they let the matter slide! The result? The effectiveness of the Party among the miners: was lessened. The trade union unity organization has just noticed a reawakening at the last elections of the miners’ delegates. There is also Roche-la-Moliere. There the Party did absolutely noth- i single public explanation | + ie rede F | which need only to be asked to be | of its position. not a single pap The nucleus, which was in e ence before the strike, was not vi ited. The Party did not take part in the municipal elections. The result? Complete check to trade union unity in Roche-le-Mo- liere. A certain tendency toward autonomy in the trade union. Does There the period of self-!that mean that there were not ex-!phalanx of 1,000 new fighters. The Negro Seamen in Marine Industry Most Exploited of Seamen Will Be Delegates to jers of the-Soviet Union, who have driven out employers, and are hated | on that account by all employers. The marine workers are by. this | time well aware of the treacherous strike breaking role the A. F. of L. misleadership, with A. Feruseth and Co. and Ryan, played in the organ- ization of this very important in- dustry. Let us examine a few facts. On the New York waterfront many docks which are controlled by’) the I. L. A., are in reality,, when it comes to a show-down, centers of jan appalling situation for the long- shoremen on account of corruption, gangsterism, graft, betrayal, favor- itism, and discriminations. In many cases union men hired as longshoremen are forced to smuggle bootleg whiskey. This Ryan clique of union misleaders work hand and glove with the shipowners. Large sums of money are extorted from longshoremen for jobs, This is | the situation under so-called “or- ganized” docks of the Cunard lines, Ward lines, Munson line, ete. ” Now a few little things about. the unorganized docks like the United Fruit, Morgan line, ete. The con- | ditions on these docks are brutal. On these docks the shaper does not hixe the longshoremen directly, but throws work chips into a crowd Big Convention workers scramble and fight for the checks. At Philadelphia. We will go into the Philadelphia situation where the waterfront at one time was organized under the militant feadership of the M. T. W. of the I. W. W., but through the lack of understanding of _ strike strategy and the failure to under- stand the role of the R. I. L. U., was not able to keep the longshoremen under its control. The union was | rermeated with anarchists . who fol- lowed a wrong line and now we find the entire organization is going to the dogs. Int Chester, Pa., onfy next door to Philadelphia, we find two locals of longshoremen fighting one an- other by instigation of the f. L. A. These locals are composed of Negro longshoremen. ‘The rank and file is a very militant one and is threat- éning to desert the I. L. A. and or- sanize under the leadership of the M. W. L, Since the recent establishment of the M, W. L. headquarters in Bal- timore we have been able to rally a few Negro organizers in the League. The Baltimore port is one of the most important centers in time of war and the Negroes play waiting for a job. It is one of the most degrading sights to see these a ¥ The nuclei were lifeless. | a big part. Baltimore has close to 4,000 Negro longshoremen. Accord- ing to the Industrial Bureau of the Jeellent elements in the working | class of Roche-la-Moliere? Well, then! | Our Party has a group of 35) members in Roche-la-Moliere, but |instead of reactivizing energetically by making its position understood, | it disappeared completely in the | eyes of the miners, | | We Must Learn Our Lesson. What conclusion can be drawn | | from these examples? | | 1. It is not permissable to hesi- | |tate and take half-way measures | against opportunism; one must: elim- \inate it, not compromise with it. | |For the occasion of the First of | August, it is necessary that our) |Party strengthen its organizations | |and expell sceptical elements piti- | lessly. 2. It is essential to explain to| the largest possible number of work- | ers the internal measures that our | | Party takes, to explain to them the | |reasons for its discipline, public | | self-criticism. 3. It is necessary to put an end) to the conception which consists in | | hiding the attitude of the Party and of the trade union, but, on the con- trary, we must clearly state it to |the workers. Need New Recruits. 4. It is necessary to appeal to! new militant revolutionists. There are in the working class forces | drawn into our ranks. | | Our slogan, then, is very definite. | | Recruit members in order to re- double our activity and eliminate | | opportunism. Along with the prep- | ; aration for Red Day, we must strengthen our district with a Chamber of Commerce, Baltimore is the second Atlantic Coast port, the seventh largest industrial city of the U. S. A. and eighth in population (836,000). It is also the second largest port in the U. S. A. in im- portation, and the first in inter- coastal trade with the Pacific Coast. Baltimore is in a very good geo- graphical position and is the larg- est port in direct communication with the Gulf ports. Baltimore has the largest grain elevators in the U. S. A. on tidewater, also some of the fastest coal loading piers in the world. The coal fields of Me- ryland, West Virginia, Pennsylva- nia and Ohio are within a radius of about one hundred and sixty miles. There is also a direct pipe line from the petroleum fields of the Southwest. There are about | forty-five miles of dock frontage. | which is about a third of the area | available for development. | _ The port business is estimated at from $700,000,000 to $900,000,000 per annum, the total cargo volume averaging about 17,000,000 short | tons annually. For 1927 the for- | eign trade imports.were 4,452,419 | cargo tons; exports 1,922,194, Baltimore Strategic The total vessel movement for the calendar year of 1928 was for entrances: 2,912 vessels, 7,758,417 | | net ship tonnage; for clearances, ° | 402 vessels of 8,507,859 net shi |tonnage. Exports ate from thiz | cight states and Canada, and in ports to 38 states and Canada. The strategic position of Balti- more as a war production center can | tongue, suffering from their inability to escape. By FEODOR GLADKOV|f# CEMEN Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town om {! the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, | where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of, her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- { mst Party. The town is attacked by a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments and the attack is cepulsed. The town resumes its routine. | zleb works hard, planning the reconstruction of the cement works, ai tet PP sare — — . * . 1 T the dinner hour, all the responsible workers, all the leaders of the town’s administration, would meet in the dining-room of the House of the Soviets. They would sit at table in groups or pairs and in the whole room there would altogether be about a hundred of them, And there would be » din of conversation in the room, amid the ex- , ] halations of the food, mingling with the clatter of the plates and knives. Through the open windows the sun streamed from the blazing streets, and the air was blue and heavy with dust and tobacco smoke. Badin always dined at the same table as Shramm and the super- intendent of the Public Health Department, a stout doctor named Sus- kin, always taciturn, shy and timid, sweating, deaf and absent-minded, Obese, never shaven, his scalp covered with stiff horse-bristles, he [iM would look perplexedly at Badin and never understood what the dy chairman or his companions were saying. Therefore he obligingly approved of what everyone said, repeating over and over again, not from the throat but from the belly, long-drawn out: “Ye-e-e-es, ye-e-e-es.” It was difficult for him to speak, as he had an unusually large tongue; there was too little room for it in his mouth, and in conversa- tion it peeped out like a slug. Suskin could not get his words out; they stuck in his mouth and splashed about in the saliva with his * * * 1 Bake Commissar of the local Food Department, Khapko, often sat with them. He was like a little Kulak, round, quick and atten- tive like a sparrow. He used to sit a long time eating—longer than all of them, and was always looking round on all sides, sternly and suspiciously, watching everyone, who they were and what they were | eating. He would often jump up and rush into the kitchen and scullery; or would run over to fellow-diners who left their tables dirty; or to the Soviet young ladies who were throwing bread-crumbs at their cavaliers. There was a little recurrent break in his voice and he squeaked like a knife on a grindstone. For instance, he would come rushing into the kitchen: “Here, you—! Who's in charge here? Bring the superintendent of the kitchen! Now, why are the portions so small? You're stealing, you scoundrels! You watch—I’ll show you! Tomorrow I shall have the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection here to go over everything.” | Or in the dining-hall at the tables: ‘8 “Now, Comrades! It seems you think that the Food Commis- sariat exists just for you to scatter bread all over the floor, free of charge? Look out, we'll teach you!. Now, you little ladies, pay at- {| tention: this is not a cafe chantant and there are no private rooms [i here! Get down on your knees and pick up those little bullets of : bread which you’ve been throwing at these idiots during your flirta- tion! Come on now, pick them up! Where are you from, anyway ?, | What office do you work in? Well, I shall request that you be dis- q | missed, These intellectuals’ tricks, Comrades—they won’t go down with the dictatorship of the proletariat!” eS * ‘ | eal quarrels and altercations would break out in the dining-room | whenever he appeared there. } These three men didn’t take their supper in the hall, but met in Shramm’s room for this meal. Shramm’s room had fine upholstered furniture, fur rugs and carpets. Sometimes they sat there until dawn, and what they did there—no one knew. Only in the morning the cham- bermaid at the House of the Soviets would find bottles under the table, and would sweep up sausage skins and empty tins; and the air smelt of cigarette-ends and stale drink. And once, for several consecutive evenings, they noticed a man of Asiatic appearance, with blood-shot eyes and a great hooked nose, on watch at the door of Shramm’s room. This was Tskheladze. He had once been in the Greens, and for two years was a fine partisan; he then became an employee of the Food Commissariat. Barefoot, he patiently and silently stood at the door, his ferocious eyes staring for hours at the door-posts, and listening for hours to the hidden voices within. When a footstep sounded behind the door, Tskheladze would move aside. When the door opened and one of the four men came out to go to the lavatory, Tskheladze, bleary-eyed, would glance through the open door at the interior of the room, devouring with his hungry eyes the secrets of Shramm’s cosy little nest. They took no notice of him when they came out, just passing him by; and did not guess why evening after evening this stooped broad-shouldered Georgian was standing there. There were always so many people standing about in the corridors of the House of the Soviets. And Tskheladze differed in no way from the rest of the loiterers there. dressed in an old military blouse dating from his guerilla, campaigns, Bethlehem Steel Company at Spar- sippi, Houston, Texas, wages for row Point is the largest tidewater |longshoremen range from fifteen to steel plant in the world. The larg- | thirty cents per hour. Most of these est copper plant in the world which| workers are ‘Negroes, and the dis- refines about twenty per cent of |crimination against them by the A. the world supply, is also centered|F. of L. misleadership gives us a there. fertile field for their organization In Curtys Bay there is one of|into a new Industrial Marine Work- the largest chemical plants in the| ers’ Union. world. Airplane factories and the} In the coming East Coast confer- General Electric have also opened | ence of marine workers these facts up. There are six shipbuilding and| will have to be dealt with and a repair docks, five drydocks now in| thorough analysis made. We must operation. also see that Negro marine work- These figures put the marine i jers shall be elected as delegates to. dustry in a most strategic position | the coming Trade Union Unity Con-' in the port of Baltimore, and now | vention which will meet in Cleve- there are already 37 shipping lines |land, August 31, 1929, for the es- operating to over one hundred for-|tablishment of a new trade union| eign ports with practically 94 per |center for all class struggle organi-| cent of the marine industry unor-| zations which shall unite all new! ganized. unions and revolutionary minoriti Going further South we find the|in old unions for the joint strug; conditions of marine workers in the| gles for common aims through In‘ most miserable state. In Charles-| dustrial Unionism based on shop: ton, South Carolina, Alabama, Mis-| and-ships committees. Can Daily Survive? funds vital if our press is to live Respond immediately to the abbeal of the Daily Worker for aid in its present crisis! . The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York. After reading the appeal for aid in the Daily Worker I am sending you the enclosed amount, $ Name Address See eeeeeseeeenee: Names of contributors will be published im the “Dally” without delay, ~ be estimated | from | the fact that the tf