The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 4, 1929, Page 4

sf © Page Four Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Published y Publishing Co., n Square, New York Y;, nt 1696-7-8, Cable: “DAIWORK- RIPTION RAT: w York on three months ns de of New York) six months $2. o the Dat New York, 0 $6.00 a ye Address ar three y Worker, 2 x July Fourth and August First The Fourth of July celebrations of the America r ist class this year is indeed a far cry from the events of 6, when the revolutionaries of the thirteen North Amer- ican colonies recited the crimes of the government of George TU and declared the states to be thenceforth independent of ta 17 Britain. This Fourth of July 1929, will be utili d by the pres- ent ruling class of the ited States to prepare for ‘ther tyrannies against the weaker nations of Latin Am:::ca, to further enslave and exploit the Philippines, and ngth- en the war preparations against its imperialist ri , Great Britain ose who will pretend to celebrate the overthrow of the despotism of King George III are carrying on more frightful campaigns of suppression and terror than were ever dreamed of in the Eighteenth century. Were the peo- suffering under the iron heel of United States imper- sm to draw an indictment of the government at Wash- ington it would dwarf the list of crimes the declaration of independence charged against the Eighteenth Century Fi tish thron There is no act of frightfulness known to the annals of torture that the American capitalist class does not perpetrate against the colonial and semi-colonial masses abroad and the working class at home. The rack, the stake and the dun- geon of the inquisition were but amateurish contrivances compared to the studied cruelty of the monsters who tor- ture, lynch and burn at the stake the Negro wage-slaves and farmers of this country, who torment for long agonizing years innocent working class victims of the American frame- up and finally, in face of world-wide protests, shoot chained lightning through their bodies as in the case of Sacco and Vanzetti; burn women and children alive as did Rockef gunmen at Ludlow, Colorado; beat and club strikers, r. their wives and daughters upon the public highwa minister the ‘water cure” to Colonials as in the Philippine: bomb and blast from the face of the earth men, women and children as in the attacks on Sandino’s liberation forces in Nicaragua. No hymn of hate composed by the most adroit master of invective the world has ever seen could possibly be adequate to draw an indictment of the ruling class of the United States and its blood-streaked government at Wash- ington. While the ruling class of this country is celebrating the Fourth of July in its own traditional inanner of self-g cation, we, the vanguard of the working class, will expose its tyrannical acts, its infamous history of terror against the oppressed taasses, and begin definite mobilization so that the workers and farmers of the United States may partici- pate effectively in the world-wide demonstrations and strikes on August 1st, the fifteenth anniversary of the outbreak of the world war. August First is of special significance to the workers of the whole world because it will mobilize the masses every: where in a test of strength against their oppressors. The attempts of the ruling classes of the world to solve the economic and political ills arising out of the last war have sharpened all contradictions of this system of wealth p duction to such a degree that the question of the inevitability of another imperialist war is on the order of the day. ‘That the American ruling class recognizes this is plainly proved by its frenzied war preparations; the rapid building of cruis- | ers, the third of the first series of the eight ordered in 1924 having been launched only yesterday; orders from the army, H and war departments for millions of dollars worth of high-powered latest model bombing planes, pursui and seaplanes; the féverish experiments in cc and more poisonous formulae for chemical v gas, liquid fire and all the other uses to which c put in warfare. This is accompanied by inte training of civilians to constitute a res for for civil disturbances at home, such as strikes actions of the working class. The rationalization of industry, as a measure of chea ing production so that the products of American labor can compete on the market with the lowest paid workers of other countries, and as a preparation for war, is producing working class revolts against its effects, such as the speed-up, wage cuts, lengthening of hours and the resultant growth of army of permanently unemployed. ‘ Among the problems facing the working class in the United States is the intensification of the drive to organize the unorganized workers, particularly those in the war in- dustries. The coming conference of the Trade Union Edu- cational League, the American section of the Red Interna- tional of Labor Unions, must furnish an organizational center for the new unions that are being built and for the left wing militants in the old unions. The task of consolidating all militant trade union forces under one head cannot be separ- ated from the struggle against imperialist war, because only through organization of the unorganized masses in- the war industries will we be able effectively to cripple the war in- dustries and the transportation industry, which constitute _ the arteries that carry the yery life-blood to the war machine. , Organization is also imperative if the workers are to be able to resist the avowed intent of the government to introduce Hindustrial conscription, the regimentation of the men, women Fand children of the working class on rations in order that the fimperialist ruling class may strive for supremacy over its rivals. Essential also is the diligent work of organization and agitation in the ranks of the armed forces of the nation. The struggle against war resolves itself into mere pacifist ges- tures unless there is a determined fight to win over the armed forces, composed overwhelmingly of exploited workers and farmers, to the side of the working class and against the ‘imperialists. Following the revolutionary banner of Lenin We must consciously strive to bring about that unity of action _ of the masses in industry and the armed forces .that will result in the defeat of the imperialist forces and pave the way for the conquest of power by the working class. Just as the declaration of independence was the clarion all for revolution against the despotism of the ruling class of the Eighteenth Century, Britain, so the Statutes of the ommunist International dealing with the question of im- yerialist war sound the tocsin for the final struggle against je last tyrannical ruling power on earth—the modern cap- i ie “ , 7 be iss for war or and other YORK, THURSDAY, JULY HE Polbureau is desirous T workshops in the basic indust sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad? dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. Party members and particularly the comrades active in the THEY’RE ALL SET IN GASTONIA--STOP THEM! Enlighienment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party of securing the broadest pos- opinions for the Party Press. All ries are invited to write their City. also will be printed in this section. ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St.. New York 4, 1929 ——— | By Wm. Gropper Resolutions of Factory Nuclei Send all material deal- The Comintern Address to Our. Party By MAX BEDACHT The following series of articles represents extracts from speeches delivered by Comrade Bedacht, as representative of the Central Com- mittee, to Functionaries’ meetings Detroit, This some main New York, Chicago, and and Pittsburgh. is devoted to in political questior nd may be agitprop in the enlightenment cam- | used as an outline by But special care must be taken in localizing and concretiz- ing the self-criticism, as well as the immediate polit: tasks in the light of the Comintern Ad- dress (questions which were dealt with by Comrade Bedacht in his previous articles). * nae | Hf. American Exceptionalism | The fountain head of the right danger, of petty bourgeois oppo cunism and right errors, is the i fluence of petty bourgeois ideology , upon the working class and upon the theories and tactics of the revolu tionary Party. The only source of resistance to these influences is a purely revolutionary _ proletarian class approach to all problems, an j@pproach that must be fortified by clear Marxist Leninist theoreticat conception. It is clear that when a proletarian class approach to the problems of the workingclass and the Party is replaced by a factional ‘approach, that then the flood-gate of | the influences of the petty bourgeois ideology of the masses of the work- ers are opened, and this ideology, without encountering serious ob- stacles, engulfs the revolutionary policies and tactics of the Party. Thus a line of factionalism does in \itself become a fundamentally right line kecause it does no longer per- mit orientation from a proletarian revolutionary point of view only. | A most outstanding example in our Party of replacement of a Com- | munist consideration by an essen- tially petty bourgeois, conception, made possible by the political myopia resulting from factionalism, is the ‘contention repeatedly formulated and voiced by our Party and its leader- ship that the peculiar and particular | itions of American capitalism e the political and tactical con- ons of the Sixth*World Congress oluton of the C. I, unapplicable to America. Especially outspoken . was this contention in connection {with the conclusion of the World |Congress resolution concerning the third period. The 6th World Con-jof the eines Ne present stage of capitalist economy land capitalist relationship to the resolutions contend that the create in the heads of the American |the rapid and extensive industrializa- | working class the conception of the| tion of the South. jimmunity of American capitalism | the major duty of the Party leader- It was therefore forces of the proletariat on the one. hand, and between the forces of | the different national bourgeoisie on the other, is undergoing a 2nt sharpening which manifests { in the form of an immediate nger and in the form’of a s struggle ac n outspoken ¢ r and re- jecting a basic tenden: £ radicali- from the laws of capitalist develop-|ship to investigate this industriali-| ment in the rest of the world. These | zation process to find in it the best laws lead to increased exploitation|forms and slogans of struggle | of the workers, to constantly growing | against capitalism at this moment. political oppression of them and to| Instead of this we mentioned the| a consequent development of class} class struggle element in this in-; consciousness and sharpening of the |dustrialization merely incidentally , class struggle. Some American| and concentrated on the mere capi- | workers were mostly willing to ac-|talist facts of the industrialization effect of capitalism for|to prove how this industrialization but for America they ac- | develops rapidly the contradiction of d the point of view of the petty | the whole, system of American capi+ geois ideologists and theoreti-|talism. Recognition of the funda- cians of American capitalism who | mental wrongness of this approach presented American capitalism as a | demands of us a realization that our benefactor and not as an oppressor | concentration upon this one manifes- zation ef the working class in Ameri- ca, or by objectively denying the; One of the greatest problems of war danger through an almost ex-|the rovolutionary movement in the ‘clusive emphasis of a falge concep- | United States is the eradication out tion of radicalization of the workers.jof the heads of American workers These false contentions were justi-| £ this ideology of American excep- fied with a reference to tho vather |¢; shelism., diff i coucitend ie Ae In the theory that the present theze under which. 3 )Status of American capitalism and Acce under which Huropean) American capitalist development. is P SDL, GXIBtB ‘basically different from that of world All of these conceptions grew out|capitalism and demands fundamen- of the petty bourgeois theory of tally different tactics, our Perty for- American exceptionalism which is | got its duty to combat the theory of spread also throughout the American exceptionalism, but instead fell vic- working class. This belief of aitim to it. It gave way to petty fundamental difference of Amcvican|bourgevis influences while its duty capitalism from the whole system of | was to battle against them. world capitalism grew out of the [Marxism-Leninism does of course peculiar conditions under which,not deny particular and peculiar |American capitalism developed and conditions of the class struggle which which permitted it to show certain'qigfer from one country to the f the working class. |quantitative differences. These dif- | other. It is precisely the duty of ferences manifested themsclves' the sections of our world Party to \primarily in a comparative higher) cneiyze these peculiarities and (standard of living of the Amevican these particular conditions of their working class and in an earlisr’ own country to adapt the applica- \chance of the American worker to tion of the line and policy of ‘the fall victim to the illusions. of bour- | world Party to these particular con- | geois democracy. |ditions; but.instead of finding out The economic background for this how to apply, we tried to find out |peculiarity of the development of| whether to apply the Sixth World | American capitalism is the virgin | theses in America, all contrary as- character of the American continent | Serticns notwithstanding. for the conquest by capitalist 80- | This tendency found its strongest ciety; no, old forms of production | expression in the top heaviness of needed to be overcome by the capi-| our Central Committee Convention \talist form of production; untouched | Theses. The purpose of any revo- ‘and comparatively unlimited natural |lutionist in the gathering of facts |resourees guaranteed the most rapid |concerning capitalist development is expansion to capitalism; this ex-j|to draw conclusions from these facts |pansion presented an _ extensive | for the best methods of struggle, for |market to the rapidly accumulating !the best policies and the best tac- |new capital and the high quantities | tics. The major importance of any of means of consumption which were | Communist theses, therefore, lies in produced; the rapid expansion of|the revolutionary conclusions drawn capitalism made labor power a com-| from the capitalist facts. Our Cen- modity that had to be imported in|tral Committee theses however, had large quantities, This fact boosted |a very heavy super-structure of capi- the price of this commodity. In ad-|talist facts and is‘extremely weak on dition to all this the more or less |its class struggle conclusions. spectacular climbing of even only| For purposes of formulating cor- tation of American capitalism! blinded us to the tremendous counter- | acting elements of proletarian strug- | gle, which in turn, will negate the retarding influences of the crisis of | American capitalism. | Only because of this fundamen- tally wrong approach on our part could we come to the conclusion that the radicalization of the ex- ploited and: oppressed, evident in al! capitalist and in colonial and semi- colonial countries, is not accompanied | by a similar process of radicaliza-| tion in the American working class. This wrong approach was, in the, last analysis, a manifestation of the | influence of the theory of exception- | alisn) which is spread to’ the Amer- iean working class, the eombat- ting of which is our great task. This manifestation of the influ- vence of petty bourgeois American) exceptionalism upon our Party with) the consequently inevitable petty bourgeois opportunist errors flowing from it is not the only one but it suffices to prove the point. | The most dangerous outgrowth of { this influence of the petty bourgeois | idea of American exceptionalism is | | the formulation that its application jis in full harmony with the Sixth) , World Congress Theses, while the combatting of it embodies an al donment of the Sixth World Con- gress Theses, The exceptionalists maintain that their conceptions are an inherent part of the analysis of the Sixth World Congress Theses | and, therefore, the struggle against) them is a struggle for the revision of the Sixth World Congress. In this formulation the petty bourgeois influences do no longer express themselves merely in a lack of te-| sistance to the theory of exception-| alism, but is the beginning of a} definite line which combats the class| struggle program of the Sixth Con-' gress under the guise of defendinz - it against revisionists. a very few workers or petty bour- geois artisans into the lofty realms. ig? bourgeoisie helped to rect policy it was of prime neces- sity to draw the fullest class strug- gle conclusions, for instance, from (End of Second Installment.) | Bo We Contiaugas By FEODOR CEMENT GLADKOV franslated by A. S. Arthur and-C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. @ Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist Party. Gleb wins over the leading Party workers to the task of re- constructing the factory and work is started. Under the direction of Gleb, the expropriation of the proper’ clements begins. Among those who are deprived of their belongings are Chirsky, a former “socialist,” and an eccentric old scholar, the father of Serge Ivagin, a Bolshevik intellectual who is a devoted Party worker. The propertied elements are now being moved from their elegant quarters to humble huts in another part of the town. Ae night, within the garland of the mountains, rising in stony dark- ness, fires were flashing like burning birds hurling themselves into the depths from their secret eyries, dropping burning feathers from their wings and croaking words of evil augury. The depths of the night were shattered by a regiment of Red soldiers in battle array. With stony steps and stony faces they went through the menacing shadows at the ominous call of the fiery birds. . This crowd, ravaged by the night, after their convulsions of Gespair, were weak and obedient as sheep. A useless, foolish ffock. Night of sleeplessness, and this seething stagnant mass. . . Was it worth while to waste energy on this rabble, to terrify it once more before casting it out as one throws filth into the backyard? Why this unnecessary crying of children, and all this mad panic of living corpses? This crowd, stinking of intimate household sweat, terrified like sheep driven to the slaughter. groaning with misery and madness ——from them arose a nausea which wrenched his entrails. One would have to destroy these nests in some other fashion, These children would carry their fear and terror with them into the future; because children never forget fear and terror. The Red regiment, in battle array, soothed Gleb’s trouble. But this night of turmoil, reeking of underclothing and stinking of bed- room linen, stirred his soul with outrage and anger. . * * HE principal thing was not this, however; it was something els The factory with its thundering roar . . . the docks and the ships which would grow out of the sea. Thousands of workers amidst the thunder of machinery. The earth flaming with golden wheat. This was not here. . . - There in the mountains and beyond them was artillery, and the Red soldiers were loading their rifles in the trenches. And in the fields was desolation; bands of brigands roamed the land, while famished, naked, barbarized people lay dying on the n soil. To drive away this blind crowd of loafers, whistling and ing with one’s foot; to prepare one’s self for nights in the mo: winged with fiery ominous signs. Mekhova, with a rifle across her She had not slept all night, but her ey morning, “What a long time it is since I’ve lived through such.exciting mo ments, Serge! It’s just as though I was going through the war and in the October days. It’s good, wonderfully good! Well, and you? Why are you so dull, Serge, ch?” Her words resounding with joyful emotion secn-cd to come from far away. He heard her and heard her not, and it seemed somehow as if she had been crying out like this for a long time past. He answered inarticulately as in his sleep—not answering her, but that distant voice; and it seemed as though sorteone answered her and not he. 4 HAVE a headache.” “What's the matter with you? How can you think about you head when one’s blood is boiling as it used to in those days? There can be no headaches now—! The New Economie Policy—to the devil with it? Where is it? Nowhere! ‘We shall turn these people over on to forced labor tomorrow. Do you hear, Serge?” “T don’t know. . . .” “What do you mean—you don’t know? about?” “IT don’t know.” He was standing, quietly looking at the crowd, his rifle in his hand; strange and reserved. Mekhova walked away from him through the high grass, hurrying and stumbling, but where she was going he did not know. Had the incident happened or not? Was it Mekhova or someone else? Perhaps it had been just an illusion. Along the cobbled high road came a train of carts. They were loaded with household goois upon which.children were seated, and beside them were waiking working men and women. clearing his way through the long ; with length: brisk pace made his hair flutter like flames. Iders, came up to s burned with the lu * * * What are you talking bla * * * With flaming face Polia ran up to Gleb. He stuck out his chest and waved his hand. “Canrades, get into line!” The Communists came crowd, coming up to Gleb. “Now then, Citizens, take your things. . +. Get ready to march to/your new shelters. You've been living in palaces, now try huts for a while. ,There, in the suburb, you'll be shown open doors. There’s enough rooms and drawing-rooms for you—you'll be richly provided! You'll sleep on spring mattresses and rest on sofas. March!” Worn out and exhauste] the people were sitting on the grass or on their bundles; they remained flabby, blinded and déafened. Ivan Arsenitch separated himself from the crowd and left first, walking across the grass with Verochka. They walked slowly, tenderly em. braced, as though they had come out for a customary morning wafk. The old man was smiling and gesticulating, speaking to her with en- thusiastic animation, Then some others got up and walked with their bundles and baskets, following them; and then more and more. Then suddenly the whole crowd began to hurry, crawl, turn round and round _and run. It began to disperse in various directions, along the high 1oad, over the grass or back into the town. (To Be Continued) DEFRAUDED By HENRY-GEORGE WEISS. I saw -him thin and pasty white, \ Thirteen or fourteen years maybe, One morning while it scarce was light, Boarding an early car with me. running along, breaking thvo A knapsack on his back there was, ' “Out hiking, kid?” I asked him; he Replied, “No, sir, I’m bound for work Down at the cotton factory.” He coughed, the lint of cotton’ clung Upon his coat; I looked away. I could not bear to see his face. “What money do you get a day?” ’ “Two-forty, sir, thirteen a week. fr 5 The dust, it makes a feller cough: Ne, We don’t work all day Saturdays; iy, Come twelve o’clock at noon, we're 0! - He said goodbye and went his way— Poor hapless lad, so sto! To toil the sunlit hours away _.. Down at the cottomeigaboum i.