The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 6, 1929, Page 4

: Page Four Baily Bas Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. daily Publishing Co., n Square, New Y Cable TION RATE ew York ) nths $2.50 e of New York) $6.00 = year nths Adéress and mail all checks to the Daily New York, Inc... D: except K e ork City, “DAIWORK.” $8.00 a year three months Worker, x DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JULY 6, 1929 HE Poibureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their A Warning to Conciliators NTATIVES of eleven Communist Parties in ending the recent 12th Congress of the Ger- st Party, joined in a declaration setting forth ere in complete agreement with the speech of the e of the Executive Committee of the Commu- onal delivered at the Congress. ement declares that the concil > have taken over the role of right wingers and new right wing fraction inside the Pa The ned that if they continue their activities have set out upon, they will share the The statement follows: ae eERes man ( that th repre tors in the Ger- Germany is of international political significance. it meets after great struggles of the German proletariat in the Ruhr and on the barricades on the First of May in Berlin. The First of May was a turning point which p new great revolutionary tasks before the Communis Party of Germany. The Congress gathers the experience of the struggle, examines the previous policy of the Par- ty and concretizes the further tasks of the Communi movement in Germany. The policy of the Communi: Party of Germany and the policy of the Party Congress are in complete accord with the policy of the Sixth Con- gress of the Communist International and the policy the Executive Committee of the Communist Inte tional. At this Party Congress the Communist Party Germany has demonstrated how closely it is connected with the masses of workers in the factories, how deeply it is rooted in the proletarian masses and how much its influence has grown. “The undersigned representatives of the Com nist Parties declare themselves in complete agree: with the remarks of the representative of the Comm International regarding the right wing elements. conciliators have taken over the role of the right w ers in the Communist Party of Germany and founded a new right wing fraction inside the Party. “The whole Communist International must warn the conciliators that if they continue their activity al lines laid down in their memorandum, they w the fate of the expelled liquidators. The clea the ranks of the Communist Parties from the liquidators is a proof of the great ideological and organizational pro- cess of consolidation of the whole Communist Interna- tional, the intensified ideological arming of the prole- tariat and the preparation of its revolutionary advance guard for the coming revolutionary struggles. ‘ “We are convinced that the Twelfth Congress of th Communist Party of Germany will make a great step forward upon the path of the revolutionary struggle of the German proletariat and of the whole Communist world movement. “Long Live the Communist Party of Germany! “Long Live the Communist International!” The declaration. was signed by. representatives of the following Communist Parties: France, Great Britain, Czecho- slovakia, Italy, Poland, Belgium, Sweden, Norway, Ausiria, Switzerland and the Balkan Federation. Other signatures are lacking only because representa- tives of the remaining sections of the Communist Interna- tional were unable to be present. This includes especially our own Party. The international political significance of the warning to the conciliators, who take over the role of the right wing- ers, consists in the fact that it applies not only to Germany, but to all countries. Too much emphasis cannot be placed on its application to the conciliators in our own Party, those who at first joined in accepting the ‘Address of the Commu- nist International, but who now oppose the expulsion of Love- stone and refuse to aid in combatting the splitting polic of Comrade Gitlow and Wolfe. It is very clear, therefore, that it is impossible for our Party to join in the ideological and organizational process of consolidation of the Communist International unless our Party combats successfully all conciliatory tendencies. The Party of the Proletariat—and the Party of the Petty Bourgeoisie Already before the last election campaign it became evi- dent that the socialist party had become a party of the middle class. The Communist Party clearly pointed this out and showed that the S. P. had been entirely severed from ‘any working class character. This year Norman Thomas, emerging as the theoretical leader of the reformists, has initiated a drive to “bring Marx- ism up to date.” A careful reading of his articles, and the articles of his disciples, show that this proposed revision has nothing at all to do with Marxism. Their discussion of dialectics and materialism is laughable, and shows that they never understood anything of Marxian theory. But their new contributions show that they are writing a program for the middle class, which the socialist party has in practice already adopted. This will serve as its banner in the coming election campaign. As if to emphasize this they chose for candidates lawyers and preachers. Not a single person who can pretend to be or ever having been a worker. This leaves the Communist Party even more clearly than before as the only working class Party. The City Nominat- ing Convention to be held in Irving Plaza Sunday, July 14, will be a brilliant contrast to the socialist nominating conven- tion in a class sense. The convention of July 14 more clearly than ever will bring forward the New York section of the Communist Party as a Party of the proletariat just as the socialist party con- vention brought them forth more clearly than ever as a party of the petty-bourgeoisie, who in this period of capi- talist development can have no independent existence, but can subsist politically, only by serving the big capitalist in- terests. Class conscious workers on the job, in the unions, in tenant and fraternal organizations, must all insure that they Ay 6 are represented at the Communist Nominating Convention, _to be held on Sunday, July 14, at Irving Plaza, 15th Street nd Irving Place. Any working class body cin send fraternal l Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party CEMEN opinions for the Party Press. Resolutions of Factory Nuclei also will be printed in this section. Send all material deal- ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York City. | Amter, Devine and Tallentire Endorse HREE OF THE LEADING MEMBERS of the Communist Party | of America, who have for years held most important posts in the Party and are now district organizers in principal districts have dis- sociated themselves from the line of Lovestone and approved his ex- pu Comrade Amter is one of the founders. of the Party and has been a supporter of the former majority group in the Party since it The same is true of Comrade Tallentire, who has been district organizer in a number of districts during the past several years. Comrade Devine has supported the majority leadership during the last four years. These comrades express the sentiment of the cverwhelming majority of the membership, which is loyal to the Com- munist International, when they denounce in such sharp terms the at- tempts of Lovestone to split the Party and organize against the Com- The following is the letter of Comrades Amter: * * * DENOUNCES LIP SERVICE TO COMINTERN., “The Communist International in its cable to the American Party— the one of recent date—calls upon the associates of Lovestone to dis- sociate themselves from him. “As one who had faith in Lovestone, who considered him one of the most capable, efficient leaders that the Party has had, I recognize that the Party has lost a man who might have been valuable for the Party. Such ability becomes a serious menace to the Party. when it is turned to the uses to which Lovestone has turned it: namely—to split- ting the Party. Others in the Communist International—able men— have turned from the line of the Comintern and have been expelled. “Lovestone has suffered the fate of all such traitors. His action in attempting to split the Party is an act of treason that the Party cannot and will not tolerate. No sincere member of he Party will hesitate to condemn him and anybody who associates himself with one who plots to split the Party, is aidiug in the destruction of the Party. “There may be and there are some members of the Party who ion. came into existence. munist International. its seriousness; some who openly side with him. The Party and the They cannot be left in a position of influence. They must make their choice: either with the Communist International and the Party or against them. “The Party cannot afford to be weak in approaching this question. In this crisis, the Party must know clearly and unequivocally whom #. may count on. No lip service to the decisions of the Comintern. No open acceptance and undercover resistance. The Party is going through a purging process—one forced on the Party by the Address of the CI and the actions of Lovestone. If Wolfe and Gitlow resist the decisions of the CI, then there is no place in the Communist Party for them. We do not want to lose these comrades—as we did not wish to lose Love- stone. and of the Comintern and comrades whose relation to the Party and the deplore this act of treason on the part of Lovestone and who minimize | Communist Youth League must not hesitate to expose these comrades. | Party or League. A continuation pulsion from the Party. Comintern is dubious, then no comrade will hesitate. the Comintern a thousand times first. | “Lovestone is out of the Party—Gitlow and Wolfe apparently are not supporting the Party and CI against the renegade Lovestone. Mem- | bers of the National Bureau of the CYL are supporting Lovestone. There can be no comrade of this character. in a leading position in the The Party and of their opposition—which unques- tionably will take on organizational aspects—can only meet with ex- ) But if it is a choice between the unity and integrity of the Party | Expulsion of Lovestone “This is no time to temporize. The Party must be firm. The crisis can be overcome only by stern measures. To some comrades it may appear to be too severe. Every surgical operation is distasteful. But poison in the Party can only eat into the heart and finally destroy. “The Party must cleanse itself. Elements that put themselves above the needs of the movement, that do not see the great danger facing the working class—the danger of war, the danger of social re- formism; elements that believe that these two dangers are of little consequence, are dangerous opportunists that will vacillate and collapse when the test comes. “Unity of the Party must be upheld—but unity only with Commu- nist elements. midst of struggle. crisis in the midst of revolution, then the American Communist Party will overcome this crisis, and will come forth healthier and stronger, for having sloughed off non-Communist elements within its midst. —ISRAEL AMTER, District Organizer, Cleveland District. * * * NO MIDDLE ROAD. Following is the letter of Comrade Tallentire: “As a former associate and supporter of Jay Lovestone’s leader- ship in the Party during the past seven years, it is imperative for me to declare my dissociation with his present political line and disruptive tactics within the Party and the Comintern. I am compelled to make this statement of my position because of Lovestone’s open defiance of the Comintern in leaving the Soviet Union against the decisions of the Polsecretariat, which is but the final step in a cumulative series of actions that lead inevitably outside the Comintern, to an open fight against the Communist International and the principles and policies for which it stands, “In my opinion, it is necessary for every former supporter of Love- stone to declare as I do that the fight against the Comintern decisions and the application of the Comintern policies in the American Party can only result in a series of progressive steps which lead to an open fight against the revolutionary principles the Comintern has stood for since its foundation, and to an alliance with all the renegade and trai- | torous elements now fighting the Communist International. “There is no middle road in the present period, and since Lovestone | now wishes to fight the Comintern, I, as one who has fought to build the Comintern both before and since its inception, must break decisively with him and with ail those who support him. “In making this declaration, I would call upon both Comrades Gitlow and Wolfe to break their associations with Lovestone, to break with all elements whoever they may be who are fighting the Comintern openly or surreptitiously, and align themselves with the Comintern and the Party—-NORMAN H. TALLENTIRE, District Organizer, District Seven (Detroit) and Candidate to Polbureau of the CEC. i ae WILL STRENGTHEN THE PARTY. The telegram from Comrade Devine follows: “Prompt Bolshevik action of the Polcom in the expulsion of Love- stone is valuable contribution to the strengthening of the Party. Oppo- sition to this action or Open Address of the Comintern automatically becomes anti-Communist. Party membership must firmly reject split- ting tactics and mareh forward united under Comintern leadership. As District Organizer I unhesitatingly endorse Lovestone’s expulsion and | will carry on an ideological campaign for full @ceptance by the mem- bership—PAT DEVINE, District Organizer, Minnesota District. | @ q By MAX BEDACHT The following series of articles represents extracts from speeches ered by Comrade Bedacht, as representative of the Central Com- mittee, to Functionaries’ meetings York, Chicago, Detroit, Pittsburgh. This series is devoted to some main political questions and may be used as an outline by agitprop workers in the enlightenment cam- paign. But special care must be taken in localizing and concretiz- ing the self-criticism, as well as the immediate political tasks in Jel | in New eland and the light of the Comintern Ad- | dress (questions which were dealt with by Comrade Bedacht in his previous articles). * 8 8 V. Necds of the Third Period. The thorough analysis of world ; capitalism made by the Sixth World Congress of our International Party came to the conclusion that we are ina period of immediate war dan- | ‘ger and of constantly sharpening class struggle. Since the conclusion of the World , War capitalism has gore through _two distinct phases of development ‘and has now reached its third. The first period was the immedi- | ate post-war period characterized by | intense revolutionary struggles. The war had led the capitalist rule in most countries to economic, polit- ical and military bankruptcy. At the same time it. had ripened the .| subjective forces of the proletarian revolution and had thus. recruited | the masses of the proletariat for | active struggle against the capital- ist system. In this period of revo- lutionary uprisings and struggles the foundation of the capitalist sys- tem was shaken and the rule of the capitalist class was overthrown in Russia and, temporarily, also in sev- eval other European countries. This | phase of post-war capitalism: wit- |nessed the establishment of Soviet | Republics in Russia, in Bavaria, in Hungary, the occupation of the’ fac- . tories by the Italian workers and ‘the most intensive class battles in | Poland, in Germany and other cap- |italist countries. The proletariat the revolution leadership out of the ‘ranks ef the advance guard of the proletariat. In the other countries the process of definite crystaliza- tion of such revolutionary parties i yet advanced far enough. Conse- tly there was in these coun- tries no sufficient organized force of revolutionary leadership to chal- lenge successfully. the treacherous leadership of the social democrats over the masses. What the forces |of capitalism could no | achieve the treachery of the social | democrats did achieve, and, with the | exception of Russia, the struggles ended with a temporary defeat of the working class. This defeat ushered in the second period. The second period was the period of the temporary re-establishment of the equilibrium of the capitalist order, the temporary re-establish- ment of its economy and its polit- ical rule. It was a period of tem- porary stabilization of capitalism. Strenuous efforts were made dur- ing this period to halt the progress of the revolutionization of the masses by finding a temporary solu- tion for the tremendous economic profits of capitalism which the bankruptcy of the immediate post- war days had created. This period gave birth to the Dawes plan ag an attempt to solve the reparation problem. In this period the antag- onistic social forces of the world culminated more and more clearly in its two opposite poles, represent- ing the leadership of the opposing forces: the Scviet Union for the proletariat, United States capital- ism for the capitalists of the world. The success of the capitalist world in establishing its equilibrium dur- ing this period, in re-establishing it- self comparatively, finally led to the present, the third period. The re-established capitalist econ- omy tried feverishly to overcome its own bankruptcy, The productive forces were readjusted and extended with haste. The productivity of la- bor was increased feverishly, and gradually capitalism not only reached but exceeded the pre-war level of its productivity. The re- establishment of the pre-war I¢vel and its outdistancing was considered an aim, the accomplishment of which would manifest the bringing back of capitalism to its old glory and power; in veality it led capitalism longer | The Comintern Address to Our Party did not find in these battles suffi- | back to the very problem that had|the danger of a united capitalist ciently organized conscious, revolu- | culminated in the world war and tionary leadership. Only in Russia | had caused its post-war bankruptcy. the revolutionary genius of Lenin | The following causes contribute to had prepared for nearly 20 years for | this ad only begun in 1914 and had not | tive contraction of the market, in| ternal policy against the workerssof | ploitation of the workers and is, military attack upon Russia. The | existence of the Soviet Union as an outpost and a formidable fortress third | of the revolutionary proletariat of the world in its struggle against . ‘ capitalism results, on the part of (a) The rapid expansion of the| capitalism, not only in active steps productive forces is saturating the | ¢, suppress and defeat the prole- market and leads, at best, to a rela- | tariat through a most oppressive in- characteristic of the period: direct contradiction to the ever and] the different rapidly increasing productivity. {through a policy of united capital- (b) The expansion of the pro-| ist warfare against the Soviet Guetive forces is based upon sys- | Union. tematic intensification of the ex-| countries, but also | The third period of post-war cap- italism, therefore. confronts our World Party and its sections with most severe tasks. It demands the mobilization of the working masses for new class battles and, first of all, against the war danger. The only effective means to this end is to prepare the class war against the imperialist war. This necessitates not only most intensive activity, but, first of all, the clarification of all issues and the cleansing of the Party of all retarding and misleading in- fiuences. The struggle against the right danger and the strengthening of the leading cadres of the Party is an indispensable prerequisite. It is for these reasons that the liquida- tion of factionalism in our Party be- comes an immediate revolutionary necessity. Under the existing con- ditions factionalism and factional- ists are enemies of the mobilization for the class war. They are not revolutionary, but counter-revolu- tionary forces. This fact must be driven home to the Party in unmis- takeable terms so that the whole Party my rise against factionalism and the factionalists as against an enemy of the Party and of the revo- lution. In this period all influences of petty bourgeois ideology, which are inevitably giving birth to right er- rors and are tending toward. the crystalization of a right line, be- come an immediate counter-revolu- tionary force and must be con- sciously combatted. thereby, resulting in a growing per- | manent unemployment, in more rapid exhaustion of the 1 of the workers and is an increasing all around pressure upon the working class. (c) The growing rationatization and intensity of exploitation is re- sulting in greater rapidity of cap- italist accumulation which raised anew the problem of investment markets. The inevitable result of these out- | standing characteristics of the pres- ent, the third period of post-war capitalism is, therefore, contrary to the expectation of the capitalists, not a strengthening but an under- mining of the stabilization of the capitalist order. The contraction of the markets negates the benefits of the most highly developed produc- tive forces and will create cataclys- mic crises. The increased exploita- tion of the workers as a result of rationalization leads to a sharpen- ing of the class struggle, to a readi- ness on the part of the workers to fight, and to a growing conscious- ness on the part of the workers of the necessity of intensive struggle against capitalism. The rapid capi- talist accumulation unrolls again the big problem which caused the world war, the re-distribution of the territory of the world between the imperialist powers of the world. The third period, therefore, is char- acterized by further intensification of the general cri of capitalism, feverish preparations for war and a vapid intensification of the class struggle. Under these conditions the appli- cation of the Communist Interna- tional decisions and Address, which in the last analysis are a program for our Party for its struggle against the right danger and fac- tionalism, become the first revolu- tionary duty of every Party mem- ber. Those who stand in the way of the execution will finally become The war danger is aggravated by the fact that it not only grows out of the most intense immediate im- perialist rivalry, but grows even out of the struggle of the capitalists against the workers. The intensifi- The crisis came now—but it is better now than in the | If the Chinese Communist Party could overcome the | By FEODOR GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh | All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town om . the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to™find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town | disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom | he has not seen for three years, She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with | Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist Party. The town is attacked by~a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments. With him is Serge, a Bolshevik intellectual, who is a devoted Party worker. * * * sees night Gleb found himself in the valley behind the town, at the head of his detachment, guarding the high road near the outskirts. His men were spaced out along a curved line rising from the high road to the slopes of the mountain. A patrol of three comrades was going through the suburb, disturbing the timid dogs, by whose barking it was possible to follow the routes of the patrol. Gleb and Serge were standing at the fringe of the wood, watching the fiery torches in the mountains, A flame flashed like a red bird in the obscurity and flew upwards, It flew up like a rocket and cleft the darkness. For a moment in its light one could glimpse an outstretched hand, then a man’s shoulder. Very far away in the valley a similar flying torch flamed high and then flew through the darkness like a falling star. Higher up another one trembled and spun round—and then more and more. The torches flashed, went out, beckoned and twisted in serpentine con. vulsions. Behind the two men lay the forest. One could not look into it, | Only the trees close to the high road waved their shadowy cloaks, Their winged branches were spread out, between them lay heavy shadows shrouding the snake-like boughs. This night, as on the day before, the townsmen were paralysed with fear before the death which was approaching from the mountains: A terror-haunted stillness pul- sated through the town. At night, the town feared its own whisper- ing and hid underground. In the wood also there was silence. It was drifting up from the depths, odorous with moisture and soil. New- born leaves fluttered like butterflies, everywhere a distant fantastic music was diffused, a fairy-like mysterious buzzing. | . * . 'VERYTHING seemed fantastic to Serge, changeable, limitless, The primeval darkness bred terror in one’s mind at its hidden secrets. As a scholar, he was accustomed to have his nights lit by elec- y; now the mountains and the starry sky seemed as near and comprehensible as stone houses, the boulevards or the squares. In the daytime, his rifle did not feel heavy; now it had grown into the earth, A fiery bird fell and began to flutter in the bushes; sparks flew from it fan-like and expired. Then the darkness grew thick again, quivering, uniting itself where the fire had been. In the mountains and valleys, far and near, the red stars and the flaming birds still flashed. Gleb laid his hand on Serge’s shoulder. “He must be caught, damn him! He’s asking to be shot!” “Yes, he’s quite near. It’s he who is burning English powder. You see? Without doubt he knows that we are here, and he’s not afraid of being shot. But we're too late, Comrade Chumalov, he’s done his work. See? It’s gone out. He’s not taking any more risks than he has to.” . Gleb calmly lit his pipe and gazed at the wandering lights.in the mountains. “Tf he didn’t think that you and I were fools and cowards he wouldn’t come dancing under our nose. He'll play around here a good while yet. You'll see.” * * . Gunce looked along the high road. Dust arose from it and was lost in the darkness. There, where one could no longer see the road, stood an immense tree, tufted and rugged, rearing itself like a black mass. It seemed to Serge that in its branches a match was } sputtering but could not light. “Foes everywhere, Gleb. us.” Beyond the wood was the railway station, but there too it was It’s not surprising if they’re close to | quiet; the night alone sighed like a sleeping beast. Not far away on the high road a cart was creaking and rumbling. All this was nonsense. The most important thing was this: in the storm all the work which had begun with such enthusiasm had been carried away. The ropeway had been destroyed and the trucks again were lying among the stones and. bushes as in the days when Gleb was walking among the rusty junk with anguish in his soul. The Diesels were stili again and the workshops empty. Again, idleness and shadows. The evacuation of the refugees, hunger, privation, a state of war. Once again, the rifle in hand. Again perhaps trenches, marching, soot and dirt and smoke of the guns—not the soot and dirt of toil. Had he sufficient strength to organize all the forces in order to fight on the industrial front, when everything from engines to nails had been destroyed; plundered, covered with rust. When there was no fuel, no bread, no transport; when the trucks were piled up on the railway track, when no ships ever lay at the quays, Hadn’t the Chairman of the Soviet Executive, Badin, been right, when he had lcoked on him as a fool who didn’t realize what he was undertaking? An upstart, a bully, a boaster, unable firmly to hold the little they already had, while the enemy was threatening the very existence of the workers’ power. How then was it possible to make plans for the revival of the factory? How could one think of that now, when people were condemned to famine rations and some were so weak they could not stand the strain of a working day? What was the good of pro- duction, when the economic life of the republic had been paralysed for years to come, and the country was dying from hunger and lapsing into barbarism? * 8 6 GAIN a torch flamed, but it was now further off and higher. Bushes and rocks glowed red and seemed to be living, moving. Nery bats were flying in the mountains. Behind the town, shells were exploding like dazzling flashes of sheet-lightning in the misty sky. “I told you, Serge—! Look there! The swine have started spit- ting again!” bf “That’s all right. I’ve never seen any illuminations like this hefore, It looks as though we were surrounded.” “As though we were in a sack, curse it! The only way to get out is to jump up into the sky.” “In these hours of the night, Comrade Chumalov, I’m thinking about the future. Our children will imagine us great heroes, and will create legends about us. And even our ordinary .daily existence and our hunger, the forced idleness in production, even the watch you and I are keeping tonight—all will 2 raised to a higher power, as they say in mathematics, It will all be reflected in their imagination as an epoch of heroic exploits and titanic achievements. And we—you and js 1—little grains of dust in an immense mass, we shall seem to them as giants. The past is always generalized and exaggerated. They won't. remember our mistakes, cruelties, failures, weaknesses, our simple human sufferings and our d: ible problems. They will say: ‘These were the people who were defined to conquer the whole world.’ And they will visit our graves if we were .inextinguishable beacons, When I think about this I feel a little. bit ashamed, and at the. same time I feel happy for the responsibility which we are carrying for the whole of humanity, The future oppresses me, Chumelov;. our im- morality is too heavy a burden.” . WILL “THE DAILY” SURVIVE? Send in Your Answer! The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York. After reading the appeal for aid in the Daily Worker I am sending you the enclosed amount, $ Name viccssccsssercccsvsccesccccccevncegs, enemies of the Party and will have to be treated as such. JR’ (To Be Continued.) ti ¢ cation of the struggle between the proletariat and capitalism takes the form of an immediate war danger, J Adres 0... ccc esescecseessecccctonceteecne Names of contributors will be published in the delay. it