The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 11, 1929, Page 4

Page Four = hed by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., y, at 2 Union Square, 7 esant 1696-7-8. SCRIPTION R&. (Gn New York only) 3 Inc. except ¥ City AIWORK. 1 Telephone $3.00 a year three months (outside of New York) | $6.00 a year 3.50 six months $2.00 three month Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 2@-28 n Sc New York, N. ¥ are “As Soon As Conditions Permit” LL LABOR in New Orleans has been itching for days to be go into action in support of the striking street carmen, who are today waging the most heroic struggle against trac- tion barons, who are in reality the great banks. that any city in the nation has yet seen. By sheer mass persistence the 35,006 workers in the building trades, affiliated like the Carmen’s Union with the American Federation of Labor, forced a decision in favor of a sympathetic strike in support of the carmen. The best that the traitor officialdom could do was to inject a joker into the resolution, setting forth that the city-wide strike will be called only “as soon as conditions permit,” evidently feeling that they will have the decision as to when that moment will arrive. There is every indication, however, that the stubborn class resistance, that fought two attempted betray- als by the A. F. of L. reaction in the textile strike at Eliza- bethton, Tenn., lives again in the New Orleans car strike, and will smash the opposition of their misleaders with the same aggressive action with which the use of scabs to break the strike was defeated, and the fight that is sure to be waged against the strike-breaking injunction that has just been issued by a servile federal court. The New Orleans strike, like the struggles in the textile areas of Tennessee and the Carolinas, developments in the South of the general radicalization that is taking place in the ranks of the American working class as a whole, witne the A. F. of L. appearing more and more openly as a strike- breaking force of the employers, allies of the police, the , courts, and even the federal troops that may yet be drawn into the situation to attempt, with bayonets, machine guns and poison gas, to carry out the injunction order of Judge Borah. It should be very clear to the organized workers of New Orle that they must effectively smash the betrayals of their officialdom on the one hand, and on the other they must be an instrument for the organization of the unorgan- ized masses of white and Negro workers not only in New Orleans and Louisiana, but throughout the South, linking up their struggle with the national movement crystallizing in the Trade Union Unity Conference, to be held at Cleveland, Ohio, August 31. It would be an historic moment for Amer- ican labor with the delegates of the textile and car strikers, with respresentetives also of their allies in other industries of the South, coal, steel, transportation, walking arm in arm into the Cleveland Convention Hall. This would develop the radicalization of Southern Labor into definite action. Actual conditions in the present period not only permit, bu this action. Whalen Organizes Secret Police. Workers familiar with the history of the struggics of the Russian working class know that the most vicious weapon in the hands of the deposed czar was the secret police. These were not mere detectives, but spies, who, when the ruling class failed to crush the rising tide of militancy of the workers, entered the workers movement and attempted and frequently succeeded in carrying through provocations for which hundreds of workers and their leaders were framed and sent to the far Siberian wastes or to the dungeons. The provocations were varied, sometimes taking the form of planting bombs in workers’ homes and halls; then “discover- ing” the bomb and arresting those who were becoming too dangerous for the existing regime. Or sometimes the spies went to court and gave purely faked evidence against the workers, styling themselves ag ‘members” of the labor organizations. It is significant that Tammany’s police commissioner, Whalen, now resorts to the same method. There is hardly a parallel in the history of the United States, to. the persecu- tions that have been perpetrated on the working class and especially its vanguard the Communist Party during the past few years. Our best revolutionary fighters were sent to jail; our halls were raided; our picket lines broken and our pickets beaten up; many of those in our ranks who were foreign-born were deported. These methods only steeled our struggle. The capitalist class grew desperate and resorted to extreme measures. They murdered Sacco and Vanzetti. But even this did not stay the grewing militancy of the workers. The number and degree of militancy of the workers’ struggles following Sacco and Vanzetti were greater than ever before since the close of the World War. Now they have framed fifteen workers in Gastonia. Against this frame-up there is a growing movement that will strengthen the struggles of the workers even more than before, Insane with fury the bosses are introducing the bloodiest, fiercest, and most cruel weapons against the workers that the history of the working class knows: the secret police! It is characteristic of the times. It is proof that below the veneer of complacency there lies a deep-rooted fear of the bourgeoisie for the workers movement. It is proof that the analysis of the Communist International which shows a sharpening of the class struggle in this, the third post-war period of capitalist development, including the United States, is not an abstraction but a living fact. It is a warning to the workers of the need to steel their movement and its weapons; to strengthen their leader, the Communist Party; to fight even more militantly, the sooner to rid the earth of the capitalist system and all its rotten trappings. ane LATIN AMERICAN CONTINENT has become a poli- tical stage of prime importance. Like the fights in Nicaragua and Mexico, like the peasant revolts in Bolivia and the workers rebellion in Colombia, the conflict between Boli- via and Paraguay shows that the struggle between war and peace, between revolution and counter-revolution, among the | imperialist powers, and between these powers and the na- _ tional revolutionary emancipation movements, is still in the course of a constant development.—G. Deutsch: Danger of War in South America. Aina tic atin T N THE HOLLOW OF HIS HAND x HE Polbureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All Party members and particularly the comrades active in the The Third Period --- The Turn to Left and the Right Danger By DAVE GORMS The changing world situation in the present third post-war period, finds its expression in capitalist y exceeding the pre-war level, hich is based on the growth of capi- t technique and rationalization, Iting in “the accentuation of the diction between the growth of ‘oductive forces and the contra- ‘This gives rise of imperialist wars; among the imperialist states them- war of the imperialist states st. the Soviet Union; wars of national liberation; imperialist in- tervention and to sharpened class battles, (the masses), This leads to the further development of the contradiction of capitalist stabilization—to capitalist stabilization becoming still more pre- arious and the intensification of the general crisis of cay At the same time the economy of the U.S. S. R. is exceeding the pre-war level with its increasing growth of socialist forms on the basis of a new technique (the five year plan of in- dustrialization). In this period the social-democracy is moving further |to the right, which is taking on the form of social-fascism. | In short the present situation can be characterized as a period when |“the development of the contradic- tions of capitalist stahkilization in- evitably leads, in the final analysis, to the present ‘stabilization’ period cataclysms.” To conform with the changed world situation the Com-| munist International made a sharp tactical turn at the 9th Plenum of the E. C. C. IL. held in February \1928. The new line was further (elaborated and concretized by the | 6th World Congress. | In this period of sharpening con- | ‘tradictions the Right danger be- |eomes the chief danger. The Right wing in the various sections of the Comintern can only see capitalist | economy. exceeding the pre-war level and therefore conclude that capitalist stabilization is becoming more con- solidated. They refuse to under- stand that the very growth of capi- talist economy which is based on the growth of technique and rationaliza- tion leads not only to a desperate ‘struggle between the imperialist groups for markets and spheres for (the export of capital, resulting in ‘the increase of armaments and |preparations for new imperialist wars, but also to an accute intensifi- cation of the class struggle arising out of rationalization which means the growth of the permanent army of unemployed and the lowering of | the standard of living of the bulk |of the workers, This leads to capi- \talist stabilization becoming more precarious and not to consolidation. ‘In the American Party the chief source of the Right danger was the theory of “exceptionalism” that is ;that America was exempt from the \general crisis of world capitalism ips all that flows from it. In order to prepare the different workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their ~ PATLY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JULY 11, 1929 Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party | opinions for the Party Press. also will be printed in this section. ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York | City, sections of the Communist Interna-| ous right opportunist error, based | |tional to be able to meet the tasks,/on the theory of “exceptionalism.” ftward drift of the! | that confront them in the present period the Comintern took the neces- sary steps to secure the maximum guarantee that the new line will be applied in all countries. The Com- intern found it necessary to send to our Party a series of political letters ‘trying to induce the Party to apply correctly the line of the Communist International. The Address of the Communist International to the membership marks a turning point in the history of our Party. The effect of the Address will be the freeing of the Party from the straight jacket of factionalism which paralyzed the Party for many years. ; Our Party is beginning to under- stand more and more the correctness of the decisions of the Sixth World Congress, the Open Letter to the Convention and the Address to the membership. The correctness of the Comintern line is fully confirmed by such events as the gigantic strike in Lodz, the lockout in the Ruhr, strikes in France and Czecho-Slovakia, the tremendous mass struggles in India (Bombay), ete., which is taking on a revolutionary character. The huge May Ist street demonstrations in Berlin accompanied by barricade fighting, the May 1st clashes in Poland, the recent lockout of fifty thousand textile workers in Silesia the threatening lockout of 400,000 | textile workers in Great Britain, the textile strikers in Gastonia, Eliza- big response for |a revolutionary trade union center in the United States, ete. In order to fully prepare our Party | to carry out the tasks that confront \it in order to fully understand and apply the new line it is necessary |to liquidate our past errors by severe self criticism and to analyze the mistakes of both former groups. There might be a tendency in the present discussion to limit criticism to the mistakes of the former ap- posing group and the glossing over ones own errors. This would be a travesty of self criticism. We must objectively and critically analyze the past errors of both former factions. The most important mistakes of both former groups were based on the theory of “exceptionalism.” The former minority while it correctly condemned |the theory of “excep- tionalism” which was first advanced by Lovestone and Pepper right after the 9th Plenum of the ECCI by stat- ing that the new line of the 9th Plenum was not applicable to Ameri- ca, nevertheless, in their thesis in capitalism, the minority made seri- Right Opposition to the Comintern’ | While the thesis correctly pointed | out the primacy of the internal con- | | tradiction, it failed to connect it up| with the external contradiction and | iwith the general crisis of world | capitalism. The failure to connect By Bill Fanning | Resolutions of Factory Nuclei Send all material deal- can and should fight against, we can and should fight against imperialism, annexation, etc, to which Lenin 're- plies, “The result is a slurring-over and a concealment of the most pro- found contradictions of the latest stage of capitalism, instead of an exposure of their depth The result | | | eaten up with bureaucracy, the loafers! up the inner and outer contradic- | is bourgeois reformism instead of tions is a non-dialectical and there-| Marxism,” (“imperialism”), Further fore a non-Marxian approach to the | on Lenin continues: “Instead of the question. The inner contradiction | @nalysis of imperialism and the ie. the disproportion between the | demonstration of its deeply-rooted growth of the productive forces and| internal contradictions, we have the lagging behind of markets, the Nothing but the ‘innocent desire’ of tremendous accumulation of capital the reformists not to see these con- resulting from monopolist control | tradictions, and not to mention them with a limited field of investment at |to all,” (“imperialism”), The Ad- home leads to the outer contradic-| dress correctly concludes that “put- tions—the struggle between the rival | ting the question of inner and outer imperialist powers for markets and |CMtradictions in a wrong way... for spheres of export of capital,|!ed to the obscuring of the inner which results in increased armanents |COMtradictions of American capi- and On the other hand, the talism.” The obscuring of the inner | outer contradiction still more in-|COmtradictions of American capi- |tensify the inner contradictions, by |‘@lism in the very heart of the theory the bourgeois trying to meet the |°f “exceptionalism,” the chief source competitions of the other powers |! the right errors of the former | | By FEODOR Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist Party. The town is attacked by a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments and the attack is repulsed. The town resumes its routine. . * os 'HE workmen of the Forestry Department filled the street in front of the Economic Council. In rags, unshorn, their faces ingrained with dirt as though they had just come from work, their axes at their belts, they were pushing on the front door; eyes bulging, they were bellowing and yelling as at a meeting, and some sighed deeply without words. The doors of the Economic Council were locked; and the crowd were trampling on the cobbles and on the side-walks, crushed against the walls and doors. In front, against the door, the first-comers were | shouting in hoarse cracked voices. “Bring the Economic Council here! The rascals of the Forestry Department! Hand over those thieves and robbers, bandits! What's the Cheka doing, It should look out of its eyes and not out of its backside! Let’s see the Communists! What are they doing there behind the doors?” Other workers were seated on the pavement or leaning in compact | rews with their backs against the walls, chewing their bread rations. They sat in the sun, stupified by the heat, the smell of asphalt and the fiery dust. Half-dozing, they were looking lazily through their eye lashes at their comrades ‘: the crowd who had gone crazy; or perhaps they looked at nothing but just spoke quietly and idly, amusing them- selves by spitting on the pavement, or went in groups round the corner to the gate of the courtyard to urinate, jostling elbows and shoulders. ‘ ‘Age at once Shuk jumped up on the steps of the porch and waved his arms; a hush descended upon the crowd. “Comrades, listen!” And Shuk raised his hands again above his head. Then he took off his cap and holding it up in the air, gazed at the crowd in a threat- ening, bowine way. Even from the edge of the crowd one could see the drunken moisture in his eyes. “Comrades, I know this bunch of loafers all right. . * Look, Com- | rades, I’ve tied them up with a good rope.” Grinning broadly, Shuk made a gesture as though he were twisting | someone’s neck and continued: “T unmasked them all; I’ve stood them up against a wall! They’re We of the working-class, we know how to tackle them! You haven’t seen them, but I have. They wear braces and wipe their nosés with handkerchiefs. Have we got braces? Have we got this impossible stupidity of handkerchiefs and expensive false teeth? They’ve put all the gold into their false teeth. But I uncovered them, Comrades!” ONLY those in the front row could see how Shuk suddenly stumbled down the steps of the porch and, astounded, came flat up aginst the wall on the pavement. In his place there stood Badin, Chairman of the Soviet Executive, His face was immovable, his eyes lustreless. This was no man, but a bronze idol. He commenced speaking quietly and clamly, as if he were in his office; but his voice was distinct and resonant. “Comrades, in our town there are twenty thousand organized pro- letarians. Of these twenty thousand, you, just a small group, come here yelling as though at a country fair; with your squabbling you're shame- fully disorganizing the orderly ranks of the revolutionary workers. It’s disgraceful and criminal, Comrades! What’s it all about? What do you want? Haven’t you a Trade Union? Is there no working-class machin- ery through which, without wasting time, you could have put forward all the questions which are exciting you now, and through which they could have been decided as urgent matters?” * * * Tr crowd swayed and exploded in an uproar of voices mingled with the stamping of feet. “Bring the robbers here! Bring the thieves of the Forestry Depart- ment! We shan’t return to work! We want clothes—food! We're not convicts! Robbers, sons of bitches!” Badin raised his hand. His expression did not change; it was as before, immovable and metallic, hard as bronze. “T didn’t come here to argue and quarrel with you, Comrades. All your demands, which will be presented by your delegates, through your Soviet organs and the Trade Union Council, will be satisfied. Go back to your places in a quiet and orderly manner. And remember that, in these difficult days for the Republic, every hour of idleness brings irre- parable damage on the economic front, and the blame will fall only on you, You won't be able to wash out the shameful stain you are putting on our proletariat. It has performed too many heroic deeds to submit tc this disgrace. It’s not all of you who have engineered this humiliat- ing move; it’s just a few individual instigators. od | bethton, the strikes in New York, the | growing into a period of gigantic) dealing with the crisis of American | through further rationalization, which means the increased exploita- |tion of the working class resulting in the leftward swing of the masses. | |The minority, therefore, by not un- derstanding the relationship between the inner and outer contradictions jnot only underestimated the war danger, but also the leftward swing ‘of the masses. And to consider the \erisis of American capitalism separ- ate and apart from the general |underestimation of the revolutionary | Perspectives for Europe and Ameri- ca. With Lovestone and Pepper openly |championing the theory of “excep- |tionalism” it was therefore no acci- dent that the majority theses over- estimated American imperialism, stressed the primacy of external con- tradictions instead of the internal contradictions and underestimated the leftward swing of the masses. | The insistence on the primacy of the external contradictions, shows a lack of understanding of the development of imperialism and its laws. If one | denies that the struggle for markets and spheres for the export of capi- tal (external contradictions) is the outgrowth of the inherent contradic- control of production and tremend- ous accumulation of capital with its limited home market, then one falls into the mire of opportunism of the brand of Karl Kautsky, the theoroti- cian of the Second International who states that, “Imperialism is not modern capitalism. It is only one of the forms of its policy. (Em- phasis mine—DG) This policy we Correction in Weinstone’s Article In the article of Comrade Weinstone on “The Line of the American ”” published in the Daily Worker of | July 9th, the following typographical error occurred: The sentence in the last paragraph reading “A course of determined crisis of world capitalism is a gross | |tions of imperialism, i.e, monopolist | opposition to, and of ruthlessly uprooting opportunist ideology in the Party ...” through a typographical error read: “A course of determined opposition, of ruthlessly supporting opportunist ideology in the Party..” i majority. ; On the question of the Trotsky- | ism the former minority made seri- |ous political errors. On Oct. g when Cannon indicated his intention to fight the Comintern on the Trot- skyist platform, we elected him to j be our “steering committee” at the Party membership meeting in New York. At the membership meeting Cannon, Schachtman and Abern gave additional proof that they were Trotskyists and instead of im- mediately taking the matter to the Poleom we engaged in a long theo- retical discussion with them about Trotskyism as if they were honest proletarians trying to be “clear-up.” Finally, after we expelled them from our faction, we had many meetings which were marked by hes- itation and wavering on the ques- tion of bringing the matter to the Party, putting the interests of the faction ebove the interests of the Party. All of the above showed po- litical weakness, confusion and un- derestimation of the Trotskyist danger by the former minority. I fully agree with Comrade Brow- der that the declaration of reserva- tions of the minority in the Sixth | World Congress was a major polit- ical error, Tt showed that the former minority did not understand the decisions of the Congress. At the same time the minority error of reservations became a_ factional handy instrument in the hands of Lovestone, Pepper and others. While campaigning under the banner of “loyalty” to the Communist Inter- national and against the reserva- tions cf the minority it enabled them to conceal before the member- ship their opposition to the line of the Sixth Congress. On the question of fighting the right danger the former minority | made the error of considering all ma- jority supporters as right wingers. On the other hand, the minority | did not fight the right elements in its own camp. Both groups har- bored right elements groups made right arzore which these intriguers and disruptors! me—Shuk. for his arrest at once.” I know who they are, Here’s one now who spoke just before I’ve known him for a long while. I shall make an order Hardly had Badin finished, when Shuk, all disordered, pale, with eyes starting from their sockets, began to jump up and down in front of Badin, howling piercingly like a dog. . “It’s not true! can’t stand this——.” Not true! Comrades, it’s a lie—! Comrades, I (To be Continued) SS see shows the seriousness of the right danger in our Party. Both groups were guilty of unprincipled faction- alism, “which is also an expression of opportunism.” Factional corrup- tion has penetrated deep: into our Party, which was threatened with degeneration. The Open Letter to the Convention which was designed to destroy factionalism and unite the Party on the line of the Com- munist International was faction- ally distorted by interpreting the organizational proposals has “hand- ing over the leadership of the Party to the minority.” The former min- ority, on the other hand, tried to utilize the Open Letter and organ- jzational proposals “as an instru- ment for getting the leadership of the Party into its own hands,” in spite of the fact that it was clear that the minority group were not the “chosen people” of the Commu- nist International. I want to point out, however, that it would be in- correct that in order to “prove” that the ‘Party leadership is not being “handed over” to the former min- crity, not to assign comrades of the former minortiy group who are car- rying out the line of the Commu- nist International to responsible work. Some comrades hold the opinion that while unprincipled factionalism is not permissible, “principled” fac- tionalism is not bad and they smug- gle in the names of Marx and Lenin to “prove” their argument. These comrades claim that Marx and Lenin were leaders of factions in fighting both | their political enemies. This is not anreaot, Maxx foucht against s Proudhon, Bakunin and others as the leader of scientific socialism, against Utopian socialism and petty- bourgeoisie anarchism. Lenin, as the leader of Bolshevism, fought against mansheviem and all forms of op- Portunism in the Russian Socialist Democratic Labor Party and in the Second International. The Bolshe- | vik and manshevik groups in the R. S. D. L. P. were in reality two parties, but in a Communist Party the two-party system (and two or- ganized factions in that very thing) is impermissible, and Lenin never or- ganized a faction into the Bolshevik Party. When differences of opin- ion based on principle arise a real objective discussion is impossible in a factional situation. The Party is now confronted with a right wing opposition, led by Comrades Gitlow and Wolfe. whe are connected with Yay Lovestone outside the Party on the one hand, and, on the other hand, with the In- ternational right wing inside the Comintern. This right wing oppo- sition is opposed to decisions of the Sixth World Congress, the Open Letter and the “Address” to the membership and are attempting to split the Party. The Party must act decisively and unhesitatingly. In this it will receive the unreserved support of the membership of our Tarty. The concealed opposition, which is more dangerous than the open opposition, must be ruthlessly exposed. and isolated. At the same time we must mob- ilize our Party for greater activity end application of the new line to the huge task Be 4 % 7 [