The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 1, 1929, Page 4

_ dominion governments of the empire. It may be that Mac- Page Four DAILY ulbbesmitiles , except Y. New York only): nths of New York) $5.00 a year months $6.00 a year Address and mail all onths quare been bluntly raised of Great Britain scrap- in the West Indies. At the same time the United States moves energetically to strengthen Wall Street’s grip in the same waters. In the competitive struggle between Great Britain and the U iS on the seas there is no likelihood of British imp lism endering her West Indian naval ba: 3rit- ish fleets with an eye to the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean would base t selves inevitably on the Bahamas and Trini dad. Here they could not only stand guard over an American fleet bottled up in the Mexican Gulf, routes to the Panama Canal. The proposals of the naval ists in the Hoover administration that the British give ir West Indian strongholds, therefore, has a very de- ose. That purpose has no eye toward peace but s a definite part of the war preparations. It is an integral part of that competitive struggle on the seas outlined by Senator Be “We are witnessing the beginning of the Anglo-American com- petitive struggle on the seas. The present situation differs in noth- ing frem that which developed between Great Britain and Germany in the period of 1905 to 1914. To be sure, so far as the governments are concerned, the customary mutual assurances of unbounded friendship, and of total absence of intention to take up competition on the seas, will be exchanged. The declarations passing between Germany and England in the 1914 period were of the same kind.” An indication of the “pacific” intentions of Wall Street is revealed by Augustino Sandino, the Nicaraguan revolu- tionary leader, who has arrived in Mexico, and who declares: “Right now American imperialism is provoking trouble be- tween Honduras, Salvador and Guatemala, striving to create an opportunity to step in and acquire islands for the establishment of a new naval base.” There is also, of course, the plan to build another canal across the isthmus through Nicaragua, one of the reasons why Wall Street and Washington desire a subservient gov- ernment in this Central American country. The throwing up of defenses for the Panama and the proposed Nicaraguan Canal constitutes an outstanding fea- ture of Yankee imperialism’s war preparations, directed in } ase principally against England. The correspondent of the New York Times in London that the British masses are waiting for something de- finite to come out of the “speeches and public pronounce- ments” of MacDonald and Dawes. Up to the present all verbal exchanges have been “cordially indefinite,” it is point- ed out. There is nothing indefinite about the maneuvers over West Indian naval bases, the developing tariff war between | the United States as against Europe and Latin America, the competition on the seas, the struggle for foreign markets, all a very definite part of the developing war danger. Iti is against this threat of war that labor in all lands is massing for International Red (Anti-War) Day, August 1. Against imperialist war! For the defense af the Soviet Union and world peace! Liquidators Expelled from Czechoslovak Party ‘HE recent Plenary Session of the Czechslovakian Com- munist Party by unanimous vote after a thorough dis- cussion expelled Vaclav Bolen, Vaclav Houser, Bohuslav Jilek, Alois Muna, Alois Neurath, Josef Skalek and Frantisek Tou- zil. | The statement of the central committee points out that the united group of liquidators around Hais, Jilek and Neu- rath have developed into a counter-revolutionary group poli- tically hostile to the Czechoslovakian Communist Party, t the Communist International and to the Soviet Union. Those who have been expelled refused to abandon the platform of Hais and declared openly that they would con- tinue their struggle against the Communist International. The statement of Jilek, that the Communist International was pursuing a counter-revolutionary policy, and of Bolen that the authority of the Communist International was all humbug, places them in the ranks of the enemies of the Com- intern. They took up a counter-revolutionary attitude to the heroic struggles of the Berlin proletariat, by accusing the Communist Party of Germany of putchism, and described the international action against imperialist war and for the defense of the Soviet Union which is being prepared, also as putchism. They deny the danger of war and in this way assist the social-democrats to deceive the workers. They support and propagate in their newspapers the attitude of Hais to the struggles of the workers. Hais is openly on the side of the Yeformists, the govern- ment and the capitalists and rejects the struggle of the Slo- vakian land workers, for instance, as “unjustifiable.” Recently the preparations of the liquidators for the for- mation of an anti-Communist Party have increased. They have formed a central organ and a provincial organ and an opp%sitional parliamentary fraction which co-operates with the bourgeois parliamentary institutions. In the ranks of the members of the trade unions and of the other mass organ- izations, they are, however, completely isolated. The expelled members of the Czechoslovakian Party are typical of the international right wing, that finds its spokes- men in Germany in Brandler and Thalheimer. The struggle of Lovestone against the Communist International crystal- lizes the same tendency in the United States, which must be energetically fought here as well as in Germany, Czecho- slovakia and all other countries, wherever it appears. Instead of proceeding directly with the renewal of diplo- matic relations with the Union of Soviet Republics, the Mac- Donald “labor” government finds an excuse for delay by starting negotiations over the question with the various Donald hopes these may give him some cause to throw Boviet recognition overboard. but also command the | h when ‘he said: | | CAMOUFLAGE | NEW YORK, MONDAY, JULY 1, 1929 By Jacob Burck Te Polbureau is desirous of securing the breadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their | ‘selasead for the Party Press. Resolutions of Factory Nuclei also will be printed in this section. Send all material deal- |) ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- |! ee office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York ity. An Examination of the Party’s Tasks By MAX SALZMAN. The enlightenment campaign has very effectively helped to win the support of the membership for the line of the Communist International. Most of the material however has dealt with the pointing out by com- rades of the mistakes which their former groups have made, and in ex- posing the opposition to the latest! letter to our Party. Not enough at- tention has been given to the ex- planation of the Party tasks, with an} explanation of the letter particularly in regard to the theory of excep- |tionalism, in relation to the role and position of American imperialism, the question of radicalization, etc. The shortcomings in our Party must be dealt with in the light of the Open Letter. I want to deal with a few of them here. | Firstly, there is still a weakness in our participation in mass struggles. Take Elizabethton for example. Here comrades actively participated in ‘the struggle only after the betrayal had been put over by the United, | Textile Workers. necessary for comrades in Elizabeth- ton to go to Gastonia in view of the developments there, this was not fol- lowed up with the sending of other comrades to carry on the work. Secondly, among a number of rank |and file comrades still exists under- ‘estimation in regard to the new period we are in in the U. S. ‘They do not recognize that the strug- gle in Gastonia is a very significant point in American ‘labor history. They fail to see that the struggle in Gastonia represents a new period when every force in capitalist so- ciety from the socialist party, thru the Nation, the Civil Liberties Union, to the textile barons and the whole capitaljst class is lined up against the struggle we are making. This underestimation finds its ex- pression in the question put by many ‘comrades, “Are the comrades in | Gastonia really in danger of getting the electric chair?” This attitude .leads to a weakening of our defense ‘campaign and is mainly responsible | for the fact that the movement for the defense of the arrested Gastonia When it became | strikers is not greater than it is. Th phase of our Party work suffer period has been our Not only was it cham because N gross distortion ‘of the line, of the Sixth Communist In- |# ternational Congress on the Negro| question. First, there is the position | expressed in the article of Comrade | Pepper where he put forward a posi- | tion that was rejected by the Sixth} |Congress, namely the advocacy by| \the Party of a Negro Republic, in connection with the slogan of self- determination in the United States, for the oppressed Negro Masses in the south. Also we must severely criticize those leading Negro Com- rades who accept the Address of the Communist International and_ still pose the slogan of self- -determina- ion for the United States: | Why is the slogan of self-de- termination necessary. Because the Negroes are an oppressed race, 74 per cent of whom live in the “black ‘belt” in the south. We fight for \self-determination, which means that the Negro masses must decide for |themselves whether they want a separate state and what form of governmental expression they want |to have. Of course it is clear that the question of the emancipation of | rai the Negro masses can only be settled with the proletarian revolution. The any reservations. the de ms in letter and spirit. We oppose and condemn the either openly or secretly, or in any —_— hw CHICAGO SECTION 2. STREET NUCLEUS NO. 204, We accept and endorse the address of the Communist International to and all the decisions for the Communist Party of America without We pledge ourselves to carry out the, address and We are convinced that the decisions of the Communist International correctly point out the problems before our party, and will Communist forces in America under the red banner of Commuaism. Gitlow, and endorse the steps taken by the Central Executive Committee of our Party against those who oppose the decisions of the Comintern way hinder their carrying out. For a unity under ‘the leadership and guidance of the Communist International—the World Communist Party of the proletariat! ng the question of a Negro Re-| today is wrong. It is wrong, s tempts to settle now a | question which can only be settled | in the fire of the struggle. We can-| ot tell today whether the form that self-determination will take will be Negro Soviet Republic, Whether it will mean the reorganizatioh of the state boundaries so as to allow this | form of self-government by the Negroes themselves, or what the con- crete form self-determination shall | The comrades in the leading ion of the ANLC must be} criticized for their failure to raise | in the program of the ANLC the question of self-determination along with the economic demands of the Negro peasants, A serious shortcoming of our Party is in the field of organization. The question of the War Danger places very seriously before the Party the question of its apparatus in connection with illegal work. Much more attention must be given to this question than heretofore. The extent to which this question is dealt with is one of the means of judging how serious the Party takes the growing war danger. The present functioning of most of the Party units do not involve the greatest number of comrades in the work of the Party. The activity of the units is limited mainly to those comrades who attend unit meetings. ify all splitting tactics of Lovestone and And the manner in which the work | is conducted: hinders the politicali- zation of the units. Take my unit for example and from what I know of | other units this condition is general | | throughout the Party. More than half of most meetings are taken up with technical matters !which can easily be handled by effi- cient functioning committees, Hours | are wasted at the meeting in getting volunteers for litrature distribution, in discussing what corners should be used for street meetings, what litera- |ture should be sold there, who should |be the speakers, etc. These are problems that can easily be dealt ‘with by a well functioning agit-prop committee which can play a great role in drawing into the scope of its activity comrades who absent them- selves from unit meetings as well as those who attend them. This will allow much more time for real politi- cal and practical discussions in the units. The same thing can be done with other problems and committees. This will establish the authority of the committees and destroy the sit- uation where the organizer of the unit has all the work piled on his shoulders. It is not an accident that our unit has not discussed the Gastonia sit- uation, although the strike has been on a number of months: or that we have not. diseussed the furriers’ strike, or any other of the problems that every one in the Party must understand. The functioning of the unit in its present form obstructs such discussions and therefore the jmterest in ou&{ metings is not so great on the part of new elements. Comrades are asked to come on the picket line in strikes, but the response would be greater and much more wholehearted political under- standing of the issues involved would be had, if the comrades discussed the matter in their units. By combatting those who fight the decision in open or concealed form, by analyzing and correcting the mis- takes of the Party, it is certain we can make the Address a means for the building of our Party into a mass Party of the American prole- tariat. ) By FEODOR GLADKOV CEMENT Translated by A. S. Arthur and C, Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Ar Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after ihe Civil War to find the great cement works, ly worked as a mechanic, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a lif. town. Under start confis wherg he had forin whom he has not seen for three years. of her own, a leader among the Communist women of the the direction of Gleb a group of Communist workers cating the belongings of the middle class elements. The who was once a “socialist. t victim is Chirsky, * . * AVCHUK, clumsy as a bull, was turning out cupboards and chests His soiled feet were white from the strain and his face S of drawers. empurpled. “Oh, the dey ils—what stuff they've hoarded up here for themselves! While our swineherds were making pipe-lighters and carrying sacks * around the country, these vile people were getting fat as pigs in their hidden corners. Ha, ha, here’s some music—no balalaika but a regular barge!” He was drumming the piano now. “You'd have to be big as bulls to play on this.” Serge stood there, his rifle in hand, and did not know what to do, In his youth he had visited this house. Chirsky, a well-known lawyer, in years gone by was friendly with his father. He was a socialist, a member of all the Imperialist Dumas, a member of the Constituent Assembly, elected on list No. 7. Serge did not look at him and was fighting down his own agita- tion. He was afraid Chirsky would come up to him and offer his hand and begin to speak to him like an old acquaintance. He pretended not to recognize him and clenched his teeth until it hurt. He wished to be firm with his comrades, but he felt his legs tremble at the prospect of some scandalous incident happening. And that which he had looked forward to as frightful and fr- reparable happened quite simply and unnoticed. Chirsky was staring at him and smiling fastidiously, waiting the moment to pass him a word. “So, Serge Ivanovitch, you also are engaged in such unbecoming affairs as this attack? In your language and mine we would call this robbery. You will most likely go on from here to your father, Ivan Arsenitch, and perform the same operation. Probably you will leave your father just a little more for himself than you have left us here. Here you are taking our last suit of underwear. Aren’t you preserving for yourself the inviolability of inheritance? Perhaps here too, for the sake of old friendship, you will make some allowance?” « * . HE woman stopped crying and stretched out her arms to him. T Tears trickled down her cheeks and trembled on the sagging pounches of her dobule chin. “Serge Ivanovitch! My little dove . .. There was a time when you were a dear friend of ours! What are you doing here? Can it possibly be you, Serge Ivanovitch?” Forcing himself to be immovable and stern, Serge erica his rifle till his finger points; there was a singing in his head. Without looking at Chirsky, he said sharply: “Yes, my father will have the same tgeatinent as you. Like you he will be turned out of his house and will not return to it.” When he had said these words he felt suddenly relieved. The man standing by the table seemed comical in his faded dignity and presump- tion. “So, 80... tions!” Dasha had found a big doll, a fat one with big eyes and yellow wool on its head. She smiled and stepped up to the little girl. “What a wonderful doll! Take it, little one; she’s been lonely with- cut you—she thought she’d been lost. How nice you look together, you and the doll!” The girl jumped off the sofa and took the doll with both hands. Dasha smiled and patted her on the head. Horrified, the woman rushed over to the little girl and seized her hand. “Nina, don’t you dare! I forbid it! Come here—! Don’t you see, they’re not ashamed to take your last little chemise from you? Throw thé doll away! Come here at once!” The girl pressed the doll to her breast and threw herself on the sofa, covering it with her body. ' “It’s my doll—mine! Mummie, dear!” The knot of Dasha’s eyebrows contracted. “Aren’t you ashamed of yourself, madam?” Savchuk sniffed and grumbled. He was carrying the bedding from the bedrooms, great heaps of clothes which he threw on to the floor. He wiped the sweat from his forehead and glared like a wolf at the people and the goods, “There! These heathen—what a lot of stuff they’ve stored up! This job is worse than the coopers’ shop! Damn it, I'd rather work on the ropeway!” Dasha came up to Gleb and reported briskly: “An inventory has been made of everything, Gleb. Everything needed has been taken. We've left them one chang of linen and cloth- ing. I have decided to expropriate the pictures and other rare things like clocks, china, toys and books. Whew, there’s all the books in the world here! Tomorrow we’ll put the seals of the People’s Commiseariat for Education on the books. Everything else and this piano will go to the Children’s Homes and the Clubs.” Gleb was cold and reserved as one who commands. “All right. Leave everything except the linen in its place. A guard of two men must stay here. Finish up here!” “Good, that’s what I thought. We're waiting for the carts.” She walked stern and preoccupied. You’ve learned to be fierce enough I see. Congratula- * ‘LEB went up to Serge and took him on one side. “Where’s your old man’s house? I’m going to pay him a visi Serge could not tell whether there was irony in Gleb’s words or just a friendly joke. He choked down his anxiety and shouldered his rifle. “I can go with you, Comrade Chumalov; it’s not far from here.” “No, that would be a mistake. It would be too painful for thé old man. We're not doing this to torture people, but to execute our business.” Serge pressed Gleb’s hand tightly and turned away. In the starlit dawn the houses appeared blue. Mist was drifting down from the mountains and purple shadows floated over the bay. The morning song of the birds resounded. Mysterious torches—now near, now far—lit up-and vanished again in the steel-like opacity of the mountains. * * * * 'LEB’S path was barred at the cross street by a compact mass in military array with bayonets bristling. With rhythmic step the Red soldiers were marching, Most likely there were many columns of them which were not visible, but the stir of their movement was every- where over the town. In the alleys and along the paved ways. The clanging carts rolled on. The Red Army, a campaign, field-work. . . . It was such a short time ago! How he loved them! Gleb’s helmet had not yet cooled down after fire and forced marches. They were marching, and their bayonets wove a harmonious movement. They were marching and he was here. Why should he be here instead of taking his place in those ranks? He, the War Commissar of the - be a His helmet burned his head with the unquenched fire of action, Sobbing, with long strides, he hurried towards the long ‘yows of © bayonets, for a moment to mingle with the elastic rhythmic ranks and - render them the greeting of a Red soldier. But the column wheeled abruptly, disappearing round the corner, and he saw only two Red soldiers, one behind the other, silently hitching up their Gor opm and swinging their rifles, hurrying to catch up with their comrades, (To be continued) | } ee ee ; ‘ : ‘ ’ we