The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 12, 1929, Page 4

TRS Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JULY 12, 1929 Daily S25 Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. Published’ by the Comprodaily Sunday, at 26-28 Union Telephone Stuyvesan (CRIPTION RATES: (in New York only): 0 six months $2.50 1 (outside of New York): year .50 six months $2.00 three months and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N. ¥. three months $8.00 a year $6.06 a Address To Build a Workers Leadership. rTTHE most significant thing in the present rising militancy of the Southern workers especially, is the wide gulf disclosed between the militant masses of the workers and the old leadership of the American Federationvof Labor which seeks to insulate and shunt off into harmless channels this resentment of Labor against exploitation. In Elizabethton, the officials of the United Textile Workers’ Union, working directly under the supervision of the personal representative of William Green, the employers, and a representative of the U. S. Department of Labor, sold out a winning strike, which had defied militia and armed guards and courts, and resorted to the most vigorous mass picketing. The traitorous officialdom got away with it tem- porarily. In New Orleans exactly the same situation prevails, with the workers forcing the officialdom to go along with them, temporarily, in some unions, but with the Mahon leadership of the Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Rail- way Employees straining every nerve to sell the workers back to the company on a basis that will make the union unable to protect them from any discrimination the bosses might choose to apply. This intolerable situation can not continue. Either the workers will be tricked into submission, which means the rapid degeneration of their organizations into actual com- pany unions, or the workers will build their own leadership, and take charge of their own labor movement. The Trade Union Unity Convention in Cleveland, Au 31, will be the practical organizational results of the necessit; of militant workers in America to build their own leader- ship, as against the treacherous leadership of the A. F. of L. officials. : All unions, or local unions wishing to really fight for im- provement of their conditions, should send delegations to Cleveland, electing them immediately and getting in contact with the Trade Union Educational League, 2 West 15th St., New York, which is organizing the Cleveland conference Where local or international unions are too much con- trolled by undemocratic means by the corrupt misleaders, delegations from progressive groups in the unions will be recognized at the Cleveland Congress. The new union center to result from the Cleveland Trade Union Unity Convention will develop the only drive for the organization of the unorganized, it will fight within the unions controlled by misleaders to free them for militant ac- tion, and will unite the forces of the militant unions for a common struggle. Prove Acceptance in Mass Activity. apes Young Communist League of the Unitéd States which already made its political line that of the Communist International by the unanimous decisions of its Fifth National Convention is now further demonstrating the political basis of this unity by giving overwhelming Support to the Address of the Communist International and all those measures taken by the Central Committee of the Party in applying the Com- intern line. A concrete example of this is the unreserved endorsement by the membership and leading bodies of the League (with the exception of Connecticut) of the expulsion of Lovestone, the suspension of Wolfe from the Party Poleom and of Rubenstein and Silvis from the Bureau of the National Executive Committee of the League. A full me¢ting of the Boston District Executive Commit- tee voted unanimously for all these actions, the New York District Executive Committee was wholeheartedly for the line of the Central Committee and National Executive Com- mittee by a vote of 29 to 3; the Cleveland District Executive Committee was unanimous, the Detroit District Executive Committee the same, and so forth throughout the country. The membership of the League understands the Com- intern Address and its significance and is beginning to prove its acceptance in the field of everyday mass activity. The League membership will carry out the directives of the Young Communist International and its own Sixth National Convention to “become one of the best interpreters of the policy of the Comintern on the American question.” The League membership will fight energetically against the Right opposition, open or concealed, wherever it may appear. % taae French reservation (to the Kellogg Pact) consisted of the declaration that: “In the new agreement nothing limits or compromises in any respect the right of self- protection. In this régard every nation is justified in defend- ing its territory’against the attacks or invasions of enemies. The naiion alone is competent to decide whether circum- stances demand that resort be made to war in the interests of its own defence.” . Each nation is alone competent to decide whether the cir- cumstances make war necessary for its defence! The French reservation deprives the signatures to the Kellogg Pact of all sense—Alexis I. Rykov, Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the U. S. S. R., speaking on “The Kellogg Pact and Moscow Protocol.” Te fight for oil, rubber, cotton, coa!, potash, iron and copper is in full development. The struggle is spread over countries and continents. American world power has already undermined England's position in various branches of economy. But the new dominant big power, the United States of North America, has not yet command of the tremendous military weapon which it needs in order to make all these .still HE Polbureau is desirous The Comintern Address to the membership of the American Com- munist Party has been the most de- cisive blow against the opportunists and the right wing social-democrats in the ranks of our Party and against the perennial factionalism which has existed in the ranks of our Party since its birth. The Address of the Communist In- ternational has served to unmask all the opportunists and right wing sup- porters in our Party, the enemies of the working class, the enemies of the Comintern. The Right Danger within the unprincipled | Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their A Decisive Blow Against the Opportunists All | opinions for the Party Press. also will be printed in this section. ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York | City. Resolutions of Factory Nuclei Send all material deal- )since the beginning of the factional)come a lawyer or a doctor to “help}been the most decisive blow against | \fights in our Party. I can state to- day that I was a very loyal sup- porter of the group for I was taught by Lovestone himself at every cau- cus meeting that the Communist In- |ternational cannot and must not be defied by any unprincipled group or ‘group of leaders in the ranks of the Communist movement. loyalty which I have for the CI to- day was taught to me by Lovestone, Gitlow, etce., and I realize today that I was deceived by Lovestone’s lip service to the CI decisions. I will |do all in my power to fight against the. unprincipled factionalism, the new opposition and the right danger headed today by Comrade Lovestone. Party cannot in any way be under-| estimated for we are at a beginning towards the purification of our Party from the right wing tenden- cies and right wing elements which have prevented the growth of our |Party in the past years of its exist- ence. The line adopted by the Communist International at the VI World Con- gress, the Open Letter to’the Sixth National Convention of the American Communist Party gives to us the} correct political line based upon the decisions of the Sixth World Con- gress to fight against the right danger in our Party and for the transformation of our Party into a mass Communist Party of the American working class. Only thru a merciless and relent- less struggle can we purify our from the right danger, es- ly as it shows itself under the adership of Lovestone, Gitlow, and others. The decisiye blow against unprin- cipled factionalism has been given to the professional factionalists of our Party by the overwhelming accep- tance of the line and leadership of | the CI by the best strata of our| Party, the proletarian membership, as shown already by the many reso- lutions from sections, units and shop nuclei in the basic industries | printed in the columns of the Daily | Worker. | I want to deal in this article with some conerete form in which the right danger is showing itself in its nakedness in the ranks of our |Party. In Baltimore, Md., at a discussion of the Comintern Address and the Line of the Comintern as outlined in j the Sixth World Congress recently held in Moscow with the question of |the danger of war, the line of the right wing is shown in a statement made by an individual member of The great | the revolutionary movement.” On the danger of war against the Soviet | Union he stated, “The question is | the degree of the war danger. To me it justifies a leftism in the line of our Party. The danger of war against the Soviet Union is especial- ly exaggerated,” our Party shares in different form almost the same cpinion as ex- pressed above. | Any one who to-day has such a} line in our Party is the most danger- ous, for it tends to distract the at- tention of our Party against the danger of war against the Soviet Unjon, thus preventing the mobili- zation of the working class in the defense of the only land of the work- ers, the Soviet Union. These same individuals fail recognize the third period of post- war capitalism as outlined by the nist International and fails to recog- |nize the radicalization of the work- | ers in America as well as in Europe. Against this right danger which | still permeates our Party, every pro- letarian member must be mobilized |for a merciless clean up of our |Party of all the menshevik social democratic tendencies and of all op- portunists and oppodsitionists to the line and leadership of the Comin- tern, Against the line and, leadership of |the Communist International we find all the renegades, expelled members | jof our Party, the social reformists. the enemies of the working class, the |Communist Party and the Soviet | | Union, \ Other members of | to} Sixth World Congress of the Commu- ! the enemies of the line of the Com- munist International, It has served) to unmask the social-democratic | mensheviks in the ranks of our Par- | ty and has given the death blow | to unprincipled factionalism. i | The membership will undoubtedly support the line of the Comintern for it is the correct line for the freeing of the oppressed toiling masses of the world. | The membership of our Party has énce and for all made clear to the! unprincipled factionalist leaders of |our Party that there is no support |from the membership for those who fight the line and leadership of the j ol. The membership of our Party ;is for the CI and will always sup-| } port the CI against its enemies. | It is our revolutionary duty to} |apply more self-criticism, correct | the errors made in the past and | those that will be made in the future with merciless self-criticism. {It is our Communist duty to un- | mask all the opportunists and men-} sheviks in the ranks of our ’Party,| |expose them and expel thenr from! jour ranks. | |, Let us fight sincerely for the car-| rying out of the line of the Cl | Let us sharpen our struggle | jagainst the right danger, the op-| | portunist tendencies and the split- | ters, Let us unify our Party. Let us march forward on the path given to us by the Communist In-} ternational for the building of a mass Communist Party of the Amer-| ican working class. | —DOMENICK FLAIANI, Organ- (CEMENT T have been a supporter of the for-| our Party who is not a proletarian mer Lovestone-Ruthenberg group | but a student struggling hard to be- | American The Comintern Address to the izer, Baltimore Section, Communist Communist Party has! Party. | Disciplinary Action Against Jay Lovestone and His Supporters Has Mass Membeiship|Support, Reports Show | Demand Vigorous Application of Line of Comintern Ad Factions; “Will Lead American Workers to Final Victory.” ress as Instrument for Smashing | Continued overwhelming support by the membership of the action of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in expelling Jay Lovestone from the Party and taking disciplinary action against those who support his anti-Comintern platform is expressed in statements from functionaries and rank-and-file members of the Party. Every letfer proves that the vast majority of the Party, in accept- ing the Comintern Address and its organizational decisions, understands | completely the content of the letter which is correctly construed as an instrument for the liquidation of factionalism. * * * CONSIDERS ADDRESS VICTORY FOR WORLD PARTY S. Zubkoff, member of Section Five Bureau, District Two (New York), writes: “I greet the decision of our Central Committee in expelling ihe renegade, Jay Lovestone, from the ranks of our Bolshevik Party. “I consider the Comintern Address as a victory for the Party and for the International movement as a whole—it is the yictory of the American toiling masses. The Comintern Address is the weapon that will help our Party to lead the American proletariat to its final eman- cipation. The Address lays the basis for the consolidation of all the Bolshevik forces of our Party for a relentless fight against any mani- festation of right deviations, against conciliators and against Trotsky “I pledge my full support and all my energy to help the C. E. C. in the present enlightenment campaign, against every concealed and open opposition to the C. I. Tagey br | GREETS STEPS TO UPROOT FACTIONALISM. Charles Golosman, Unit 2F, Section 6, District Two (New Yerk), says: “I greet whole-heartedly the Comintern Address and the final deci- sion of the Comintern to take drastic steps to liquidate all facticnalism and opportunism in our American Party. “The Communist International has given the American Party #lenty of time and opportunities to correct its mistakes, liquidate factionalism and bring the Party into order. However, in spite of the repeated warnings of the C. I., the leaders of the majority and the minority kept up their factional war, thus increasing the chaos and demoralization in our Party. And our membership, instead of stopping the leaders, kept on following them blindly. - The Communist International was then compelled to take energetic measures to bring order out of chaos in the American Party. The C. I. has now spoken in unmistakable terms and it is up to us, the rank and file members, to rally to the call of the C. I. and wipe cut | all the remnants of factionalism, bureaucracy, dishonesty and petty bourgeois politi 7m, no matter where it comes from, and build up a unified, Bolshevik mass Party, under the leadership of the C. I. Oe aes, ADDRESS LAYS BASIS FOR MASS PARTY. “The Address of the Communist International is turning a new | leaf in the history of our Party, because it lays the basis for building a mass Communist Party in the United States. Its very sharpness and severity is characteristic of that Bolshevik frankness which unhesitat- ingly goes to the roots of the problem. “The logic of consistent opposition to the Communist International which leads some of our leading comrades to the point of actually pre- _ paring for a split, to violate express orders of the Commu tion to the Communist International, made the expulsion of Lovestone from the Party necessary. “The struggle against the right danger has now reached the climax. A right wing has crystallized in our Party, which, formally accepting the Address, is|struggling against it. The overwhelming majority of ‘ipline by leaving Mostow against the the Party must answer this right wing group of Lovestone and his | followers with a erushing defeat. “The enlightenment campaign must be a means to win away misled honest proletarians, to mercilessly expose the right wingers, to rid our Party of opportunist factionalism, to apply the surgical. knife of self-criticism, to strengthen the principle of proletarian discipline, to steel the Party in a Bolshevist manner for the tremendous practical tasks—to build a mass Communist Party under the leadership of the International and to build an opposi- | , the Communist International. which lasted for so many years and brought degradation for the Party. “It gives us a correct political line which lays a basis for the unification of the Party. Zf “We live in the most powerful imperialist country in the world, a | country which deminates the world markets and world politics. No | doubt that in time of war of the imperialist countries, against the | Soviet Union the United States will play the predominant role, and therefore our Party is an important section in the Comintern. And yet | we have,not yet a dies Bolshevik party. The mass Bolshevik party here | in America is still in formation. The Party is on a low ideological and | | theoretical level. “The economic situation in the United States is undergoing a change. “Factionalization, speed-up system to the highest extent, unem- ployment, wage cuts, forces the American workers to resist and fight the capitalist class, “In that struggle the workers experience that the Communist Party is the only organization which fights for the interests of the working class, that the Communists are the most vigorous and courageous element. “Yet we did not accomplish much on the political field as far as the growth of our Party is concerned. “Organizationally our Party does not make much progress. “We did not gain many new members, we even lost some of our members, we did not have a great number of votes in the last presidential election, “The main cause of these evils was factionalism in the Party. All our energy was absorbed in the factional struggles. Every move by each faction was considered from a group standpoint. The dishonest factional maneuvers brought disappointment to many of our comrades —especially to the new members, some of whom even dropped out of the Party. “If we are to form a Bolshevik mass party in America, if we are “| to penetrate and influence the American workers, then we must root out factionalism. . Every honest proletarian member of the Party mast sincerely act to accomplish this. “There can be no question of majority or minority. Anyone who directly or indirectly opposes the C. I. Address must be fought mer- cilessly. Unless we do that we will not be able to do any constructive work in the Party and organize the masses. “The expulsion of Jay Lovestone from the Party will be a warning to the Wolfes, Millers and others if they will follow the same tactics. Let nobody think that this is of great harm for the Party, as Lenin said: ‘The Party becomes stronger by purifying itself from the oppor- tunist elements.’ 4 “We must devote our energy in mobilizing the workers against the bourgeoisie, organize the uncrganized into industrial unions, build the Party, draw in new members, raise the ideological and theoretical level of the Party membership, build nuclei. throughout the country, develop organizers, propagandists and agitators, Americanize the Party, draw proletarian elements into the leadership. Great attention should be paid to the South, where a new strata of proletatians is developing. “Forward to a mass Bolshevik Party which will lead the American workers to defeat the American bourgeoisie,” . . ° " CHICAGO NUCLEUS SUPPORTS C. C. UNANIMOUSLY. . The resolution unanimously adopted by Nucleus 501; Chicago, was as follows: “We, members of Nucleus 501, District 8 (Chicago), endorse unan- imously the action of the District Executive Committee and Central Cormittee in accepting without reservations the Open Letter and the | Address of. the Communist, International to our Party. “We also endorse the action of the Central Committee in expelling Jay Lovestone as the outstanding leader of the opposition to the Com- intern and of the right wing in America. “We condemn. the action of Gitlow and Wolfe in supporting the splitting tactics of Lovestone, and we demand that immediate organ- izational measures be taken unless they Giange their attitude toward “We further commend the prompt action of che Central Committee in exposing the conciliators of the right wing such as Miller, Ruben- stein, ete., and agso the action of the District Bureau in demanding the temoval of Comrade Kruse from responsible position in view of his conciliatory tendencies. By FEODOR GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town om the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia, Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist Party. The town is attacked by a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments and the attack is repulsed. The town resumes its routine. N the front rows of the crowd, néar the Executive Chairman, hands and bodies were moving and tangling, and an enraged, deafening uproar drowned Shuk’s voice. The crowd began to sway and stagger, all arms upraised, and it seemed that the next second some mad act of violence would break out, here by the wall and entrance. “Hit them, smash them! Beat the Red-tape bastards! The swine! Our Shuk! Put him up on our shoulders! Good old Shuk! Shuk!” As before, the Executive Chairman was standing on the top steps ct the porch, dressed all in black leather, motionless, with face of bronze, gazing at the howling crowd; and his eyes were as empty as black holes, He gazed steadily without blinking, waiting for a few. moments to pass by, when the crowd would fall back on itself and again become sheep-like and subdued. But that moment did not come. Lukhava suddenly interposed. His black hair flew as did his winged hands. In a piercing, bird-like, alarmed voice, with the usual enthusiastic stress, abundantly salivated, he cut short the enraged‘ animal uproar. “Comrades, a word! Keep still and listen!” The crowd stirred and flowed backwards for a moment and out sideways along the street. Then again it pressed massively towards the porch. ‘ “Lukhava! Let’s have it, Lukhava! Comrades, Lukhava’s going to skin them! Give it to them hot, Comrade!” Lukhava’s hair was flying; his face was all sharp angles— cheek- bones, nose and chin. It seemed that his eyes were breathing: one moment flaming round and deep; then quivering under the eyelashes like two fiery points. “What the hell are you playing this silly game for here, Comrades? Stick your axes in your belts, your knapsacks on your shoulders, and march! Clothes and boots are growing on the trees in the forest! Comrades, that’s a joke, if you like; but this is how it is: in an hour we'll be starting off. The meeting-place is at the Trade Union Council house. The supplies will be loaded on lorries. _The Party Committee has appointed Comrade Shuk.in charge of supplies: Each one will be given a suit of overalls. The staff of the Forestry Department will be dealt with. Get into line and we'll get. moving.” Hr) Bot Moo and yelling, the crowd was heaving around the porch; + his arms and legs flying, Lukhava was tossed high in the air. Then the crowd marched down the street, wheeling round the corner in the direction of the docks. Badin and Lukhava, standing by the wall of the building, were glaring at each other. Then Badin spoke: “T have already reported to the proper authorities the way in which you rushed the eviction and the squeezing of the bourgeoisie. A limit has to be set to this tomfoolery, dear Comrade. What power had you to destroy the’ Forestry Department without a decision from the Soviet Executive ?~ I-shall report, this to the Regional Soviet, and then you'll all be put in your right places.” Lukhava smiled, screwing up his eyes, which were gleaming behind the lashes with laughing sparks. “Bu-reau-crat!” Again they glared at each other and then walked off in different directions. * * . WITH PERSISTENT STEP. From the windows of the factory management, straight in front on the slope could be seen the club “Comintern.” In the daytime only bare-armed, barefooted young Communist Leaguers were there, in shorts, practicing physical culture. . Farther away, in the airy distance, from the bottom to the summit of the mountain—a height of 2,500 feet—the ropeway lines stretched like cords.*! Above and below, meeting,. passing, approaching and part- ing, the trucks were crawling. In the distance they looked ‘small, like tortoises, and were gliding’ slowly and gracefully: five minutes to go up, five minutes to come down; and meeting ’every quarter of an hour. They went up empty and came down loaded with logs packed in square inasses. ‘One could see the wheels of the transmission tower swinging in various directions and angles.. From the top of the mountains, down past the ropeway, down the slope, lorries and carts were driving along the road which had been newly built up. Over there and in the wood, were working thé men of the Forestry Department, and the factory workmen were directing the ropeway. * * * Gee: as representatiye of the workers, spent whole days in the man- “agement offices of the factory. There were specialists sent by the Economic Council, who did not themselves understand the work of the factory. They had been there for a year already and were still study- ing the complex system of the works. Their hair was combed smooth, they were absolutely pale from much washing, and they wore neck-ties. They were all smooth-shaven like Englishmen, blond, and could hardly be distinguished one from the other. It was difficult to tell what they were doing at their oak desks, why they were speaking. in undertones, in confidential murmurs. Their faces were cold and official and they looked at Gleb with vague interrogation in their eyes (at the Economic Council they looked at him like this too), and they always answered his questions at first with dumb astonishment, and then in singular terms in an undertone, through the smoke of a cigarette, and with pensive idleness. And Gleb did not understand the terms which they used except ene which he had long ago learned to hate: “Bureau of Industry!” * * * wy view of Gleb’s report, the Communist Group decidad to demand a detailed report on the Factory Management at the General Meeting of the workers. It was decided that everything should be revealed with regard to the situation, and then to demand the intervention of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection. Gleb had studied the situation until he was exhausted, not believing anything by hearsay. He volun- tarily saddled himself with the difficult task ofvanalysing figures, re- ports, account books, documents, orders and specifications, Thefirst days, his heavy hands hardly, obeyed him, and his tongue positively hurt, so. many times did he, moisten his rough-skinned fingers to turn ever pages and papers. The first days his head swum and he under- stood nothing in this great pile of figures and tables. The blond, close-shaven specialists answered his questions with unctuous courtesy, gazing at him with an amazed integrogation; and behind their gaze was a well-hidden mockery and contempt. Gleb was polite to these specialists, so careful of their-toilet; he also spoke in undertones, asking silly questions which provoked a smile from them. But there were other questions, over which he had been thinking during the night, which dis- quieted them and cornered them; and then they answered with but one word: m “Bureau of Industry. . . . Economic Council. . ., Cement Trust... . Council of Labour and Defence. . . .” + * * * Ce gazed out of the window at the work of the ropeway, studied the affairs of the factory which were supposed to be known anly to the specialists, and calculated how much wood could be delivered from the «Forestry Department before the New Year, One cubic ssshin in half an hour; in a day, working two shifte, 24. In a month 600; and up to the end of the year, 4,800. It’s not much— not enough to prevent a crisis. The ropeway would have to work through the winter. ‘ ; - From the bottom of the mountain, the wood was brought away by another ropeway. The trucks like tortoises were crawling from the factory to the foot of the mountain, and thence back to the factory, passing each other; going up empty and coming down loaded. Below, the trucks were detached from the steel cable, pushed on to the lift on the top of the tower, and then descending, creaking, Communist International into the depths economic victories secure, as regards the politics of power. tah hep “We, members of this nucleus renounce our former factional al- his the geek cited heen be ri At the bottom of the shaft, in ti i i ili li and pled, 1 to fight against attempts to revive lence rails ran throug] nnels and along twinin; thi It is necessary to gain time in order to bring military arma- ADDRESS GIVES CORRECT POLITICAL LINE, jances, pledge ourselves ight against any Pp ev! is % paths, they were the factional struggle. again seized by cables and dragged into darkness; “We call upon the Central Committee and tl ments up to the level of the economic and financial position crawled back empty, and, entering the lift-shaft, supremacy.—Wilhelm Koenen in his article “After the from there they’ flew up to heb “Jack Kowiat, Organizer, Unit 7F, Section 1, of New York, writes: ‘ty to-unite the- - “The Address, of the Communist International opens a new period | Party against all anti-Comintern elements and ies, and to put | light was shimmering high above in ‘the blue, of the Kellogg Pact,” | m our Party. It tends to abolish the incipled factional struggle an end to unprincipled factionalism,” ee ie at be " (To be Continued " a 9 ae D ;