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_ tion in Latin America, for the defense of the Soviet Union, Page Four ATILY WORKER EW YORK, TUESDAY, JUNE 25, 1929 Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc.. Daily Sunday, at. 26-28 Union Square, New York City, Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7 Cable: “DAIWOR. SUBSCRIPTION RAT! By Mali (in New York $4.50 six months By, Mail (outside of New York) $6.00 a year $3.50 six months Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, New York, N, ¥. except b only): $8.00 a year $2.50 three months 2.00 three months 6-28 Union Reaction Consolidates Its Forces in Mexico Ns the imperialist press of the United States hails as “yeligious peace” in Mexico is in reality the consolida- tion of all the reactionary forces in the country against the working and peasant masses. It is one more achievement for Wall Street through its agent Dwight W. Morrow, in his cam- paign against the workers and peasants of Mexico and of all Latin ‘America. The agreement between the government of Portes Gil and the Roman Catholic hierarchy in Mexico unites the agents of imperialism, represented by the government, with the feudal landholders represented by the church. This latest act in the progress of the Mexican ruling class toward reaction sheds a glaring light on recent political events in the Southern republic. It confirms our conviction, expressed at the time of the event, that the murder of Obre- gon was a result of a conspiracy in which the Yankee impe- rialists and the church jointly participated. Portes Gil, lackey of Wall Street, who occupies the post of president to which the murdered Obregon was elected, now holds in re- actionary embrace the bloody hand of Obregon’s assassin. Nor can this latest political event be separated from the wanton murder by government forces of Comrade Guadelupe Rodriguez, the founder and leader of the Reasants’ League in the state of Durango. This assassination of Comrade Rodriguez by the Mexican government is the clearest indica- tion of the policy it is now definitely following—a policy aimed at disarming the workers and peasants and delivering them helpless into the hands of the imperialists and the feudal reaction. Rodriguez, more than any other man, saved the government of Portes Gil from serious defeats in the state of Durango at the hands of the feudal proprietors and the counter-revolutionary generals last March. When the reactionary insurrection held the state of Durango, Comrade Rodriguez went to that state and organized the workers and peasants in the rear of the counter-revolutionary rebels, di- rected many heavy military engagements, defeated many rebel detachments and captured large supplies of arms and munitions with which he equipped the worker and peasant forces, thus helping the government defeat the reactionary forces. The fact that the workers and peasants were being armed alarmed the government that had already gone over to the camp of the imperialists. Even a partially armed working class and peasantry endangered the reactionary course of the government, hence the order to disarm the masses before they were aroused against the treachery of the Portes Gil government. It was this motive that resulted in the execution of Comrade Rodriguez. After the reactionary military forces had been crushed, the government of Mexico, under orders of Morrow, reward- ed Comrade Rodriguez by arresting him and charging him with “appropriating arms without permission.” He was tried by a drum-head court-martial and summarily shot. The murder of Comrade Rodriguez was the prelude to a campaign for disarming the masses that is systematically being carried out in Mexico, The so-called peace between state and church, a combining of the imperialists and the feudal land holders against the masses, should arouse all the class conscious workers and peasants as to the real motives of their class enemies. The Mexican masses will shortly face the question of insurrection against the government and the feudal reaction. The masses must resist to the very last extremity any further attempts'to disarm-them. It is also imperative that €ié masses of workers and peasants in the other Latin American nations understand the dangers involved in this latest reactionary alliance. It is quite evident that the imperialists of the United States are going to utilize the church in their drive to consolidate all Latin America into a Yankee colony, In its world-wide struggle against its imperialist rival, Britain, the Yankee ruling class is desperately striving to crush all resistance in Latin America, so that it can utilize naval and military advantages in that part of the world and also obtain an uninterrupted supply of raw material for its war industries. It is a part of the campaign to consolidate the rear for the next war. It cannot be separated from the drives being waged within the United States to crush the militant unions. The same tyranny that murdered Sacco and Vanzetti and is trying to murder 14 Gastonia strikers, is also responsible for the murder of Comrade Rodriguez, Julio Mella and thousands of other workers and peasants in Latin Amer- ica, The ties that must unite in struggle the workers of North America and Latin America, extend to all parts of the world where Yankee despotism is operating. They unite the workers of the two ‘American continents with the work- ers and peasants of the Soviet Union, whose government is constantly the object of imperialist provocations and con- spiracies. They unite us with the masses of Germany who bear the burdens of the reparations agreement and who, next | to the workers in America, suffer most from the devastating effects of capitalist rationalization. re No occasion should be overlooked to display the inter- national solidarity of the working and peasant masses of the world. It is in this sense that the world-wide strikes and demonstrations that will take place throughout the world on International Red Day, August 1st, acquire special signifi- cance. In Latin ‘America these demonstrations and strikes | should take the special form of struggle against any attempts to further disarm the workers and peasants, and a drive to place arms in the hands of the masses, who alone can defend | the revolution against the imperialists and feudal land- | holders. In the land of dollar despotism the workers must stage strikes and demonstrations against intervention and reac- ‘ight to liberate the Gastonia prisoners, and in every way fight against the ruling class and its preparations for an- other imperialist war. Koy dim seg To International Red ‘Day Against Imper- | AWAKEN TO THE DANGER! sees . By Jacob Burck | | eg, | | | ‘pte Polbureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their Towards Sharpening Class Struggles lation to the Communist Interna- tional). By the wrong analysis of the strength and role of American im- perialism, we were heading in a wrong direction. The Open Letter war development. The Comintern Internatjonal opened the eyes of the membership as to-the meaning of the third period of capitalist post- was development. The Comintern has pointed out the sharpening con- tradictions, mighty waves of class- struggle, colonial revolts, imperialist wars, revolutions in which we are partly in and partly heading for. The The Address of the Communist International is a mighty weapon with which to fight the alien ele- ments in the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Who elements? These are bourgeois, are these petty-bourgeois, and social-demo- cratic influences in the Party. In the past these influences have taken the form of united front proposi- tions with the Socialist Party leader- ship—reformist illusions,—and in| Comintern has shown us that ex- the “no more cruisers” slogan— ceptionalism, _unprincipled fac- cre . « tionalism, are intolerable, especially pacifism. When Norman Thomas i, the “third period.” The Com. said that he approves of a major part of Comrade Bert Wolfe’s pro- gram, it was a sure sign that there was something rotten in that pro- gram. The analysis that U. S. im- peralism is above world capitalism, was influenced by the enemy class, was a reformist ‘standpoint and served as a basis for whole series of right mistakes, especially the munist International has pointed out that the right danger existed in both groups. Can anyone say that he is not responsible for the mis- takes of the past? That would be incorrect. Every one, especially the leading comrades of both groups, are responsible, and have one now, “Lovestone No more group” capitalism being different from the | innumerable right mistakes and pro- rest of world capitalism, and ther tecting its own group and its own Functionaries’ Meeting in Unanimous Support to Comintern Address and Central Committee Measures tor Carrying It Out NEW YORK SECTION ONE FUNCTIONARIES MEETING. The meeting of functionaries of Section One, District 2, Communist Party of America, consisting of CEC members, unit functionaries, rep- resentatives of shop nuclei and representatives of the Young Communist * League, wholeheartedly apd unreservedly accepts and endorses the Ad- dress to the membership of the American Communist Party. The meeting pledges itself to fight against the open opposition to the decisions of the CI., of comrades Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe, or any other opposition that may conceal itself under the cover of a formal acceptance of discipline, but in reality laying the basis for opposition to the decision of the Comintern and its leadership. Such an opposition is even more dangerous because it only pays lip service to the decision, while at the same time it is actively engaged in organizing a faction against the Comintern. ‘ The meefing endorses and approves the action of the Polcom, and the District Buro, in removing comrade Bert Miller as organization secretary of this district for his opposition to the decisions of the Cl embodied in a resolution drawn up by comrade Miller for presentation | to the Party units and on the basis of which to mobilize the Party membership against the Comintern and to split the Party. Such an attitude must inevitably lead to an, open attack on the CI and the Soviet Union, y It is the opinion of this meeting that, at this stage of the enlighten- ment campaign, we must intensify our struggle against the concealed opposition to the address, while taking the strongest measures against all “open” opposition. The opposition to the address is even more serious when viewed in the light that an International plot is being We have had fights in the past|munist International and aim to in- However, the | fluence the membership into an anti-| basis of these fights has changed.| Comintern standpoint. | or|to accept the Communist Interna- |theory of exceptionalism. (U. §.|‘Bittelman group” each committing | tional and to be opposed to a certain x ©" | right elements. Now the Party will /rist line. fore, the U. S. Communist Party) fight these elements of both former | ceed opposition to the having a different position in its re-| groups. The Party will fight these/ lea Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party} opinions for the Party Press. Resolutions of Factory Nuclei aiso will be printed in this section. Send all material deal- ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- |) tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York City. elements of both former groups, who cept the Communist International | have an anti-Comintern, anti-Party | Address without. sufficient self-criti- attitude. This is a fight for the prin- | aunt and admittance of wrong: acts. ciples of Leninism, for a Bolshevik} Those few leading comrades who unity of our Party, for the correct | claimed that the membership is fol- relationship of the various parties|lowing them, will be disillusioned to the world party and its leadership. | and find that the American Party is} But let us not point at every one|a Comintern Party. Now a, few in the Party with suspicion. On! words on the “running sore it the | the other hand we must be aware of Communist International apparatus.” the fact that anti-Comintern ele- Is there any difference between this ments are building nation-wide and talk about the “running sore” and international connections fer dis-|the slogan of the right wing in the rupting and splitting our Party and | Russian Party which speaks of the! building an anti-Communist Party. | “disintegration of the Communist | We don’t want unity only in votes. | International.” | We want unity in ideology. It is) ‘The first statement is an attack wrong when leading comrades keep | against the Communist International cilent at meetings, where the prob-| and for the defense of the “right” lems of our Party and its relation to jine in the American Party. The the Communist Intornatignal are dis-| second statement is an attack] cussed. against the Communist International | It is wrong to distribute mimeo-| which means the road of Brandler | graphed copies of the speeches of and Thalheimer, right-wingers, ex- Comrade Lovestone, Gitlow and pelled from the Comintern. Defend-| Wolfe, amongst the membership as|ers of the first statement are also these speeches are defenders of the | defenders of the international right right mistakes, attack the Com- wing elements. They are against the Communist International. The fight against the right danger It is wrong! and factionalism is of special im- portance today, when American | capitalism is heading towards a member of the Secretariat, since the| crisis. We must condemn any anti- Secretariat carries out the Commu-|party attitude and sincerely and This talk may lead to con- | unitedly get to work to carry out the Party | Address of the Communist Interna- ership. It is also wrong to ac-| tional. —LOUIS KOVESS. “Congress of the Communist. International. The Evert group in Germany, which under a cloak uf phrases adopts the program of the renegade Brandler group, the Hais group in Chechoslovakia, the Humert-Drox group in Switzerland and Servia, are all a part of the International “right wing” opposition to the line of the Sixth Comintern Congress. The false theory of the degeneration of the Comintern, the theory of the Yevision of the Sixth Congress ere raised as a cloak by these ele- ments in order to put thru their own “right wing” program, which objectively helps the bourgeoisie. The “open” and concealed opposi- tionists to the Comintern address led by comrades Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe, if continued, must ultimately lead to the above mentioned camp, away from the Comintern. This meeting pledges itself to give its utmost and unflinching sup- port to the higher Party organs in fighting for the line of the Sixth Congress, for the unity and leadership of the Comintern and for the | Address to the American Communist Party. | We pledge ourselves to get to work and apply the line. contained in the address to the everyday Party activities in our Section. We will take all measures against any form of opposition or misinterpretation of the address. This resolution was unanimously adopted. Ben Gerjoy—Section Organizer, Section One. * * * CHICAGO STREET NUCLEUS. Street Nucleus 201, District 8 (Chicago) unanimously endorses and pledges support to the CI address. It ix the opinion of the nucleus that this address corrects the right errors committed by both of the former groups. The nucleus condemns the policy of Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe, which would lead to a split, and endorses the action of the Polcom in removing Bert Miller for the misuse of his position to or- | Me and Nurka—! | A paper has fallen down, By FEODOR CEMENT cispwov Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked as a mechanic, in ruins and the life of the town’ disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own,.a leader among the Communist women of the town. * * * TE sat her down between two bearded fellows, and they searched the dwelling until morning, rummaging in every corner and crevice, in the closets and among the rags. “He got away in time, the bastard!” Later, in the early dawn, sweaty and tired with their fruitless task, they dragged her and Nurka to a villa. There in a cellar she sat with Nurka among a crowd of strange people, dazed, dishevelled and feverish. There she and Nurka sat until noon. Some of them | talked to her, but she did not remember a word they said. At midday she was taken out of the cellar. officer again fixed her with his eyes. @ “Well, now, where is your husband, young woman? Now don't deny anything. Anyway, we shan’t let you go until you tell us. If he’s safe, what are you worrying about? Don’t be pigheaded, damn it, it’s of no use!” Tearless, almost fainting with exhaustion, she repeated: “How do I know, when you yourselves took him away? who could say how you've tortured him to death!” Someone behind her barked like a dog: “To hell—let her go, Colonel! Don’t you see she’s gone mad The same young bony It’s you | with fear?” But the Colonel’s eyes glistened, and he hissed furiously: “Don’t you know, you bitch, that for your obstinacy we shall have to shoot you instead of your husband? It won’t do you any good to play the simple innocent right through to the end.” “All right, shoot! And then? And what then?” It was not she speaking, it seemed to her, but someone else who vibrated within her like a thin chord. “You know you’ve torn him to bits and he’s dead. Me and Nurka. . . .” When her senses returned it was as though the sun had poured balm upon her. She was on the smooth, dusty, burning highroad. In front of her was the factory and there, further up on the slope, the workmen’s settlement; and far away she could see the red roof under which was her room which had been empty since the night. And now she was again alone. She became friendly with Motia Savchuk and passed whole days with her in her house, * ee | Tear me too. ..« 1 ia days and nights were no longer troubled. The days were radiant with the sun and the nights with the stars. And when she sat in her doorway, looking up at the stars and hearing the streams in the valley ringing like little bells, she would think about Gleb. "Where was he? Was he alive? Would he come back sometime to her out of the darkness? One day when the mountains melted in a shimmering mist into the sky, Dasha was sitting as usual on the doorstep, darning some rags. Near her, Nurka was playing with a kitten on the asphalt courtyard. Grasshoppers: played music on their combs and over the sea beyond the roof-lines of the works, gulls flashed ‘in the ‘air. A soldier, his face distinguished by the Tength of his: moustaches, his legs wrapped in ragged puttees, passed by. Soldiers were always passing by nowadays. He came up to the fence and stood there leaning against the posts. This was nothing, there were but few soldiers who did not hungrily accost a woman. But this one spoke tg her in an unusual, stern and stealthy voice. “Dasha, don’t jump like a cat. Don’t move. News of Gleb. Look! At night-time I'll come to you. Don’t: be frightened!” And on he went. She noticed oply that his immense moustache and his eyebrows hung like scraps of tow. * ee ee. Gu wanted to fly to the fence for the paper, but the soldier turned back once more, frowning with his tufted eyebrows. She -under- stood that she had to wait until he had disappeared. With blood rush- ing to her heart, her eyes filled with a red whirling, with the last effort of her will, she softly beckoned Nurka. ~~ “Come here to mummie, my darling. ~Quicker—quicker! Pick up that piece of paper and bring it to mumniie.° That’s right. Come to mummie’s arms with the paper. Quicker—quicker!” Like a baby chicken, Nurka pecked at the piece of paper and picked it up; and like a chicken waddled back to Dasha. - “Here, mummie! Here it is!” She lay on her mother’s lap and began to kick her legs. A red whirlwind was in Dasha’s eyes, her heart was bursting. These were the words she’ read on the paper: these were the words written by Gleb. Could anyone except Gleb write like this? “Dasha, I am alive and well. Take care of yourself and little Nurka. Burn this at once; and Efim of the Moustache will tell you everything.” Gleb, dear beloved Gleb! If you’re still alive and well with cour- age to face life—then she, Dasha, is also strong and full of courage with which to face life. * * * . Av night, the moustachioed Efim came. He smelt of the mountains and the woods, but it seemed to Dasha that he smelt not of the woods but of Gleb. In the darkness of the room, near the window— the sky was flecked with moving stars—Dasha sat side by side with Efim, trembling with joy and love for Gleb. The moustachioed one, with a hoarse whisper, smelling of tobaceo and with a revolver in his hand, at. once began to speak such words as Dasha could scarcely understand. . “Now the first point, Dasha, you must help us. Firstly, Gleb is dragging his way through the White lines to the Red Army. If he’s lucky, he’ll get through... If he falls into a trap, good-night! But it isn’t about him——” : Dasha, trembling, incoherently, stammered. “Then, is it—is it possible—. Tell me, Comrade Efim... . Could he perish in such a tramping life? Then he’s alone? He’s alone among these human beasts——” “Now the talk’s not about him in the second place. The second point is a word about yourself, Gleb’s word. Take care of yourself and be strong. The times are so uncertain—. You won’t lose sight of me. You'll be. our Green friend. This comes from me and Gleb, who’s hand in glove with me, Follow closely.- You're going :to do it, not just for Gleb, but for all our brother Greens. For the time being, our band takes the place of your husband. Remember now. I-shall be everywhere ready—everywhere at once. You want to organize all the Green widows into a band. You yourself get into the factory co-opera- tive, into the food department. We can settle that at once. Well, qthat’s all! Don’t come out, just slip the latch.” “And how about my daughter? What about little Nurka?” “Put her in the care of a good woman. ‘Nurke won’t fly away from you. If you've got another word to say, say it now.” ~. * * oo paAsza trembled all over, and however much she tried she could not say the needed: word. She only said: “Perhaps, Comrade Efim, it may be that Gleb is even now walking alone in the, night. And death is hovering over him. If it is so for him it should be so for me. I should follow’the road that my Gleb has followed.” % ‘ * ¢ Efim smiled in the darkness and he tapped her knee softly. And he went out unheard, as, though he had never been there at all, as though he had passed like a dark night-shadow through her dream-thoughts. i Ka 3 There came another time when Dasha ‘shuddered and trembled as she had that night. But that was a long time after, at the end of many long days of obstinate labor, be She confided Nurka to the care of Motia, to. whom she gave over a portion of her food ration. Motia was a good woman and a good friend, and she cared well for Nurka. Dasha began to work for the Co-operative, at the distribution of bread in the bakery.’ Sometimes “unknown tmen:arrived (at such times | the blood rushed to: her heart) and in return for slips of paper took away sacks of bread “For the workers. in the mountain quarries.” There were about half a dozen of the “Greert Widows.” Half of them were petty speculators, abused and deceived their husbands, car- rying on with other men, and soon. forgot ei The other three were unemployed, and kept~themselves by washing linen for .the dfficers and receiving soldiers and Englishmen at night inorder to obtain food. -Dasha got them - a i tasks to perform? to. go to the town-and® a ; clothes, boots and papers and report rtant people. ¥ nai their old mates altogether, — eT —————— I