The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 8, 1929, Page 4

Eee area three months three month: 28 Union Square = and mail all checks to the Dally Worker, 2 New York, N. ¥. Workers in France Prepare | tor International Red Day (C d from Page One) and the measures of persecution adopted by the bourgeoisie play an important role in this connection, though these reasons do not suffice a for certain failures of the Party in the mobilization of the The Central Committee of the Party has profited by the experience gained in previous fights and thus made the demonstration at the ves of the Communards into a proper militant demonstration, ex- pressive of the will to fight on the part of the exploited classes and of ess in the work of the Party. pros The following are the general presumptions under which the pre- ns for the Anti-War Day in France are being made: The centre istrial districts, especially in the factories devoted to the armament tion industries, as also at strategic points of the traffic stem and in the ports. We shall take care that the campaign is not merely superficial and without connection with the daily struggle of the workers, which can only develop within the bounds of an immediate perspective. An enhanced attention to the daily requirements of the ers and to the strike movement is absolutely essential. It is only in such measure as the Party can co-ordinate and develop the fight of the masses against exploitation, that it can Succeed in really recruiting the workers for the fight against imperialist wars. In regard to strikes the Party must display the political character of the conflict if it is to make the workers understand that their efforts must be directed against the trinity of the employers, the state, and the social democrats. Our fractions within the trade unions will raise the question of a participation of the unions in the International Day and the preparations therefore; the same applies to all mass organ- izations on the basis of the revolutionary class struggle. In explaining to the workers the political and economic problems which exist in the Seviet Union by showing up the preparations of the imperialists for an attack on the Soviet Union, by systematically setting forth the nificance for the workers of the first proletarian state, and by a detailed discussion of all reports of the bourgeois press against the Soviet Union, we shall be imbuing the masses of workers and pea: ith the principle of a defense of the Soviet Union by all possible nu We are increasing, and shall continue to increase our fight again the social-democrats, by waging it in a less abstract form and by mak- ing use of all the small day events which support our thesis of the transformation of the social-democratic party into a bourgeois labor party (the support by Levillain and Fiancette of the congratulatory address to the Prefect of Police, Renaudel’s report on expenditure for aviation, the alliance between the socialists and the bourgeois parties against the Communists at the municipal elections, Gouin’s motion of a law condemning the Communists as common criminals and the strike- breaking operations of the social-democrats, etc. The disclosure of the mendacious character of all talk on disarma- ment, the fight against chauvinist corruption, industrial mobilization and the different forms of technical preparations for war, an explana- tion of the nature of persecution—all these are important tasks for the Party. Its anti-militarist efforts wil be carried on with greater en in particular the development of connections between the peas- and workers on the one hand and the soldiers on the other and the advocacy and support by the workers of the government of the sodiers for the satisfaction of their demands. The unmasking of persecution as a means of preparing for im- | perialist wars is of particular importance, particularly at a moment when the bourgeoisie with the aid of the social-democrats is increasing its attacks on the revolutionary proletariat and its organizations. The Party will see to it that the fight against persecution fosters the move- ment of the masses against imperialist wars. Great significance attaches to the conquest of the streets by ihe proletariat and the holding of street demonstrations; the Party must put an end to the indifference which has long obtained in the creation of formations for self-defense. We have started ¢ the political and technical experiences made in Berlin and in Poland. At the same time we have started agitation and propaganda for the purpose of gaining the workers’ participation in formations for the defense of the working class, in which respect we have taken into con- sideration the experiences of our own demonstrations, our observations as to the attitude of the authorities in connection with strikes and dem- onstrations and the increasing brutality of the police, who fire without provocation at unarmed workers (witness the murder of a workman by a constable in the Rue Curial in Paris). Without waiting till August First, we are endeavoring to give ihe campaign the character of a development of the mass struggle. The constantly growing strike wave is one of the best means of preparing for August First. Im the course of this campaign we shall endeavor to organize street demonstrations and manifestations in the works. The same applies to the fight of the soldiers, sailors, and members of the military reserve. This fight is constantly on the increase. Only recently 600 reserve men demonstrated at Arras, refused to work, and for three quarters of an hour marched the streets singing the “Inter- national.” Our work for the united front is not being neglected. So as to include broad masses of unorganized workers in the preparation of the Anti-War Day, our Party intends, both locally and in the works, to establish Committees for the International Anti-War Day. These com- mittees will not consist of representatives of organizations, but will stand for the realization of the united front from below, the united front of worker§ against the bourgeoisie and the social-democrats. So as to unite the activity of these different committees and give the Party the possibility of ascertaining the sentiments of the masses, thereby binding them more closely to us, we shall hold district con- ferences. These conferences of the workers and peasants will take place in the industrial centers. The Party has planned seven such district conferences viz. (1) district of Paris, (2) northern area with the par- ticipation of the works of St. Quentin, (3) metal industry of Briey and Lorraine, with inclusion of the works of the Ardennes, (4) Alsace- Lorraine, (5) industrial district of Lyons, (6) Marseilles; (7) a distriet conference uniting the shipyards of Cherbourg, Brest, Lorient, and St. Nazaire, the chemieal works of Nantes, and the seamen and fishermen of the coastal area. At the same time, the foundation of a workers’ fund is planned, on the basis of collections in the towns and villages and contributions on the part of the revolutionary organizations. Throughout all these struggles we shall not fai! to keep sight of the strengthening of the Party and the trade unions by the recruitment of the most active workers of both sexes and by climination of sceptical elements from leading positions. On this general basis, which is merely an outlitie of the prospective work of the Party, the districts are beginning to mobilize. It is time, however, for the entire Party to redotble its efforts, (B WAS NOT THE INTENTION of the imperialist powers ‘ signing the Kellogg Pact to renounce war in actual prac- tice; this may be seen not only in the actual increase of ar- maments, but in*the formal reservations made by the leading European great powers towards the Pact, reservations in some cases, Great Britain and France for instance, practically annuling their signatures—A. I. Rykov, chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the U.S.S.R., speaking on _ “The Kellogg Pact and the Moscow Protocol.” : ‘HE LATEST STRUGGLE between Hungary and Czecho- slovakia is another proof of the dozen war-provoking ers spawned by. the Varsailles Peace Treaty. activity is to be in the works, and the main work will be done in the | Te Polbureau is desirous By MAX BEDACHT The following series of articles represents extracts from speeches delivered by Comrade Bedacht, as representative of the Central Com- mittee, to Functionaries’ meetings in New York, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland and Pittsburgh. This series is devoted to some main political be used as an outline by. agitprop workers in the enlightenment cam- paign. But special care must be taken in localizing and concretiz- ing the self-criticism, as well as the immediate political tasks in the light of the Comintern Ad- dress (questions which were dealt with by Comrade Bedacht in his previous articles). ital Seen 3 VI. Immediate Tasks. The constructive value of the Comintern decision and the revolu- tionary benefits for the Communist Party of international leadership can be demonstrated only in the ap- plication of the Communist Inter- national decisions. As long as we fail to transform the line and the decisions of our International Party into living manifestations of strength, vitality and effectiveness of our Party the principles of inter- national leadership remain an ab- straction to the masses. Only in so far as this leadership demonstrates itself in action and impresses the workers with its value, will it be- come a most important principle for the working masses. The primary task before us now is, therefore, the adaptation of our activities to the line of the Communist International Gecisions and the working out of the concrete tasks cnumerated in the de- cisions, Our American Communist Party is still in the making. It is just on the threshold of its stage.as a Com- munist mass Party of revolutionary |action. Our Party has carried with it, for a long time, the eggshells of its former socialist existence. This is but natural; however, there must be an end to this past heritage. The socialist movement of the United States has never penetrated i very deeply into the working class. {The adaptation of socialist propa- ganda and action to American con- | ditions, which was. utged again and questions and may DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JULY 8, 1929 THE VULTURE THIRSTS FOR BLOOD— of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their All letter to their American friends and followers, was never really com- |pleted by the socialist movement, |and wherever this adaptation was | realiy attempted it was in the sense of reformism. Instead of adapting the propaganda to the ideology of |the American working masses in or- der to change this ideology into | class-consciousness, socialist propa- ganda was adapted to the ideology jof the American working masses by jchanging its class basis and adul- terating it into a petty e018 bourg socialism. Because of the theoretica! weak- |ness of the American socialist move- !ment all its left wing tendencies and developments suffered from the influences from this basic disease. They appeared primarily as spon- taneous proletarian class reaction to the petty bourgeois tendencies and activities of the socialist party and suffered from the basie shertcom- ings of spontancity, a lack of a | scientific theoretical foundation. | They developed in most cases the |same shortcomings as the socialist party, but in an inverted form The “mass appeal” of the socialist party which blurred class’ lines in order to reach “wider masses,” found its left counterpart in: sectarianism; the pure and simple parliamentarism of the socialist party which pictured the emancipation of the working class as a legislative act executed not by the masses but by its repre- sentatives in legislative bodies found its left counterpart in anti-parlia- mentarism; the affinity of the so- cialist trade union leaders with the. Gompers machine found «ils left counterpart in “pure” left unions and in syndicalism; the neglect. by the socialist party of systematic propaganda of the theories of so- cialism found’its left counterpay in the conception of a preparation for revolution only through the class- |room by teaching socialist theory. Our Communist Party, when it was formed in 1919, embodied all of those inverted diseases of the so- cialist movement of the Uni States. Its early, existence was spent with fighting out withh itself tions «long the straight line of | Marxism-Leninism as embodied in the line and resolutions of the Com- intern. Especially deep-going were these inner conflicts immediately after the second world congress of the Communist. International. Only the last two years of our Party’s life showed signs of the again by Marx and Engels in their | Party freeing itself from these fet- { a all of those contradictory concep- | Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party opinions for the Party Press. also will be printed in this section. Send, all material deal- ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York City. The Comintern Address to Our Party ters. In spite of the slow progress | of the raising of the ideology of our Party there has gradually taken place a unification of the Party’s conception on the basis of the Com- munist International line and resolu- tions on all contentious questions, such as praliamentarism, trade | union work, mass action, etc. This unification process in the concep- of the Party has finally cre- ated the basis for the transforma- tion of Party from a propaganda sect into a mass Party of action. Bat only the first steps in this transfcrmation have been made. |The needs of the class struggle in | the third period, the demands. that | will be made upon our Partv as a leader of the working class in this veriod, peremptorily demand a con- scious acceleration of the process of this transformation. The Commu- |nisé International decision not only jealls this fact to the attention of | | our Party, but also outlines and de- mands definite steps in that direc- tion. The unreserved acceptance of the |Communist International decisions | demands of us that its constructive Turpose be understood and applied Qut of the campaign for the Com- | munist International decision, there- | fore, there must grow very specific | plans of action for the Party. There is first the question of pro- | lctarianization, This problem is | not merely a problem of a mechan- | ical improvement in the proletarian composition of our. Party. Tt is in reality the problem to drive the jvoots of the Party deeper into the working class. We cannot confront the pro-capitalist ideology and ac- tivity among the workers with our own revolutionary propaganda and organization of proletarian action if we are not where the workers are | Every factory that is without a Communist nucleus means a group ef workers with whom we are not in touch and whom we leave without struggle to the influences of the | bourgeois propaganda of the ecapi- _talist class, its state apparatus and its henchmen in the labor. move- ment. Mobilization for the class war as the only decisive means of fighting the imperialist war is un- thinkable without Communist nu- clei in the war industries and in the basic industries of the country. The application of the Communist International decisions demands of us that every leading committee of the Party make immediate plans and mobilize the membership for the execution of these plans, for the By Wm. Gropper Resolutions of Factory Nuclei | systematic building of shop nuclei in all industrial establishments. Another important and immediate problem arising in connection with the application of the Communist International decision is an imme- | diate and intensive campaign for the | political activization of the Party | units. Our Party units are at pres- ent not generators but consumers of the revolutionary energy of our members. They jack political life. They stifle revolutionary energy in deadly routine. They are very lit- tle or not at all concerning them- selves with the political problems | of the workers in the “territory in | Which, these units exist. Street nu- | clei exist in most exclusive secrecy. | The workers in the streets in which | they exist have no chance to be- | come acquainted with their exist- | ence, nor do they ever come in touch with their activities. Neighborhood problems, housing, schooling, etc., so important to workers and prole- tarian parents, do not in the least concern our units. The application of the Communist International de- cisions demands categorically that this lifeless existence of our Party units be changed into throbbing ac- tivity. These activities of all our units must find their unifying slo- gans and aims in a struggle for so- cial insurance, in activities on be- half of and by the unemployed and in definite action toward the organ- ization of the unorganized. As an auxiliary for the penetra-. tion of the industries by our nuclei, giefinite plans must be made for the crganization of shop committees wherever it is possible to establish eny contact. The activities of these shop com- mittees must have a very definite aim of winning the workers for or- ganization of the economic strug- gie. In these activities it will be possible to develop and find the most acvanced of the workers in the establishments as recruits for our existing or to be newly organized shop nuclei. At present special’ emphasis must be put upon the mobilization for the International Red Day and anti-im- perialist demonstration on the first of August, and for the Trade Union Unity Convention in September. In these activities the discipline of the Party must be established; factionalism must be liquidated, and constructive self-criticism must be applied as the best weapon against By FEODOR CEMENT tuspvov Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years, She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist Party. The town is attacked by a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments. With him is Serge, a Bolshevik intellectual, who is a devoted Party worler. He and Gleb engage in a discussion while awaiting developments in the night. Spee Se, SWE: that isn’t so important. What will be, will be. History goes its way. . What’s important to me, damn it all, is how we're going to get a move on with the work, We’ve set up a rope- way and these swine have broken it down again. We'll have to start everything from the beginning again. We’ll get the factory working, I thought, and then this band of robbers got going. It’s interfering with our work, that’s what’s so disgusting.” “You think too simply, Chumalov. Your brain’s been put to- gether with bricks, clean cut, in an economic way. The cells in my brain are like birds in a cage.” “What a head you must have then, Serge! It’s not good to keep such creatures in your brain; they ery out—. And you can’t let them cut, it only makes a lot of noise for nothing.” * The night yawned from its limitless depths, and the ominous fires continued to wound the darkness. The flames flew restlessly like owls, and the electric floods in the far clouds inspired one with a mysterious dread. The great hour was approaching, There, beyond the moun- tains, among the red-hot torches, in the narrow valleys, there lay the beast which they had not yet slain. He was moving unseen from the Cossack villages. The bearded Cossacks were coming in a horde, grinning like man-eaters, with whoop and yell and swords empurpled with blood. The Cossack villages would release their thousands to come on across the land like a swarm of locusts, covering with smoke and blood the fields, the mountains and the feathery grass of the steppes. The mountains and woods swarmed with human beasts. In the daytime they hid in the thickets and caves or walked in the town, masquerading as friends of the revolution. They were everywhere: in the ranks of the Red soldiers, in the offices of the Soviets and in the houses of the peaceful, harmless, petty bourgeois. Who could point them out, name them, erush them as one would adders? And when the night came they crawled out, concealed by the darkness, to do their treacherous work. Now they were lighting their signal fires, and the fires were burning bright and flying about the fields, beckon- ing, searching and laughing, with the sinister laughter of birds of prey. Seuis . ies metallic clatter of a wagon was heard over the high road. The hoof-beats of a tired horse were plainly audible. Sleepily, hoarsely, voices were muttering indistinctly. Their rifles under their arms, Gleb and Serge went along the road which disappeared into the profound obscurity, Everything, the earth and the woods, was sinking in this darkness; as there was noth- ing upon which to rest the eye everything appeared to Serge unreal, immaterial, At each step one’s heart beat faster, as though one would put one’s foot down here and instead of a hard road find a swamp or black precipice. They could clearly see the horse:. Its head was-dimly lit by the far-off flashes and the: fires-on the mountains. There were black shadows on the cart. There were many of them, the wagon appeared very high and big. : “Halt! Who goes there?” Gleb, in the middle of the road, stood before the horse with his rifle advanced. “Wounded!” “The pass-word?” “What the devil’s the matter with you—pass-word! bandaged heads?” “How are things up there?” : “Go and have a look: take your part in the game—then you'll learn. The rats have crawled inte their holes and we're firing: . . . They’ve been dosing us with shrapnel. . . . It doesn’t matter. We're arranging some good traps for the sons of bitches, They’re squeaking and jumping like pigs. We caught about fifty officers and flogged them to bits. They were rolling their eyes like toads. Two little sis- ters have been amusing the chaps today—they nearly laughed their guts out. We stood them up on the edge of a rock within aim. One of them screeched: ‘Beasts, dirty fellows!’ And then—head over heels, over she went! Then the other: ‘Loafers, barefooted rascals!’"—and then, over she went. It was a performance, I tell you!” “What about the reinforcements—do you expect any?” “What the devil for? We won't be long finishing them off, Cas- ualties—not many dead. And wounded—here’s the first lot. The rest are in the trenches. Our chaps are all round them up there, they’re Can’t you see our trapped. They can’t move, advance or retreat. We've got the base tards!” “That’s brave fellows!—Forward!” * * * THE PRISONER WITH THE EMPTY SLEEVE. T= mountains bloomed like gardens of flame. The sheet-lightning from the guns was shimmering over the-sea in the mist. Serge and Gleb, rifle in hand, like silent shadows, were ascending the slope among the bushes. Fire burst out in flashes before them, leaping over the ragged clumps of bushes, scattering sparks, dying out and then rising like a flaming bird. They passed by the slaughter-house. The fence was gone—it had been destroyed. There were gaps in the doors and windows. Perhaps thsre were enemies there also ready to shoot. ‘ “Soft as a cat, Serge; don’t touch the bushes. Hold your rifle more firmly, We're going to catch him alive.” Gleb went stealing along, his body stretched like a dog. Serge was full of a vague joyousness. He was -unconsciously smiling, his ayes fixed on the fire. His hands and feet shook, as though he were flying, dizzy-winged, down the heights. Broken cobwebs were stick- ing to his face. His eyelashes. were wet and glistening. Warm fer- mented airs arose among the bushes; it was the cooling stones breath- ing. And the spring leaves of the elms and birches were breathing. into the air. The night was deceptive: objects seeming sometimes near and then far away. But the man there was clearly seen, illuminated by the torch, He was running up the mountain in,a zigzag course, turning every now and again and raising his right arm above his head; his silhouette was lopsided. His military shirt and cap were fiery at their outlines. The right sleeve dangled like a rag. Gleb and Serge crouched down, they looked at cach other closely, and they understood each other. Pepe * “HE must be taken alive, Chumalov, absolutely! : Don’t you see?” “All right, don’t muddle it, and we'll catch him. Now, watch him—. With all your eyes!” : The blood was thumping in Serge’s temples. ‘There were so many men with only one arm, There were so many of them now. They always caused him a certain disquiet, and in’ their empty sleeve he felt a threat and a blow. His brother too had an empty sleeve. He also wandered about like a mysterious phantom. Y Su The armless man stopped and attentively listened about him. He stood with his back turned to them and they caught his profile for a moment when he turned his head. And in this illuminated instant Serge seemed to recognize the familiar cruel beak, , A flame leapt up like a fiery serpent and dashed into the bushes like a rocket. The darkness betame thick. A few steps were heasd on the stones, and the bushes began to murmur as though from © light gust of wind. EN SRO 4 “God damn it! He's slipped off! After him, Serge!+ We must corner him!” : 3 Gleb dashed into the bushes, kicking the stones with his heels and disappeared into the darkness. Pebbles and «rubbish: were cracking under his feet and flying aside like fragments of glass. Serge leapt after him and again he felt that he was growing light as air, winged » as a bird, and was flying towards the shimmering glare in the sky the right danger. : fs (To Be Continued.) Zit es ey = and the mountain fires. Pe ‘ WER EE “Halt, you bastard, or I'll shoot! Halt}”" (Tor bet continmad iN