The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 16, 1929, Page 4

« Page Four ~~ ~ PATLY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JULY 16, 1929 Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. mprodaily Publishing Co. Inc... Daily Uni York Gity, } DAIWORK.” except : By Mail $4.50 six months $ By Mail (outside of New York) $3.50 six months mail all checks to the Daily Worker. New York, N. Y. « (in New York only MacDonald Aids Imperialist Drive Against | Soviet Union DAILY HERALD of London, recognized as the of- n of the MacDonald government, joins the is in its provocations against the Soviet ng in the most vic form the charge of st Manchuria in the Chinese Eastern ine organ sermonizes as follows: enize her are unwise and that Ru will remember that ultimatums erous things. To this we add the hope that the League of lf will bring pressure to bear on China, one of its mem- a view to securing an amicable settlement.” graph sheds a revealing light on MacDonald’s tion to the bloody crew of i forgers I provocateurs at the head of the governments of China and Manchuria, and also the relation of the so-called h “labor” government toward the workers’ and peas- ernment of the Soviet Union. ‘Donald’s predecessor, Stanley Baldwin, could have consistently repeated the same words and they woud have been perfectly compatible with imperialist policy as ex? pounded by the tories. The organ of the government of R MacDonald distinguishes between the Chinese and ichurian governments of imperialist lackeys and the gov- ernment of the Soviet Union only in order to traduce the latter. and sa inly Baldwin could and would have expressed the t the dispute be referred to the Britist ted e of Nations, so that the imperialist agents of England 1 endeavor by duplicity and intrigue to utilize the dis- ns to attempt to create a more formidable alignment ers against the Soviet Union. If the MacDonald government represented the working ass instead of the imperialists of Britain its policy would be entirely different. A government that represented the would initiate a series of actions, that in their ity would unmask before the masses of the whole world the real-role of imperialism in China and the plot hatched inst the Soviet Union and mobilize them for a struggle against imperialism. First of all, in order to arouse the deepest hatred of the workers against imperialist policy, such a government would raid the secret archives of the British ment and publish the treaties between Britain and n, expose the network of spies and forgers and their rovocations against the government of workers and peas- Ants. Such a government would place its armed forces at the disposal of the Red Army and the Red Fleet that de- fends the revolution against the imperialist bandits. It would issue proclamations to the workers of the world to defend the workers’ state from imperialist attacks. In short it would carry on a revolutionary struggle against all the gov- ernments involved in the conspiracy. But, of course, such a government would not be brought to power by parliamen- tary collaboration with liberals, tories and other “defenders of the king,” but would advance to power on a wave of revo- lutionary struggle culminating in the establishment of a Soviet republic. It has long been recognized as the deliberate policy of the United States, Great Britain and Japan to try to wrest the Chinese Eastern Railway from the joint control of the Soviets and the Chinese and place it ostensibly in the hands of the Chinese alone. That means, of course, to place the railroad, running through the vastly rich territory of ern Manchuria in the hands of the imperialist powe' it would then become one of the objectives in the for booty that is going on bétween the imperialists them- selves. In this case, as in all other similar cases of attack against the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, the imper. ialist powers unite for joint conquest against the workers and peasants’ government. This most vicious of recent attacks a part of the general imperialist conspiracy to form an iron ring extend- ing from Finland and the Baltie states through the fascist border states of Poland and Roumania, with Hungary, Yugo- Slavia, Czecho-Slovakia, Bulgaria and Greece bringing up the rear, to India, Inner Mongolia, Manchuria, China, Korea, Japan. No other interpretation can be placed upon this latest attack in view of the fact that the Soviet Union never did insist upon and does not now demand even partial control over the railway. Time and again the Soviet government has offered to negotiate a settlement of the question on terms of friendship, but every proposal has been thus far met with insults and abuse and open provocation and violence. But in spite of the ineffable infamy of the MacDonald government and the other heroes of the Second Interna- tional who are aiding and abetting their imperialist masters -do: Baily Zag Worker 4 fake Polbureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All Party members and particularly the comrades active in the Ww orkshops in the basic industries are invited to write their “No Room tor Splitters,” Says Party Membership in Endorsing Jav Lovestone’s Expulsion’ Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party { opinions for the Party Press. Resolutions of Factory Nuclei ;_ also will be printed in this section. Send all material deal- tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York || City. 7 | ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- | Vast Majority of Communist (CEMEN Resolutions Approve Organizational Measures Against Open and Concealed Plotters of Right | Wing Opposition if Party is to Wage Bolshevik Struggle Against Imperialist War Danger | | key note of resolutions, overwhelmingly adopted by meetings of func- | tionaries and rank and file members of the Communist Party through- out the country, endorsing disciplinary measures taken by the Central Committee in expelling Jay Lovestone from the Party and removing Bertram D. Wolfe from the Polcom. The absolute necessity of Party unity on the basis of the decisions of the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International, the Open Letter to the Conyention and the Address to the Membership is expressed in every resolution. Such Bolshevik unity is absolutely necessary, the Varty membership believes, in order to fight successfully the rapidly concentrating war danger and to win for the Comintern program the great mass of the workers in the United States. SEATTLE ENDORSES ORGANIZATIONAL MEASURES. Organizational measures against those who fight the Comintern line for the American Party are absolutely necessary for the eradication of factionalism, a resolution on the expulsion of Jay Lovestone passed hy the District Bureau of District 12, Seattle, holds. “The District Bureau reiterates its wholehearted and unreserved acceptance of the Address of the Comintern to the Communist Party of the U. S. A.,” the resolution states, “and endorses all organizational measures as absolutely necessary to the eradication of factionalism in the American Party and to putting into effect the political line of the Sixth World Congress of the Communist International as expressed in the Open Letter to the Convention and Address to the membership. The District Bureau endorses the stand taken by Comrade Noral, who supported the Comittern decisions against the splitting tactics of Lovestone and his associates, “The District Bureau strongly condemns the rotten petty-bourgeois tricks of Lovestone and Pepper in trying to deceive the membership of the Party and the Convention into a pcsition of organized resistance to the decisions of the Comintern. The actions of Lovestone and Pepper clearly show them up as renegades and traitors to the Party and to the working class. The Bureau fully endorses the action of the Central Committee of the American Party in expelling Lovestone from the Party and suspending Wolfe and removing Miller. “The Bureau pledges itself and the membership of the district to supportethe Central Committee in a relentless struggle against all open or concealed opposition to the Comintern decisions and will unmercifully suppress any such opposition wherever it may develop in the district.” PITTSBURGH IN STRUGGLE AGAINST RIGHT OPPOSITION “The District Bureav of District Five (Pittsburgh), declares the Bureau endorses the expulsion of Lovestone from the Party and the removal of Wolfe from the Polcom. “The struggle of Loyestone and his followers against the Comintern is not merely a question of formal violation of discipline, but is part of the international struggle of the rights and conciliators against the Comintern. in the underestimation of the role of the Party in the present struggles of the workers, in the underestimation of the leftward drift of the ‘Paris Workers Demonstrate on — consecrated to conferences, sub-con- PARIS (By Mail).—Under the| ferences, committees, sub-commit- slogan “Prepare for the First of| tees on disarmament. What a lot of August,” Henri Barbe, member of| paper! What an effort to deceive the Central Executive Committee of| the masses of workers that repre- the Communist Party of France, has| sents. And at the same time, while the following article in the June 26) there are being written thousands issue of l’Humanite, the organ of of pages to deceive the masses of “There is no room in the Communist Party for splitters,” is the | “The right character of the Lovestone opposition expresses itself | workers, in the attempt to split the Party, in placing individuals above | the Comintern as a whole and in an attempt to perpetuate factionalism | in the Party by keeping up a national group outside the Party. { “The District Bureau calls upon all members of the District to give their unqualified support to the Central Committe: in its struggle against the right opposition inside and outside the Party by active parti- cipation in the Party work, by making the International Red Day Against War a success, by contributing the day’s wages to the Daily Worker and the Party, by mobilizing all forces for the coming Trade Union Educational League convention and by building the Party gen- erally. Long live the Communist International! Long live the Com- munist Party of the U. S. A.!” PHILADELPHIA CALLS FOR BOLSHEVIK FIRMNESS “Under the guise of opposition to the correct and necessary methods of the Comintern for struggle against the right danger, Lovestone and his supporters are attempting to launch a war against the Comintern in defense of the right wing,” states a resolution endorsing the expul- sion of Jay Lovestone by the Central Committee, carried by the Bureau of District Three (Philadelphia). “Lovestone’s instructions of May 15 directing an organized split of our Party; his refusal to repudiate these instructions and now, his unauthorized return to this country serve as unimpeachable evidence of his break with the Party and the Comintern. His expulsion from the Party therefore serves only to confirm officially and definitely the break with Lovestone and those who adhere to his line. “The Bureau of District Three endorses the expulsion of Lovestone and will continue as before to support the Central Committee in all measures taken against the right splitters. “In the case of Bill Lawrence, who, as Party representative. to the League Bureau, attacked the Address of the Comintern and the Central Committee when the expulsion of Lovestone was under consideration by the League District Bureau showing that Lawrence, as others who formerly concealed their opposition by the dishonest policy of voting for the Address while secretly fighting against it, but has been forced to abandon this subterfuge which served to mislead the Party membership, the Bureau District Three decides to suspend Lawrence from member- ship on the Bureau and all leading posts. “By similar action H. Bail proves his unfitness for membership on the District Control Commission and is accordingly removed. “The Bureau of District Three calls upon all members of the Party in this district to wage an unremitting struggle against right wing splitters. The efforts of the opposition to the Comintern to confuse the membership and induce a conciliatory attitude to those who. would split the Party must be uncompromisingly fought. The present policy of the opposition which aims to undermine the confidence of the Party in its leadership as a means of sowing dissension and preventing ef- fective mobilization of the forces of the Party must also be mercilessly attacked and defeated. “Only through a policy of Bolshevik firmness in the struggle against the right wing opposition will we succeed in rapidly orientating the entire Party upon thg correct line of the Comintern and defeat the right danger.” International Red Day, Aug. 1. | 4,500,000; Italy with four million; | America with 3,500,000 and Japan with 3,200,000, making the formid- able total of 20,700,000 reserve forces for the five great powers. Every worker, after reading these Big Naval Growth. figures, the irrefutable facts, under- As for the naval forces the growth | Stands the tremendous lieing about ernyent extends its vassalage over | Poland and Roumania with the idea of aggression against the Soviet Union, the French Communist Party. The Appalling Growth of Imperial- | ist Armaments, | In preceeding articles we have eX- plained the character and signifi- cance of the First of August, the date of the mobilization of the masses of workers against imperialist war; the date especially set aside for the expres- and peasants) | people with the pretence of working on disarmament, in each imperialist state land forces, air forces, marine forces and chemical forces are be- ing developed, are being modernized. Let us take several of the most significant figures. Increase in Armaments. First, the military budgets of the rapidly | sion of the solidarity of all workers! n ry |with the country of socialism, the three great imperialist powers: for Soviet Union. We have also tried | the United States of America, the |to present facts to show the serious- | Military budget was ,293 millions of ness of the threat which hangs, over | dollars in 1913; it reached 708 mil- the workers: and to show how in| lions in 1927-1928, and increase of ‘the political maneuvers of the im-|142%- For England, it was 77 mil- | sali “yr” | lions of pounds sterling in 1913; it j Dervaliet: governments. and; phe) sae reached 115 millions 100,000 pounds in 1927-1928, an increase of 63%. (The figures for America and Eng- land are taken from the military annual of the Society of National Defense). As for our peaceful France, her budget: in 1919 was 1 billion, 598 millions of gold francs; | government in particular, it is new imperialist butchery which i: ' being planned. There are other things which are no less significaht in showing the | intentions of capitalist governments \I am speaking of armaments. Ar- in their attacks on the Soviet Union the working masses of |maments make up by their remark- the world, inside and outside the Soviet Union, will defeat the imperialist hordes and their Russian white-guardist emigres, those depraved survivors of the mercenary armies of Kolchak and Semenov. The outbursts of mass fury from all gections of the Soviet Union are conclusive evidence that the workers and peasants, the women and youth, im fact the whole population of the Soviet republic will arise as one man to hurl back any invading force that dares set foot on Soviet scil. The strikes in China and Manchuria that are even now beginning prove that the class conscious masses are mob- ilizing to smash any government that dares lend itself to playing the role of imperialist assassin of the revolution. And in the imperialist countries themselves the masses will rise in such numbers in defense of the Soviet Union that there will be no question that the launching of another im- perialist war will inevitably initiate the next stage of the world revolution. The events on the Manchurian border again emphasize the necessity of the masses of the whole world demonstrat- ing in mighty numbers on August Ist, the day set aside by the Communist International, as International Red Day _ Against Imperialist War. Here in the United States there must be strikes and demonstrations against the role of the imperialist government of this country which strives to place itself at the head of the forces of’ reaction throughout the Defend the Soviet Union! ace. Fight Against Imperialist War! ss Forward to International Red Day! ’ world, j able progress in quantity and qual- jity the perfect expression of im- | perialist . politics, completely orien- |tated towards war! | Two-Faced. | fact, that the more armaments are developed, the more disarmament is | spoken of; in other words, the more ‘imperialism arms itself, the more it | tries to dupe the masses. But the! ‘sinister comedy of disarmament played with “socialism” in the lead- ‘ing roles, has received some rude ‘checks. The Soviet delegation has |put the imperialists and their so- jcialist lackeys with their backs to | the wall, | Moreover, to the Soviet plan for | disarmament, the answer has been !given of increased imperialist ar- maments. It is clear enough to the proletarian understanding that the imperialist bourgeoisie will not dis- arm unless the proletariat disarms it with organized force, with the revolution. “Socialists” Deceive Masses, The league of imperialist nations, social headquarters of the second in- ternational, has already compiled dozens and dozens of kilos of ma- terial on disarmament. There are said to exist 14,000 pages of tracts on disarmament at Geneva, solely And here is a very characteristic| | in 1929 it is, in spite of the figures |of Painleve, who falsifies his war ‘budget as easily as the demonstra- | tions of the reservists, it is 18 bil- lion, 560 million paper francs (naval and air forces included). «Which figure, translated into gold francs, is 2 billion, 700 million, in compari- son with 1903, an increase of nearly 0%. It is already seen from this dan- gerous growth of the budgets where armaments are going. The condi- tion of the numerical forces of the ‘armies of the principal imperialist powers is also conclusive, It has been estit that in comparison with 1913, the number of soldiers of the five powers, America, Eng- land, France, Italy and Japan, has increased from 1,827,000 to 2,066,- 000. This represents an increase of 240,000 for the regular army “ac- tive forces!” Besides, it is necessary to take into account the fact that the length of service has been re- duced in many countries, which in- creases the importance of the growth of the army. But in order to have an even better idea of the energy of the imperialist states which is di- rected toward preparing the masses for war, one must glance at the re- serves, whether -wholly or. partially trained. Thus, France is ahead, with 5,500,000; England comes next with of armaments, the construction of modern ships, cruisers, submarinés, airplane carriers, are likewise mak- ing considerable progress. From 1927-1928 to 1928-1929 the |naval expenses for the three great imperialist powers increased (offi- cial figures) in America, from 347 million dollars to 392 million (13%); in England, from 290 million dol- lars to 326 million (12.5%); in | France from 71 million dollars to | 100 million (40%). We see that our | “peaceful” France is way in the lead in percentage increase, and that in the name of the “Renaissance of the | glorious French navy.” 3 Aviation is given the greatest | consideration by all the imperialist | states. Aviation is the “civilized” | force par excellence of capitalism. Judge for yourselves: Airplanes ‘and Hydroplanes. 1926 1928 *1930 (plgnned) England ..408 850 1000to1200 America ..520 950 1200 to 1300 Japan ....150 475 600 to 800 Germany .145 512 Italy ..... 250 600 1000 to 1200 France ...1850 2800 3000 to 3200 Total ....2823 6187 6800 to 7700 Thus the numerical growth of aeronautic forces of the principal imperialisms in the last five years (1923 to 1928) increased in not less than 130%. For France alone the incre: is 107%. The numerical gro’ of the aeronautic forces of the imperialist powers is formidable but this does not in the ledst hinder the efforts of the apostles of dis- armament. To quantity there is be- ing added the improvement in qual- ity. Since the imperialist war ended in 1918, specialists agree that the technical perfection of aviation has made prodigious leaps. The rapidity of planes has increased from 50 to 60%, the range of action (observa- tion and pursuit) has grown from 30 to 70%, of bombing airplanes from 250 to 300%; the rate of drop- ping bombs and their accuracy are four times,as great as in 1918; the intensity of fire of their machine- guns has increased six or seven times, It is with these monstrous forces of destruction thet the French gov- uy disarmament which the bourgeoisie and socialists sing. The duplicity of the latter is particularly scandal- ous. They are the ones who for- mulate with one hand military laws, war budgets, and air ministries, like Boncour-Renaudel, and with the other distribute petitions to “respect- fully beseach” the Society of Na- tional Defense to put the question of disarmament on the ordef of business, i Denounce Imperialist War. But all of these arguments, all of |this “tealization” by. imperialism and by the socialists is originated in the great rationalized banks of the Paris district, of the Lyons dis- trict, of the North and of the East. Already hundreds of correspondents have denounced in l’Humanite these practical preparations for war. It is well to denounce, but it is better to strike in every fdctory. In all of the metal works, in the aviation factories, in the chemical factories, where the engines of the next im- perialist butchery are being built, the workers must organize strikes. This requires sticking together, sol- idarity, organization; it requires fac- tory committees in the large fac- i tories, uniting all‘of the workers and the apprentices at the same time for the strike for wages, against the intensified exploitation, and for the cessation of the preparations for im- perialist war. This requires a re- inforcement of the trade union unity section and also amincrease of the fighting advance guard which di- rects the strike; the Communist Party. ‘ The strike for higher wages, the fight to improve working conditions, the attempts to lighten the heavier burdens of rationalization, are in- separable from the strike against imperialist war in all its forms. This is the purpose of the interna- tional demonstration on August 1. This is why on the First of August the workers will demonstrate under the flags of the Communist Inter- national. ‘Unifying their discontent and their resentment, they’ will unite their efforts and their strikes in one great organized, coordinated’ move- ment which will be the.most serious forewarnigg to the governments of; the imperialists and their socialist lackeys, | from him and began to laugh: Dasha is no fool, ; Note lesser trifles than this. By FEODOR GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. ¥. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town om the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist’ Party. . The town is attacked by a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments and the attack is vepulsed. The town resumes its routine. : Gleb works hard, planing, the reconstruction of the cement works, * 8 @ ve threw her portfolio on the table and stood leaning against the wall near to it. Nor did Gleb sit down, but walked up and down. He stopped near the door in the left-hand wall. “Who lives behind this door?” “That’s Serge’s room.” He knocked at the door. An empty echo resounded. He approached the door in the right-hand wall near to Polia. “And in here?” “I’m afraid of that door. The Chairman of the Soviet Executive lives there. I don’t like him, There’s something so heavy about him, and I’ve always a presentiment that the door will cpen and that... . Something will happen. ... I don’t kriow what: something dreadful.” “He’s a°great one for the women, is our Chairman.” “Why? How do you know that?” Polia began to laugh, but her laugh soon vanished. Her eyes were thoughtful; she was brooding over her own pain. “He runs after women. I shall have to settle his account some- time.” “What a slave you are still, Gleb! After all, finally we shall have to have a revolution within ourselves as well. Yes, there must be a ruthless civil war within ourselves.. Nothing is more fixed and tougher than our habits, feelings and prejudices. I know that jealousy is seeth- ing in you. Jealousy is worse than despotism. It is an exploitation of one human being by another that can only be compared with cannibal- ism. That’s what I have to tell you, Gleb: you'll never get nearer to Dasha in that spirit—you'll be beaten.” “I’m already beaten, damn it!” “There you are! _And you deserve it. It serves you right!” “That’s true. There’s a certain snag in these things, in love. something one ought to try to comprehend.” It’s * * * OLIA looked around, startled and perplexed. She put her hand to her curly hair, and grimaced as though she had a headache. “Yes, it’s a hard nut, Gleb; but it has to be cracked. And I believe the kernel is very bitter ard poisonous. It must be so. Well, if-it is so, devil take it, it must be! When one’s blood. was poisoned, one found also in blood the antidote. What is the antidote for the dull routine which returns from the accursed past? That’s where the terror is. It’s always more difficult to fight with one’s self, because in the daily routine one is sentenced to loneliness.” She stood before Gleb, so simple, frank, so lost in her bewilder- ment, so trustful and so near, as though he had known her for a very long time, as though she had always been like this: disconcerted ‘and rebellious. He had only to embrace her, to take her into his arms, and she would snuggle up to him like a child and become so close to him; and his caress would appease her, and she would laugh once more as she had not long ago. eA; Is a surging of silent tenderness he pressed her breast to his and stroked her locks with his cheek. At first she was frightened and shrank from his hands. Then she trembled, put her arms around his neck and looked at*him through her tears. a “Gleb, my dear! If you only knew how I needed your courage and strength! I feel terribly depressed, Gleb. Do understand me, Gleb, and don’t despise me. You're nearer to me than anyone else, and I love you very. much.” Gleb was silent, still pressing his cheek to her hair. But when he had carried her over towards the bed—she yielding herself to his will —a knock sounded on the door. “Comrade Mekhova, may I come in? Are you there?” . . * HE door creaked. It was Dasha. Her red headscarf flashed and the face was the same: serene, with courageous eyes, her young smile, and her face still uncooled from the sun. “Well, well, is that Gleb? You restless fellow, have you even intruded here? What a fellow!” She burst into a gay laugh, but just for an instant Gleb saw fright flash in her eyes, and a sudden pallor pass over her face. But perhaps this was only imaginary, because Gleb himself grew afraid and could not immediately control himself. Mekhova moved away and her eyes ¢an “You're not jealous, Dasha? I wanted to borrow some strength from your Gleb. He is so solid, nothing seems to worry him.” “Why do you say ‘my Gleb’? Now, of course, he’ll imagine that he’s the strongest man in the world! But there are many things, you know, that Gleb still doesn’t understand. It’s true he’s _@- wonderful man; bat how stupid he is still, Comrade Mekhova! Oh, how foolish!” Chee aaa | G= stood between them; he put his hand on Dasha’s shoulder and then on Polia’s. “Damn it all! my head. any more.” i Dasha laughed and approached the table. é “I come from the Women’s Section, Comrade Mekhova. The Women’s Conference will shortly take place. Had you fo: it? Today at five o’clock there’s a meeting at the Trade Cates het and you have to make a report there.” ‘ ¢ I’ve got to understand this business even if I break It seems clear enough to Dasha, and so she isn’t troubled “Yes, I remember it, Dasha. But it would be better if you made” the report. I just can’t collect my thoughts today. Please, Dasha; make the report and I shall rest until tomorrow and pull myself together a bit.” . . “All right, Comrade Mekhova. 1’ll do it.” 7 OND patie gu put her arm round Polia and looked at her sternly and frown- ingly. “Comrade Mekhova....I understand... . Don’t fret, my dear. We must always be prepared: our head on our shoulders holding our heart tight with both hands. Get a tight hold of your feelings, Comrade Mekhova, and take care of your health. And as for you, Gleb, my dear Comrade, you need not listen to’ this. But why are you running away? Stay here. You weren’t here in secret, were you? Oh, and I knew nothing about it!” Sete, Dasha’s eyes were moist. Polia was looking through the window and she laughed like a sick person, * ; “God damn the women! Pretty hard to understand, damn it!” _* And Gleb left the room, red with shame and stupefaction. - > ~~ (To be Continued) WILL “THE DAILY” SURVIVE? Send in Your Answer! The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York. After reading the appeal for aid in the Daily Worker-I:am: sending you the enclosed amount, $ | Name Address °. pee eeeeeeneeees seeeee tte eeeeeeeenpneton the he i i k ‘