The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 13, 1929, Page 4

Page Fout * Daily Sgic Worker é Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. World Imperialist Attack Against the Soviet Union Advances on the Chinese Front HE predicted move of the world imperialists against the 4 Soviet Union, seizure of the Chinese Eastern Railroad gh the agency of Nanking lackey government, has taken he stage of preliminary maneuvers and skirmishes moves toward open atta rer of an imperialist war launched against Republics stands crystal clear before the It calls in a voice of thunder for the ic steps for_the defense by interna- an worker and y the d on of Sovie working class. and most ene rialists in Manchuria, tyranny over the n the leader- k, has been taken under arefully prepared arrage. The presént smoke screen, that Soviet in the management of the strategic Chinese lroad has been utilized by the Russians ay ‘ ading Communist nda” is typical. , the Soviet trading sh imperialists s for the institution i woke off diplomatic and trade relations, and launched gressive war moves against the first workers’ republic. The | same methods are being used now. It is to be expected that this poison campaign will become more intense daily. An increasing propaganda flood, declaring that the Soviet Red Army is massed on the Manchurian border, y for an im- mediate ance, ms being made that the advance lready taken place, is characteristic of the whole. Already on June 19, when the Nanking government w ordering and carrying out a whole series of raids and arrests i Soviet consulates, especially at Harbin and Mukden, overnment at Moscow carefully answered all the directed against it. The reports emanating from London sources were denounced, it being pointed out that the statement that Soviet troops had entered China was abso- lutely untrue, that this only represented a continuation of the campaign of slander aiming at worsening the relations between the Soviet Union and China. The additional false- hood that a session of the Third (Communist) International had been held in the cellar of the Soviet Consulate, and that the Soviet government was supporting Feng Yu-hsi also refuted as the worst lies imaginable. At the moment when the falsehoods are being repeated, ther a delegation of Chinese “leaders in commercial and busin ife’ meeting with great capiteiists from the various imperialist nations in the Fifth Congress of the International Chamber of Commerce at Amsterdam, Holland, the American spokesman being Thomas W. Lamont, banking partner of J. Pierpont Morgan, and his mouthpiece at the Paris War * .Debt Conference. At the same time, however, Chinese worker delegates, spokesmen of the Chinese masses are gathering at Frankfort, Germany, in the Anti-Imperialist Congress, that faces the task, in every country, of helping to organize resistance to the imperialist attack against the U. S. S. R. The Soviet government, alone among the governments of the world, has extended a friendly hand to the Chinese workers and peasants in their struggles against imperialism, thus taking a stand directly opposite to that of the deposed Russian czardom. The Soviet power refused to accept the outragzou demnity imposed by the “civilized” countries on China as a result of the Boxer rebellion. It gave up all extra-territorial rights in China rights so stubbornly maintained by the imperiali It was the United States, Great Britain, Fra bandit nations that rushed their soldiery and battleshi China, to drown in blood the heroic struggles of the Ch peoples, to defeat their revolution, to smash th sistance in the workshops and factories, to hi labor back into the bitter exploitation from which it desperately striving to extricate and emancipate it The revolutionary struggles of* the Chi tinue in spite of the treachery of the tang Nanking government, that has nes elf especially in the grip of Wall Street imperialism, and with which Feng Yu-hsiang, agent of the British and Japanese imperialists, has at least temporarily made his peace. It is the puppet Nanking government that carries out the slaughter campaign of the imperialists against the Chinese workers and peasants, and that provides the mask for the advance against the Soviet Union. The most ruth- less butchery campaign against all Chinese revolutionists is demanded, just as imperialism in the orient, in India, in | Indo-China, in Indonesia, in the Philippines, wages an ex- | treme oppressive campaign against the all-enslaved colonial peoples, inviting the aid of the defeated Russian white guardists. ‘ One of the great crimes of the Soviet Power in the orient is that it acts as an inspiration to the colonial and semi-colonial masses to struggle. It has co-operated with the Chinese in the successful operation of the Chinese East- ern Railroad, which really connects European and Asiatic Russia with Vladivostok on the Pacific. The Soviet power, in its own domains, has given testimony to the world of the ability of its workers and peasantry to develop a Socialist economy successfully, an encouragement to all labor. It is precisely in this period that world imperialism,.be- | holding the rapid and increasing strength of the Soviet Power, seeks to forge the only effective weapon it knows— WAR—against it. The pro-capitalist role played by the Trotskyites in their continuous attacks against the Soviet Government should now become clearer than ever; the Trotskyites who now re- ceive new allies in the new opposition to the Communist Party in the United States, that fights the Communist Inter- national and its leading section, the Communist Party of | the Soviet Union, the Party of the Russian workers and peasants. The struggle against the war danger, for the defeat of the imperialist, attack launched against the Soviet Union on the Chinese front, becomes a struggle against every ally of the bourgeoisie; not only against the American Federation of Labor and the Socialist, Party with its Musteite tail, but also against the Trotskyites and the new opposition organized by Jay Lovestone to the American Communist Party and the Communist International. It is with a thorough knowledge of the character of the enemy they confront that the American working class will best more forward with its intensive preparations for the anti-war strikes and demonstrations planned for International Day Against War, August First. Defeat the imperialist war! Defend the Soviet Union! Unite the workers and peasants af ell countries for world Victory) ja'* — and othe to | | | strike re- rl Chinese was 1 is « passes i) Ni € oe asm who are openly or in concealed form tryingsto undermine the carrying oa iain’ SHADOW BOX! ¥ DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JULY 13, 1929 By Jacob Burck | ak = ees By FEODOR \CEMEN GLADKOV Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party | HE Polbureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their | opinions for the Party Press. Resolutions of Factory Nuclei also will be prigted in this section. Send all material deal- ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York City. Communist Party Membership Wiil Fight Relentlessly (07 Comintern Line, Conference Resolutions Indicate Uphold Expulsion of Jay Lovestone and Removal of Wolfe and Gitlow by Central Committee; Will Wage Merciless War on Opportunists and Conciliators on All Fronts That the line of the Communist International as formulated at the | Sixth World Congress, the Open Letter and the Address to the P: membership receives wholehearted support from the vast majo the United States Party is again evidenced in resolutions of nuclei and rank and file and functionaries’ conferences passed una mously or nearly unanimously throughout the country. of p arty | Every resolution completely endorses the disciplinary. action taken | by the Central Committee of the Party in expelling Jay Lovestone from the Party and removing Comrade Welfe from the Polcom. Such disciplinary measures, the resolutions hold, were absolutely necessary to insure that the Party goes forward in its revolutionary tasks of fighting for the line-of the Comintern against open and concealed | cpposition from whatever source. ger ee BOSTON FUNCTIONARIES DENOUNCE SPLITTERS, Complete approval of the action of the Central Committee in ex- pelling Jay Lovestone from the Party and removing Wolfe from the Polcom is expressed in the resolutions adopted unanimously at a Func- tionaries’ Conference in Boston, which states: “1, The Functionaries’ Conference of District 1, Boston, Commu- nist Party of the United States of America, accepts and endorses the Comintern Address, and approves the actions ef the Central Commit- tee in removing Wolfe from the Polburo and expelling Lovestone from the Party. “2, The Conference is convinced that this decision is correct for the following reasons: “a. The cable sent by Lovestone to the United States indicated his determination to split the Party. rf “b, The cable sent by Lovestone accepting the decision must be considered as a change of tactics from open to concealed opposition in order to recruit larger numbers hehind his splitting policy. “ec, His violation of Communist International instructions by re- turning to the United States is part of his p! to personally lead and organize the split in the United States Section. “3. We consider the opposition of Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe as part of the International Right Opposition to the line of the Sixth World Congress and the leadership of the Comintern, “4. We considet that any conciliatory attitude toward the right wing splitters, will sid them in their splitting campaign. Energetic measures must therefore be taken against the conciliators in order to make possible a successful struggle against the right. “We therefore call upon the membership to unhesitatingly give — their full support in carrying out the line of the Comintern and the Central Executive Committee, to endorse the expulsion of Lovestone and the removal of Wolfe from the Polburo, to tolerate no conciliatory attitude toward the enemies of the Party and the Comintern. To stand firmly by the Communist International and against the International Right Wing, of which the Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe opposition is a part. 8 8 CANTON, OHIO, DEMANDS. DRASTIC MEASURES AGAINST CONCILIATORS, At a meeting of the functionaries of Section Canton, District 6, held Sunday, July 7, the following resolution was unanimously adopted: “We express our fullest agreement with the Central Executive Committee for expelling Lovestone. We pledge our support in carry- ing out the Comintern decisions. We will combat all comrades who are epenly or in concealed form trying to split the Communist Party of the United States away from the Communist International. We demand that Gitlow and Wolfe state openly their position, and that drastic measures should be taken against any of the delegates ph Pas iw rable isi acts out of the Comintern decisions. No conciliators or splitters should be ted in the ranks or at the top cf our Party. We urge all other sections to break away from any groups that are trying to split our Party, but instead mobilize the membership for the tasks of our Party. Concentrate our’ efforts on building shop on building shop committees for the Trade Union Educational Convention in Cleveland August 31, and on mobilization of the American working class for the defense of the Gastonia framed up workers!” . . . ST. LOUIS ENDORSES LOVESTONE’S EXPULSION. A resolution on the Comintern Address and expulsion of Love- stone, adopted unanimously by the St. Louis and vicinity membership of | the Party, states: “This membership meeting of St. Louis and vicinity wholeheartedly accepts and endorses the Address of the Communist International to the membership of our Party. We consider the Address and Open Letter as the first effective steps taken to end the unprincipled factional fight and the rightward drift of our Party and also as laying down a correct line for the building of a mass Communist Party in the U. S. A. “We endorse the expulsion from our Party of Lovestone, the right- wing renegade, who with phrases of “loyalty to the Comintern” on his lips, was at the same time trying to split the American Party. His abortive attempt to start a “widespread press agitation” for his “release” from the Soviet Union could, if successful, only serve to strengthen the enemies of the First Workers’ Republic. His expulsion s the only fitting end to Tammany Hall polities and opposition to Comintern decisions in our Party. “In the present situation it would be not only against the Comin- tern decision but also a crime against the unity of our Party for the former minority comrades to try to interpret this Address as victory for their old group. This group reasoning would be completely out of line with the Address and could only serve to help Lovestone and the hidden opposition and would in itself be a.form of concealed opposition to the Comintern. * © « UPHOLD EXPULSION OF. OPPORTUNIST ELEMENTS. Full endorsement of the Polcom’s expulsion of Jay Loyestone from the Party is contained in a resolution adopted unanimously by the Executive Committee of Section 6 of, the New York District Two of the Party. % “We fully endorse the action of the C. E. C. of our Party in ex- pelling Jay Lovestone from the Party,” the resolution says. “The state- ment made by Comrade Wolfe can be understood in no other way than a full endorsement of Lovestone’s policies to the Comiptern and our Party.” o 8 8 SHOP NUCLEUS EXPRESSES FAITH IN COMINTERN LEADERSHIP. “The sooner our Party will root out all elements alien to the Communist movement, the sooner it will be in a position to consolidate itself, and with«the assistance of the Comintern bring about a mass Party in the U. S. in the shortest possible time,” a resolution carried unanimously at a meeting of Shop Nucleus 1, Section 6, of the New York District states. ; “We fully endorse the action of the C. E. C. in expelling Jay Lovestone from the Party. The statement of Comrade Wolfe can be understood in no other way than a full endorsement of Lovestone’s policies to the Comintern and our Party, and we are (erefore in ‘full agreement with the decision of the C. E. C. in removing Comrade Wolfe from the Polcom,” the resolution adds, _, ane in ge tit as ~ Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—Internationat Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist Party. ‘ The town is attacked by a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments and the attack is vepulsed. The town resumes its routine. Gleb works hard, planning the reconstruction of the cement works, Pee iene (LEB often came here, and when he passed he would be intoxicated with the electric whirr of the wheels, with the clashing and creaking cf the trucks, with the furious energy of the toil-drunken workers, Then he would throw aside statistics and tables and would plunge into the work of the gangs: He noted that the workers now had fae faces—no longer typhoid-blue, but sweaty and sunburnt, with tensio1 in their eyes and their bare chests heaving with effort. Good! Th resurrection of toil, Blood flowing warm, which could never grow cold again. At night he no longer waited for Dasha as formerly, he did not lock the door and went to bed early. He didn’t know at what time Dasha came home. And if he awakened for a moment to her presence, he would see Dasha sitting at the table, her head on her hand, her lips moving soundlessly, reading. In the morning, when he went to work, Dasha would smile at him with a richly blooming joy. And during the nights now—and sometimes during the day — Polia came to him, behind Dasha or through Dasha, and touched him with her curls. She came looking at him attentively, ready for a caress, with such large appealing eyes... . ALARM. HE would haye to find out for himself what the Industrial Bureau was, this impassable bulwark of the Economic Council and the factory administration. This massive r stood in his path all the time, and his questions rebounded frem it unanswered. He decided to go and learn on the spot. If necessary he wouldn’t come back, but would go straight on to Moscow, to Lenin, to the supreme Economic Coyncil, to the Council for Work and Defence—to relate everything, ummask everything, break heads, make a scandal, rouse up everyone, but get what was needed: at all costs to get the factory in real working order, See * IN the administration of the factory there was nothing but waste, inactivity, sabotage. In the Economie Council, sabotage, bureau- cracy, and some invisible internal activity which one could not fathom, The people there were all importantly businesslike, with fat portfolios, clean-shaven, like Communists. The three-storyed house shook with the bustling crowds, rushing from door to door, and every day from ten till four, you could see the side-walks near the building blocked with crowds of extraordinarily talkative people—persons who in bygone days used to hang around the safes and the stock-exchange. You onl, saw this crowd around the Economie Council. There was nothing lik it at the Department of Public Health, nor at the Department of Educa: tion, or of Social Insurance. But there were quite a lot of people also at the Department of Agriculture, at the Communal Aifministration and at the Department of Foreign Trade. 4.) 654 FORE he left Gleb went round to the Soviet Executive, to the Economic Council and to the Party Committee, collecting materials, specifications, plans and decisions. Badin gave him a letter of intro- duction to an intimate friend and comrade, a member of the Regional Bureau of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party; he also bore a letter from Shidky to a member of the Regional Control Committee. He was hurrying along the street on his way home. From the factory to his home was four versts around the curve of the bay. As he walked along it seemed as though he saw the street for the first time. It wasn’t the street of.a month ago. Then the shops with their big plate-glass windows had been empty or were used as warehouses by various departments, and the windows were dusty and. plastered with mud. But now—they were still empty, but one saw: A Delicatessen Shop will Shortly Open Here, Cafe. Orchestral Music Daily. Trading Company. Comrades, Strengthen the Alliance Between the Town and the Village! Opening Soon. He Who Does Not Work Shall Not Eat. An ironical hand had obliterated the first “not” in the last f | these sentences, whicl was on the wall of the Town Hall, and passers unaccustomed to this new combination of words, stopped, laughinz, to read: * + * ORKERS’ rations .... Pipe-lighters and smuggling ..,. Trading Company. . . . Savchuk barefooted and ragged. . Starving chil- dren in the Children’s Homes. . . . Ruin and the lapse into barbarism. ... A cafe with a string orchestra. . .. The first shop-windows com- mencing to bloom. .. . Gleb stopped suddenly, disquieted, incapable of formulating the great question which was confusedly arising. in his mind. Yes, the New Economic Policy... . Regulation and Control... Markets. . . . Food Tax. . . . Co-operatives... . Yes, cafe and string orchestra... but half a pound of rationed bread? And the Trade Union card entitling you to a share of certain necessities: a yard of chiffon, a moustache-binder, or ladies’ suspenders ? Why are the shop-windows filling so quickly? Why was there such a constraint and alarm in his soul? / ‘ Pipe * N the other side of the street he saw Polia outside a cafe. She was looking in through the window and couldn’t tear herself away. A man in a new tunic came rushing past her with a portfolio—who does not carry a portfolio now? He’ jostled her with his shoulder, pushing her away from the window. Without taking any notice she took-up her former position. Gleb crossed the street and stood shoulder to shoulder with Polia. In a minute she would notice him and would start. But she did not notice even him; she was staring into the depths of the window. There in the twilight depths shades rose from the past—seated in pairs and groups. at little tables. Cafe....In a short time. . filling. ... Out of the darkness beyond the window came the thin sound of phantom violins. Behind, on the pavement, a nasal voice spoke volubly of business: “With a stabilised currency, only with a stabilised currency. ... A journey to Sukhum.... The goods have just been delivered from abroad, freightage prepaid. ... Feluccas. ... The percentage of net profit!” . +» Hot pasties with all kinds of * * * Ge looked round and saw the lawyer Chisley. With him was a former large wine-grower on the coast. He used to meet him in the Economic Council. He met Chirsky there too. had they at the Economic Council? To hell with them! In the factory there was still the atmosphere of October, and one’s head had not yet recovered from the Civil War. But when one came to town it seemed as though a strange change had taken place and that the world had altered. Gleb playfully pulled the portfolio from under Polia’s arm. She started and gazed at Gleb in fright. He was a suppressed shriek in her eyes. “Not worth looking at those wasters, Comrade Mekhova. envious; if you are you’d better drop in and have a bite. go to the Women’s Section.” ae “Tell me, Gleb; do you understand it? I was walking along the street and staring at the windows like a fool. What has happened to me? I can’t understand it, Gleb.” “Go to the Women’s Section. the staring.” He took her arm and led her along the street. Polia threw fright- ened glances at the windows and doors of the shops, and her eyes quivered like dew-drops in the wind. “I shan’t go to the Women’s Section today. Dasha’'s there. She's a woman in a thousand, Gleb. She'll go far, you'll see. Besides, what can one say about the others, when one doesn’t even know about one’s self? Yesterday I was one thing and to-day I’m another.” “It’s shameful, Comrade, for a leader of the Women’s Section to be in a panic. You must hit out and not cry and hop around. If you feel bad, don’t show it. I'll pass off in a while if you just keep hold of yourself.” 4 ' (To be Continued) What sort of business Don’t be Come, let’s Let the real fools and scamps do jo h |