The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 24, 1929, Page 4

Page Four — YY DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JUNE 24, 1929 } ¥ Central Organ of the Communist Party, of the U. S. A. i brn Sse k World-Wide tppeal for Gastonia Victims * PHE statement of the Central Committee of the Commu- nist Party of the United States, in behalf of the vic- tims of the Gastonia frame-up is the opening gun in a cam- paign that must reach every section of whole world. It an appeal not only to the worker: United States, gut is calculated to mobilize the m of the great im- perialist countries, the workers and pe s of the smaller capitalist countries and the millions « of colonial ‘oppression against this latest murder conspiracy of Yankee y. Uncle Shylock, as the United States ruling power is known in other parts of the world, is already despised by every intelligent worker and peasant, countless millions of whom are horribly exploited in order that the Yankee loan- monger may have his tribute. The seven years’ torture and finally the cynical assas- sination of Sacco*and Vanzetti aroused the hatred of the working class of the whole world. But this ruling class, ar- rogant and drunk with power, is now preparing to stage a wholesale murder-feast in Gastonia, because those workers dared challenge the mill owners and the rest of the capitalist class by waging a fight against the miserable conditions existing in the rationalized industries of the South. Let no one for a moment be deluded regarding the pc sibility of the capitalist courts act except executioners of these Gastonia victims. No such illusions as hampered the defense of Sacco and Vanzetti can be tolerated. Only the world-wide mass fury of the working class can save the victims of the Gastonia frame-up. Once again the masses of the other countries must gather in tremendous demonstrations before the American embassies, before American banks and American enterprises wherever they may be and let it be known in no uncertain terms that they, as a part of the ruling class of this country, will be held accountable to the workers unless the Gastonia victims are released. There is no time for procrastination. No time to wait for the murderous wheels of capitalist justice to bring these workers to the door of the electrocution room. Now is the-time to act and act quickly! Hoover’s Drive Against Labor The Sunday capitalist papers prominently feature a story from Washington to the effect that the Hoover admin- istration leaders have launched a nation-wide drive on “Reds.” ‘This is to take the form, at first, of a “publicity campaign,” on behalf of the “principles of sound govern- ment.” The National Republican, a monthly magazine, which for years has been the spokesman for the most reac- tionary section of the republican party, is to be the official organ of the administration in the drive. This reactionary magazine maintains a special press service that boasts of supplying information to more than 5,000 editors of papers throughout the country. That the biggest and most reactionary sections of the capitalist class are aware of the present movement of the whole working class toward an offensive against the capi- talist class is plainly revealed by the fact that the main emphasis in the campaign is to be the necessity of com- batting the Communist Party, the vanguard of the working class. It is no accident that this announcement of a new campaign directed from official Washington against the Communist Party of the United States follows closely upon the heels of the Gastonia frame-up to railroad to the electric chair men, women and youth because the strikers in the tent colony defended themselves from wholesale slaughter at the hands of the agents of the mill owners. { The official character of this latest anti-labor drive is proved, by the fact that its chief sponsors are Dr. Work, chairman of the republican national committee; Senator Watson of Indiana, majority leader of the senate; and Sen- jator Burton of Ohio, one of the chief spokesmen of the Hoover administration. Dr. Work asks for funds to support the National Re- public and promises a fight against “destructive propa- ganda.” Jim Watson, of Indiana, for years one of the lead- ing reactionaries in every shady deal put over at Washing- ton from the Newberry bribery of the republican voters of the state of Michigan in his stealing of a seat in the senate, { to the Teapot Dome scandals, contributes to the campaign ' by observing: “The forces of discontent and radicalism are active and multiplying. They are circulating scores of publications with an aggregate circulation of millions of copies weekly. The National Republic represents the most effective means of edu- cating voters in behalf of American principles of government and against socialism, Communism and revolutionary radicalism in general and should have the active cooperation and assistance of patriotic Americans everywhere.” ‘ Burton, one of the notorious Ohio gang that placed , Warren G. Harding, Harry M. Daugherty, Albert B. Fall, | Charles Denby and associated crooks at the head of the im- eoetst government at Washington, joins in the anvil * chorus against the advanced section of the working class, ' This is a part of the war preparations of the United States—an attempt to consolidate all the forces of capitalism in support of the anti-labor policies of the Hoover govern- ment. It cannot be separated from the campaign of fright- fulness launched against the working class in the South and the drive against the labor movement in general that is being carried out with the aid of those agents of big capital, the officialdom of the American Federation of Labor, the so- cialist leaders and the so-called “progressive” group of Muste & Co. The movement directed from official Washington is, thowever, a tribute to the effectiveness of the Communist movement in this country. Watson’s alarmist declaration regarding the power and influence of our revolutionary press | should be pondered by our readers and supporters who realize the difficult financial condition facing the Daily Worker be- cause of the role we have played in developing the class struggle in America to the point where the imperialist gov- ernment finds it necessary to endeavor to mobilize the whole capitglist class behind the National Republican in order to strengthen the directing center for a nation-wide campaign it us. ‘Our reply to this publicly-announced organized drive against the revolutionary movement must be the strength- ening of the Daily Worker so we can expose before tens and hundreds of thousands of workers the real role of the gov- ‘ernment at Washington as a strike-breaker, and a war- “monger. Rally to the support of the Daily Worker! —> | THE VIGILANTE COMMITTEE The Socialist Party declares that the workers must fight for a eal Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party more “efficient” poiice force. yee Polbureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- j sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- { dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All | Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their | opinions for the Party Press. also will be printed in this section. ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- | tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York | City. By JACK STACHEL. The opposition to the Comintern | Gommittee, tells them that the de- Address from the very beginning as- | cision is against the interests of the med a concealed form. Only in |Party. What the membership will Moscow did part of the majority | Say we already know. The member- delegation headed by Lovestone, Git-|Ship will tell Comrade Lovestone low and Wolfe openly state its op- that they are for the decision of the position to the Comintern Address. Comintern because this decision The reason for the opposition in this PTovides the basis for the correction country from the very beginning tak-/0f the line of the Party, for the ing on a concealed form is quite ob-| abolition of factionalism and for con- vious,—it is due to the overwhelm-|Verting the Party in the shortest ing response of the Party member- Possible time | from a mere propa- ship in favor of the Comintern Ad-|#anda organization into a mass dress and against those comrades |Party: who in their anti-Party declaration; The membership will not fail to; in Moscow “represent a direct at-| understand that Comrade Lovestone, | tempt at preparing a condition neces-|even in his present declaration in sary for paralyzing the carrying out; which he makes a formal acceptance of the decision of the Comintern and | of the decision, that by stating his for a split in the Communist Party disagreement with the decision, by of America.” The membership would telling the membership of his con- have nothing to do with any of the viction that it will not prove helpful former Party leaders who would not | to the Party, is in reality telling the declare that they accept and will, membership to struggle against the carry out the decisions of the Com-| Comintern Address; that Comrade intern. For this reason all those Lovestone is maintaining his plat- who in reality are opposed to the Ad- form; that Comrade Lovestone is at- dress did not dare come out openly tempting to organize a new faction and state their opinions because they in opposition to the Comintern Ad- knew that this would result in their dress. The membership will not faii complete isolation ‘from the Party to understand that Comrade Love- membership. They decided, there- stone’s platform against the Com- jhe, still a member of the Central) tions made in Moscow by Lovestone,; Party. | Gitlow and others on May 9th and May 14th. The only difference is that the response of the membership, the loyalty of the membership to the Comintern, has compelled these com- rades to change their line of attack. | The concealed opposition is more dangerous than an open opposition would be. They are more dangerous | ” By Jacob Burek Resolutions of Factory Nuclei Send all material deal- Defeat the Concealed Opposition The Party cannot tolerate such slanders as are contained in the statement: “We need further infor- mation.” shows a lack of confidence in the integrity of the Comintern. All those who accept by formal statements but who resist the. in- clusion of the leaders of the new opposition in resolutions, etc., are in because they do not make a frontal | reality showing an attitude of politi- attack in which they would be im-| cal agreement with the line of Love- mediately destroyed by the Party,) stone and Gitlow while protecting but choose rather to carry on|themselves under the guise of for- )guerilla warfare and a sniping| mal acceptance. It must be the policy. ibusiness of the Party to enlighten While it is true that there are|every proletarian member of our some honest proletarian elements |Party, to win every member of our who because of the factional corrup- | Party to the correct line of the Com- tion that the Party has been suffer-|intern. But the Party must be on ing from for so many years are still | confused on this or that question and such elements must be enlightened | on the real meaning of the Comin- tern Address, the Party must be very vigilant in exposing all con- cealed opponents to the Comintern Address who usually carry on their sniping policy by raising this or that petty question. The Party} guard against all those. elements who under the guise of “Unity is a process” cover up a concealed op- position to the Comintern Address. Events in the last few months,— | among them the increasing persecu- tion of our Party, and all organiza- tions that conduct class struggles, las for example in Gastonia, in the sentencing of Cantor, in the arrests membership must learn how to jin Bethlehem, the arrests in Chicago, recognize this concealed opposition, |the terror against the food workers its manifold manifestations, because | in New York, the increasing and in- | fore, that it will be more profitable intern Address is a platform to the, only then will we be able to carry |tensified war preparations, the great |to confuse the membership by their right of the Comintern; that it is aon a successful struggle against resistance and mood for struggle | formal statements of acceptance and platform which repeats the sianders |thereby receive the privilege from against the Comintern that are made | opposition within the Party. Parties in @very country and in the | The recent belated statement of | Soviet Union. The membership will dressed to the Polsecretariat of the Lovestone made his statement in an Communist International, is a state-| effort to organize a factional Right ment designed to catch up with this opposition in the Party in support situation in the American Party | of the Right elements in the Comin- | that Comrade Lovestone finds him- tern. self confronted with. He saw that) if Comrade Lovestone did not and | even his most “loyal followers,” who | could not yet understand and there-| |in reality are doing everything pos- fore fully agree with the Comintern | sible to obstruct the decision, will Address, but really desired to change | | not be able to come out openly and | his course and help carry out the) |defend his position. He realized’ Address, surely Comrade Lovestone that in order to remain the leader | would not find it necessary to tell of the opposition to the Comintern | the membership his opinions against Address he must change his tactics. the Address. Comrade Lovestone by In doing this Comrade Lovestone| making this open statement of dis- | did not change his political line. But, | agreement, by stating in no uncer- what is more important, Comrade tain terms that he is still continuing | Lovestone did not fool the member- | his platform, has done a service to ‘ship with his formal statement of ac-|the Party. He has made it impos- ceptance which he prefixed by his sible for himself to confuse the statement: “While still maintain- membership and to rally followers ing disagreement with the Open | to his banner, Letter and its organizational instruc-/ For the moment we find, there- tions and my conviction that they fore, although the forms may vary, will not .prove helpful to the’ the opposition to the Comintern Ad- Party... .” jdress is a concealed one. In other Comrade Lovestone’s eagerness to, words all of the opponents of the | tell the entire membership that he| Address profess their formal accep- j still disagrees with the Comintern | tance, i decision, the organizational instruc-| There exists some confusion as to tions, and that he is convinced that | concealed opposition and a concilia- the Comintern decision will not be|tory tendency to the Address in the sense that the concealed opposition helpful to the Party, is a repetition of his declarations made in Moscow is partly for the Address and partly not. The concealed opposition is that the decision will prove Wamaging to the Party. Surely the|completely an opposition to the Comintern Address made in the ;membership will not believe that | Comrade Loyestone really wants| declarations in Moscow. Its plat- ithem to carryout the decision when form is the platform of the declara-} dress and to them and defeat them. | among larger and larger sections of Such an attitude clearly | The following are some of the the working class,—all these’ and| | the Party to carry on their concealed | by the Right wing of the Communist manifestations of the concealed op-| other events show the correctness of | | position: | the line of the Comintern Address ; 1, We must wait for “further in-| which is based on the Sixth World | Comrade Lovestone in Moscow, ad- Yecognize, therefore, that Comrade |formation as to what actually hap- | Congress decjsions and also the cor- |Pened.” \actions of Lovestone and Gitlow. 8. Opposition to condemnation by |name of Lovestone and Gitlow. slogan of “Unity is a process,” al- lows hesitation and concealed oppo- sition to go without attack or de- feat. 5. Taking formal action on every step raised in the fight against the | opposition, but taking no initiative, showing no real enthusiastic effort | to mobilize the Party for the line of \the Comintern. | 6. Failure to support and defend | the decisions of the Polburo in every Party organization. 7. Spreading all sorts of lying |Tumors as removals, organizational changes, ete. 8. Spreading pessimism as to the | ability of the leadership to mobilize the Party for work. 9. Against any political enlight- /enment on the ground that we have |no time for discussion, 10. Resistance to struggle against the Right danger. It is the duty of the Party mem- bership to expose those who, under the guise of any of the above mani- festations organize and carry on a struggle against the Comintern Ad- dress. The membership must place itself in opposition to all these at- tempts to distort the sae wae al Ad- rectness of the sharp criticism made We do not know the “real’|in the Comintern Address against the theory of exceptionalism, which had taken root in the Party. These events show that the unfoldment of 4. An attitude which under the|the results of the Third Period of post war capitalism are taking place much sooner in the United States than any of us believed. They |clearly show on the one hand the | correctness of the line of the Com- |intern and on the other hand the need of mobilizing #ze Party in the shortest possible time for active par- ticipation and leadership in the growing struggles. In order to achieve this the Party must enter upon its new tasks with enthusiusm that comes from recognition of the important role that the Party can and must play in this period, The Party must establish a firm discipline which will enable it to marshall its forces in the quickest possible time to any front of battle. The Party must struggle against any }and all deviations from the line of the Comintern Address. The Party must carry on a merciless struggle against the Right danger which exists in practically all branches of our work, In such a situation the Party can- not tolerate any factionalism. In be tolerant to any concealed opposi- tion. In such a situation the Party membership must form one solid By FEODOR GLADKOV CEMEN Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars.to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked as a mechanic, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized.. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a leader among the Communist women of the town. One evening after a hard day’s work, Gleb and Dasha watk home together. They sit musing at the twilight scene ubout them. * * * RE the landing, in the depths, the water was playing, singing like crickets; surging and humming. - . it seemed that some- thing living and immense was sighing in the void And it seemed that this great sigh and the twanging of chords were floating in the forest and over the forest, streaming from the purple twilight of the lowlands, Everything was airy, profound and immeasurable. The moun- tains were no longer ridges and hollows of stone and rock, but thick sooty smoke; and the sea in its shoreless flooding was no longer a sea but a blue abyss. And this man and woman seated on the height above the factory and yet with the factory, on a fragment of a planet, flew—above the abyss.and yet under the abyss—far away, without knowing it, on a flight into infinity. Gleb laid his head on Dasha’s knees, and saw above her face and | the purple sky. Her cheeks coyered with a thin, glistening down re- | flected the hue of the sky. Her eyes expressed wonder and a thought which was formed but still unuttered. Waves of pain. passed through him. She, his Dasha, his wife. And in the midst of this pain one thing only was plain; he could not kill Dasha; she had grown stronger than his hand—inaccessible forever. “Here on the mountain under the sky it is sweet to lie like this, my head in your lap, Dasha. We have never been such dear friends as in this evening hour. Tell me how you managed to get on while I was away and all the adventures you had.” GR ea eas 9 A FLASH of lightning suddenly streaked the air and the purple shadows were rent up to the sky. Gleb raised himself on his elbow. For some time he gazed at the factory buildings; at the slopes and valleys with their gardens. Lights were twinkling everywhere like stars. Rapture flooded his heart, and emotion caught him by the throat. What was this in his | throat: tears or joy? “There it is, little Dasha... . That is our hands and brains. . . . It’s fine to struggle and build up one’s destiny. Eh, Dasha? That’s all ours. Ours! Let it be so. I shall lie in your lap and you can speak to me. There’s nothing to dread any more; and I shall listen to your horrors as to a fairy tale.” Dasha laid her hands upon her breasts. and Gleb could hear her heart flooding. “Well, yes. . . . Now you can stand being beaten with words too. + . . You're not so sensitive now. Oh, what nonsense you talked before, Gleb. How foolish you were!” She was deeply moved 2 THE BIRTH OF STRENGTH. AS? this is what she told him on that purple evening: After Gleb had recovered from his wounds, lying in the attic among the spiders and mice, and had gone away one night into the mountains—then, the Greens occupied the thickets and the ravines. She knew that Gleb had torn himself away from her perhaps for ever; and she tore herself from him as from one that was dead. She did not accompany him to the threshold, but bade him good-bye in the darkness of the room. She wept without sound, and could not let him go, the dear one, who had taken her soul to himself. When he stealthily disappeared into the night, she lit no fire; but in the darkness, with her daughter Nurka, ‘tossed in unforgettable anguish till morning peeped in at the windows. And in this tear-drowned agony, she lay in her lonely bed, with Nurka at her heart, and the days and nights went by dimly like wraiths of mist, fading behind the muslin curtains. And just as suddenly as she had sunk into this semi-existence, without days and nights, so was she shocked out of it. With clattering and stamping and the muttering and yelling of soldiers with loaded rifles and revolvers, some officers forced their way into her house and a stamping crowd surrounded her crying in chorus: “Where is your husband?” * * * At first she shrank away, because the walls were shaking as was the floor under their feet. And as her heart flooded, Nurka burst out crying and shrank convulsively in her arms. “Tell us where your husband is! We know that he’s been here It’s no good looking innocent and pretending to be a fool.” : “How do I know where my husband is? You know better your- selves! You took my husband away and you haven’t told what you did with him. Why do you come to me for him?” : She did not ery. Her face became blue, and her eyes shone like glass. It was Nurka who cried, and she pressed her close to her heart. One of the officers—a young one, almost a boy still, bony and malicious—was sitting down, then getting up, smoking and throwing cigarette ends about, He did not take his eyes from her and repeated the same words over and over again: “Don’t be such an impudent liar. You know. You know, young woman! You know very well! You won’t get away from me.” And suddenly struck the table with his fist. “And will be arrested at once and shot instead of your husband. Out with it, and don’t try to throw dust in our eyes.” such a situation the Party cannot| She stood motionless as before and replied: “What do I know? You can kill me if you like. him away; and you can tell where he is! You dragged You can see for yourselves I’m quite alone——Why do you torture me?” The office was silent and looked fixedly at Dasha. Did he see suffering in her burning eyes or hear a formless reproach in Nurka’s cries? Suddenly he arose from his chair. (TO BE CONTINUED.) PO Se RDO ISIS ESSN SURE le ata ewe LD cca Sen eA MSN Oa IIS talist government and the social reformists of all brands. They Party must mobilize the masses for strug- gle, and any elements who place themselves in opposition to the Com- intern Address, who try to break the solid front of the Party are in reality placing themselves on the) side of our enemies and must be combatted in must ruthless form | and rooted out. The Party must achieve unity. This unity cannot be achieved in any other way except in the strug- gle against all opportunism. and all opportunist elements. The Party has great tasks before it. Immediately there is before us the preparations for the Trade Union Unity Convention to be held in Cleveland, August 31st, Sept. 1st and 2nd. The Trade Union Unity Convention must be looked upon as part of the campaign to organize the unorganized, to increase our work in trade unions, the prepara- tions for the carrying on of the cam- paign for International Red Day, August ist. This campaign must be a campaign to mobilize the work- ing class of this country against im- perialist war, for the defense of the Soviet Union, to expose all pacifist maneuvers and particularly the role of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy and the Socialist Party.: The member- ship must provide a means for. the Earty to conduct its work by the $50,000 Communist Party-Daily Werker Emergency Drive a success. Every Party member who is em- ployed must immediately give his full day’s pay so that the work of our Party can proceed. The enlightenment campaign thus far has not yet met with the re- sponse that it must meet from the Party membership. It is necessary for the Party organizations every- where to not only discuss the Comin- tern Address in a general way, but to concretize it by self-criticism, taking up the problems and tasks of the various factory nuclei, problems of the Party building, ete. The Party membership, particularly the comrades active in large factories and in mass organizations must par- ticipate in the enlightenment cam- paign by writing about their ex- periences for the Party press and be drawn -in more actively into leader- ship of the Party and in the carry- ing on of the practical tasks. The enlightenment campaign thus far still lacks ie concreteness which it should have. This will be achieved by the most active Party members participating in the enlightenment campaign so that the campaign can really become a campaign of self- criticism of the Party work, its ‘errors, and lay the basis for the im- provement of the Party work and help in the carrying out of the im M,