The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 5, 1929, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JULY 5, 1929 ‘Baily sa Worker .S. A Published nprodaily Publishing Co., Ine... Daily, except Sund Union Square, New York City, 2 vesant 1696-7-8, Cable: “DAIWOR RIPTION RAT: $8.00 a year 50 six months 5250 three months By Mail (outside of New York) $6.00 a y $3.50 six months 0 three month Address an ail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square New York, N. ¥ <So> Hoover Slaps Faces of Farmers The cynical fraud of the alleged farm relief of the Hoover is dramatized by the appointment as head of the farm board of Alexander Legge, president of the International Harvester Company. Every poor farmer is aware of the nature of the concern headed by Legge and most of them have felt the oppression of the harvester trust. farmer administration This trust monopolizes farm machinery, sells to the f at exorbitant prices, takes bank notes based upon farm mort- gages as guarantees of payments. The same gang of finan- cial pirates that control the harvester trust usually control ks of the farm area, particularly in the Mid- dle West and the Northwest. Thus the trust realizes tre- mendous profits from the exploitation of the farmer: (1) the monopolistic retail price, (2) the profit for discounting the notes at the bank, and (3) the rate of interest at the bank. Hundreds of thousands, possibly millions, of farmers are today kept in a perpetual state of pauperization because of debts contracted for machinery of the harvester trust that has long ago been thrown on the scrap-heap. The Hoover appointee, Legge, was chosen because of his ability to capitalize every need and every misfortune of the farmer in the interest of the bankers and the industi Hoover appoints those who follow his own policies. H pointment only emphasizes what we have constantly of Hoover's farm relief fraud—that the whole scheme is one calculated further to enslave the farmer. The capitalist press refers to Legge as a patriot, because 2 he is said to have given up a $100,000 a year job as head of the harvester trust to take a $12,000 a year job as head of the farm board. Certainly none but a low grade moron will be- lieve that this eminent patriot will suffer financially because of his political job. Like the “dollar a year patriots” during the last war, this harvester trust head will be able to gouge much more out of the farmers because of his position and tremendously increase the profits from his harvester trust shares. Particularly contemptible is the attitude of the “farm ploc” senators and the “liberals” of the Borah calibre who supported Hoover in the election and now criticize the ap- pointment of Legge. All of them had time-and again exposed the policies of Hoover during his term as secretary of com- merce, yet they deliberately prostituted themselves to this Wall Street candidate in the last election. Now they again raise objections to Hoover’s course in the hope of again be- ing in the position to act as decoys for the Wall Street can- didates in coming elections. The farm workers and poor farmers must realize that their only salvation is to be found in supporting the Party of the class struggle—the Communist Party of the United States—which advocates an alliance of city workers with agricultural labor and the exploited farmers agai all the parties of capitalism. The Post Office Joins the Frame-up HE flat statement of Horace J. Donnelly, solicitor of ihe } post office department, that he backs the New York postmaster in his refusal to transport through the U. S. mail ¢he envelopes of the International Labor Defense indicates that no mere local prejudice is operating. On the contra Donnelly’s action shows that the U. S. federal government, the government of deportations, red raids, espionage laws, iis,junder President Hoover's efficient leadership, throwing its whole strength into the frame-up on murder charges of Pestle workers in Gastonia. i ——T Re U.S. government, executive committee of the whole ee gapitalist class in America, feels that if the Manville- wenckes Textile Company in Gastonia wishes to kill by elec- : ‘trocutior 15 of its rebellious slaves, it should have every help. { Mella} And his American Aluminum Company, his steel com- i panies, and his scab coal mines; Adams and his shipping in- ‘terestsp’the power trust and.the munitions makers, the big | “Wall Street bankers, all the other powerful corporations in | ‘merica, feel a bond of solidarity with the textile barons of he South, and express it through their federal government, zs the’ Manville-Jenckes Company expresses through its hire- fos in office in Gastonia its determination to slaughter ‘orkers who are no longer “the most docile labor in the pvorld.” '-——Here is a case of class against class, of class war, and the aster class is intent on killing its prisoners. ; 3 Only the immediate organization and mobilization of the asses of workers who toil in these same steel mills, mines, ihe transport, and other industries, will save their lives. Ff The International Labor Defense carries on its fight. t will continue to mail the envelopes marked, “Smash the f/Murder Frame-up Against the Gastonia Strikers,” even ;. though the post office resorts to criminal prosecution against Let the workers follow the lead of the I. L. D. Tiold Mass meetings, organize in the shops, send a flood of tele- grams of protest to the press and to the Gastonia authorities, raise money for defense of the workers charged with murdex, and the eight more charged with assault. You may not get ) your mail from the I L. D. The post office is said to be _ holding it up for as long as a week at a time. Act without getting it. The more force that is mobilized by the employers to “burn in the chair” these workers, the more force the yorking class must mobilize to save them! ‘e number to duplicate the populations of Albany and cuse combined, indicates that next to poisoning the of the masses with its ruling class propaganda, the ists are professedly happy in the blind consolation ge numbers of workers 3 do not even know how to write, y Vcr “OH, YES, YOU’RE DOING THE BOSSES’ WORK WELL!” Gropper Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party pe Polbureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their opinions for the Party Press. Resolutions of Factory Nuciei also will be printed in this section. Send all material deal- ing with this*campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York City. The Comintern Address to Our Party - i . national decisions. Every decision By Meee CRT |cf the Comintern was analyzed not |! speculation upon Communist Inter- | our internal policies and relation-|in a last hour effort to bring back ships. |to the delegation a proletarian rev- clutionary consciousness __ recited The anti-Communist individualism [USHAVA ran up to Gleb; 4 IV. Petty d | this individualism became the dom- | the Comintern, The following series of articles represents extracts from speeches delivered by Comrade Bedacht, as representative of the Central Com- mittee, to Functionaries’ meetings in New York, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland and Pittsburgh. This series is devoted to some main political questions and may be used as an outline by agitprop workers in the enlightenment cam- paign. But special care must be taken in localizing and concretiz- ing the self-criticism, as well as the immediate political tasks in the light of the Comintern Ad- dress (questions which were dealt with by Comrede Bedacht in his previous articles), ee Bourgeois Individualism. In our dealings with the Commu- nist International we have gradu- ally developed an approach of petty bourgeois individualism. It is of little importance heye to investigate | whether the purely factional con- ‘ception of our relationship to the Communist International were the parents or the offspring of this in- ualism. The fact remains that inating factor in our approzch to - as to its political contents | factional inv |Communist International in nd aim, but as eto the percentages in favor of one or the other of the factions | Taking the mathematical standard of one hundred per cent as a unit | » | conflict between it and the funda- we figured 60 per cent for “us’ | leaves 40 per cent for “the cthers,” or 25 per eent for “us” leaves 75 per cent for “the others.” The ac- ceptance of the decisions became a gation of its con the purpose of learnin:; to regulate our fact so as to change the per- on of the ‘our’ tents for kow be! maneu centages in the next de: davor. It was this stock exchange con- ception which, at a time when our percentage seemed to have reached almost zero, led to the most natural conclusion that it was not longer in our favor by against the other now the maneuver must be extendea to our relationship to the Commu- nist Internationa! itself. But this mere manzuvcr | approach negated our relationship to | the Communist Internationa’ as a component part. It turned the C. I. into an organism outside of our- selves against which maneuvering became necessary, and ourselves we turned into a body outside of the C. I. carrying on maneuvers against ble to change the percentages | group, but that | had keen permitted to feed on the | factional situation in our Party to |such a degree that there arose the serious danger that the inevitable mental principles of the Comintern would result in an open clash and struggle against our world Party. This was especially crassly mani- fested in the recent consideration of th rob! s 4, ican Sec- | . . e problems of the American Scc-|f.Ctional fight. tion by the Comintern. The d crations of the American Commis- sion of the Comintern had to con- tend with a situation in which the _major section of the delegation of the American Party was dealing with the C. I. not as comrade to comrade, but as enemy to enemy. The factional blindness had almost completed its process’ of welding ali of the petty bourgeois reaction of cur delegation into an anti-Commu- nist Jine. Our past experience seemed to be of little avail. We hed forgotten the position and atti- tude Lore had toward the Comin- tern while we fought against his non-Communist orientation. We were unable to see the similarity of our reaction, of our tactics and of our whole approach to the C. T with those of Lore in 1923-25, We | had forgotten the experiences of our World Party in its dealings with all of the subsequent renegades from |izational unity and re-establi | ideological unity of the Party these historic experiences of the C. I., warning the delegation that to |travel the path of Levi, Hoegland and Brandler means to land where they landed, the appeal remained al- most unheeded. It is of greatest importance that | cur Party visualize the full import lef this blind alley into which the petty. bourgeois individualistic atti- tude had led our comrades in this Only a full under- ianding of it will save the organ- h the Some comrades, under the leader- ship of Lovestone, Wolfe and Git- low, first refused organizational subordination and are still per: ing to refuse political subordination of the C. I. This is a continuation of the conflict between their petty bourgeois individualism and the fun- damental principle of Comintern po- litical discipline. The conditions under which this refusal of political submission takes place marked this vefusal as the final decisive conflict. The sharpness of this conflict does not cons in the language to which it is expressed. no matter how sharply it may be expressed, but it lies in the irreconcilability of the principle clashing here—the anar- chist, petty bourgeois individualism as against the basic principle of the Communist movement, revclution- This individualism led us first of |it. This was the logical outgrowth all, in the past, to what Comrade | of the petty bourgeois individualism Stalin termed a stock exchange! which we had permitted to dictate Paul Levi to Hoegland, from Hoeg- land to Brandler and Hais. And when the leaders of the Comintern ary discipline. (To Be Continued.) CLEVELAND MEMBERSHIP MEETING OF YOUTH. The Cleveland membeyship of the Communist Youth League whole- heartedly welcomes and unreservedly endorses the letter of the Com- munist International to the American Party and the cable of the Com- munist Youth International to the American League. We believe that this letter and decisions were necessary in order to finally eliminate the unprincipled factionalism which rent our Party seriously hampering its development into a real Bolshevik section of the Communist International. : We condemn Lovestone and Gitlow’s opposition to the Comintern Letter as a breaking of the convention pledge to the Comintern which stated that we would accept unreservedly the decisions of the Comintern on the Party convention; and as absolutely impermissible in a Com- munist Part: We warn the comrades against any verbal acceptance of the Comintern letter and at the same time conducting a struggle against carrying out its directives. We are confident that the entire Party membership will stand united” behind the Communist Internationa] and will combat ruthlessly any attempt to split the Party. We recognize that the League struggle which ended at the Fifth Naticnal Convention was an unprincipled struggle based on no serious political differences but was on the other hand a carrying over of the Party factional strife into the life of the League. So strongly aligned were the League grotps to the Party factions that all efforts of the Communist Youth International to overcome the factional struggle met with the resistance of both groups. The growth of the League was rotarded, no systematic steps taken to completely orientate the League . to the basic industries; very little done to overcome the bad social com- position, but instead the League was torn in two with factionalism. Both groups of the League were part and a of the Party group- and introduced the factional struggle in League as a part of the Party fight; failed to criticise the errors of the Party, but on the other hand protected the errors of the respective groupings. Thus the majority of the NEC together with the Political Com- mittee of the Party hindered the unification of the League by with- holding the CYI open letter and issuing the Poleom statement. The minority altho voting for the acceptance of the open letter, carried on its factional activity not understanding the tasks as laid down in this | letter, which aimed to liquidate factionalism. The League could not develop into a mass Communist youth organization which leads the working class youth only because it permitted the continuation of this | unprincipled factional struggle and failed to become “the best inter- preter of the CI dtcisions” by taking steps to unify the League and the Party. However, at the Fifth National Convention the League succeeded in establishing unity. Since that time the League has pledged to strive to aid in the unification of the Party and hold a more critical attitude to the mistakes of the Party. In this proletarian district where the factional siruggle has been greatly allayed we know that the letter will be wholeheartedly sup- ported by every member of our Party and Leag@™. We pledge not only to accept the letter in word but to carry out its directives. We shall continue to carry on an ideological campaign among our membership to make them fully understand the significance of these decisions. We shall as the revolutionary youth section carry out the directives to intensify the struggle against the war danger in the armed forces and among the proletarian youth, double our energies to organize the working youth and to guard against any Hak errors LY Mae Reha eget roe CEMENT 8!2523% GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist Party. Work on reconstructing the factory is catarrunted by an attack on the town by counter-revolutionaries. Gleb leads a special de- tachment against them. Serge Ivagin, a Bolshevik intellectual, is also active in defending the town. : * * * overcome with fatigue, he caught hold of his tunic. “Come to the Party Committee at once with the detachment. From tonight on we shall be on a war footing. A battle is going on beyond the mountains. The Whites and Greens have joined forces. The town is threatened. The ropeway has been damaged. All the workers have run away from the wood-felling. The Red forces guarding the rope- way have had losses.” “What are you jabbering about, you damned fool? Ours? What are you talking about?” “Yes, our ropeway. Hurry up! Committee’s rooms.” Clenching his jaws, Gleb smothered the roar of a wild beast within himself. The ropeway? There’s a meeting at the Party * . . Chapter XII. THE SIGNAL FIRES. L ON GUARD. LEB'S detach ¢ was posted at the foot of the mountain, behind the town; here were the vineyards and market-gardens of the suburbs. In the daytime, during the drilling at the barracks, one could hear the guns back of the mountain, roaring like thunder; behind the misty ridges a battle was going on. The Special Detachment was getting ready to reinforce the Red troops. During the night, in full strength, it was guarding the town. During the daytime the town with its empty streets sank into quietness and fear, and at night-time it died in the darkness. The electric lights no longer shone in the factory; and the windows of dwellings were well-covered with shutters and curtains, Only in the offices amidst jostling and tobacco smoke was activity evident. And in the streets, citizens and strayed members of the Trade Unions raised their eyebrows significantly when they met. Whispering and murmurings flew over the town with the whirlwinds of dust, and the mountain breeze carried them into all the crannies of the town and into the mountains and quarries where under every bush and stone an unseen foe was hiding. A part of the Women’s Section, with Dasha at their head, went with the Ambulance Corps to the fighting zone; the other part, under Polia’s command, were working with the Communist detachment. in the barracks, and were hurriedly preparing for the removal of work- ers’ families in the event of evacuation. Gleb met Polia several times a day; tireless, she ran to the Trade Unions, workshops, Trade Union Council, Party Committee and Soviet Headquarters, placing her women at all points and in all organiza- tions in order to maintain the activity and also, in the event of the order being given, in order to be able to evacuate in a few hours sey- eral thousand women and children. * 8 8 TRAINS, with steam up, stood by the factory, on the quays and in the suburbs, all ready for their passengers and freight; and the panting of the locomotives mingled with the distant breath of the . Polia had not slept for forty-eight hours. Her eyes were rather h and her face had a hectic color. , During that day she had found herself free for*a moment to run to Gleb at the barracks; her dry lips had parted in a smile. She did not notice how her cracked lips bled, dyeing her teeth and mixing with the saliva. “Here’s where the real work is, Gleb. We've lived through a lot, learning by heart theses about the Trade Union movement and the New Economie Policy. We were turning round and round on the same spot, every day in our routine. blind . . we were developing bureaucratism. We were killing our living force in order to become professional. officials. . . . The New Economic Policy—. Once I heard a waterman—a diver he was—say: ‘This New. Economic Policy is a great invention: restaurants, w: and beer, on draught or in bottle. I’m going to vote for this with hoth hands!’ No, Gleb, it won’t be like that. The Tenth Party Con- gress will not enter on that path.” Gleb grounded his rifle and laughed. “Don’t go hopping like a hare, Comrade Mekhova. We'll kick these bandits out now and that will be the end of your ‘real wo: The Party Congress will take place and then we'll bring about this wonderful New Economic Policy. And as for your diver, we'll put him in the communal administration and let him start ‘all kinds of restaurants and make lots of money for us.” We were becoming deaf and pons, shocked, trembled, and her eyebrows quivered with anger. “That will never happen. The Party simply cannot handle the question in that way, as you want it to. We can’t betray the revo lution; it would be worse than death. It’s impossible! We've defeated the intervention, and the blockade is a stupid adventure. Our revolu- tion has set fire to all the world. The proletariat of all countries is with us. Reaction is powerless. And isn’t the New Economic Policy reaction? Isn’t it the restoration of capitalism? No, it’s non- sense, Comrade Gleb!” “What are you talking about? How can it be reaction when it’s a matter of getting the peasant in line with production?” “What? Does it mean there would be markets again? Again the bourgeoisie? Do you want our factory to be given as a conces- sion to the capitalists? They talked about it today at the Soviet Executive. It seems that Shramm has sent a report to the Head Of- fice of the Cement Trust. I suppose you'd be glad to see that—yes? Such reaction would please your soul?” Red patches. showed on the cheek-bones of her pale face; beads of perspiration shone on her brow and lips, Gleb’s face became grey; astounded he bent down to Polia. “What, what, Comrade Mekhova? Concession? What are you stuffing me up with now? That the workmen would give up their factory to the bourgeoisie? What the hell! Ill show the bastards concession!” “Aha, that’s touched you, hasn’t it? Yes, and that’s your lovely New Economic Policy. . . . You try to start it! Concessions, res- taurants, markets, . . . Kulaks, schemers, speculators. . . . I sup- pose you'll tell me something consoling about the tkers’ Co- operatives? The Food Tax. . . . The Co-operatives. . . . Perhaps that is necessary. But not retreat, Gleb, not that! Anything but that! Heroic exploits for the immortal revolution! That’s what we want! To deepen, to light a universal fire; not to abandon conquered posi- tions, but to seize new ones. That’s it!” And away she ran, red spots on her cheeks like danger signals— nt ated standing there, startled and meditating upon what she ad said. WILL “THE DAILY” SURVIVE? Send in Your Answer! The Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York. After reading the appeal for aid in the Daily Worker I am sending you the enclosed amount, $ Name Address TRE n eee e eee et een nee e ee eeeeneneeee te eeten Namen of contributors will he delay, we oan | lhoan U ee =, ee me ces pew