The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 18, 1929, Page 6

| _ struction of the textile mill strikers’ trolled by the mill barons, has or- dered the sheriffs to wipe out the _ tent colony, destroy the meager be- their rations of food furnished by © ‘DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JUNE 18, 1929 Published Sunday, at 2 by the Comp y 2 U ‘Telephone St six months three months “$8.00 a year By Mail (outside of New York) $600 a year $3.50 six months $2.00 three months New York, N, ¥. e:, YAasress and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square. MacDonald Turns to Washington J. Ramsay MacDonald, the so-called “Labor” Premier of Great Britain, turns his face toward Washington and not toward Moscow. His government seeks to develop “‘amica- ble” relations with the ruling clique of Wall Street imperial- ism and not with the proletarian power of the Russian work- ers and peasants. MacDonald rejects the complete disarma- ment program of the Union of Soviet Republics, the only bona fide peace program in the world today, to maneuver with Washington, as Baldwin did before him, for a more favorable position in the armament race. In this respect MacDonald substitutes for Baldwin, who had previously planned to make the trip to Washington to see Hoover. The British ele m results switched premiers but did. not change the character of their imperialist mis sions. The ‘bo¢sted “continuity of policy” of the British Empire will not be swerved from its beaten course by the breadth of a single gleam of the sun that is supposed to shine eternally upon its dominions. MacDonald is approaching Hoover through the new Wall Street ambassador to the Court. of St. James, none other than the strikebreaker Charles G. (Hell an’ Maria) Dawes himself, the crooked Chicago banker who recently served as vice president in Washington. There is no Soviet ambassa- dor in London, although even the Italian fascist tyranny recognizes the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government. The ultra-conservative London Times, bitter enemy of the Soviet Power and outspoken foe of the working class everywhere, rejoices in MacDonald’s proposed trip to Wash- ington, deeming it “impossible to imagine a more desirable proof of the continuity of British foreign policy.” It is significant that the first proposals for the Wash- ington trip originated with the British ambassador in this €ountry, Sir Esme Howard, inherited by the “Labor” Gov- ernment of MacDonald along with the whole imperialist diplomatic machinery. British diplomacy in the future, as in the past, will be in the first line trenches in the interests of British imper- jialism, for the lead in the armament race, for first place in the world competition for markets, in conflicts over British rubber export and similar policies, in struggles to maintain British prestige in the Latin American arena of capital in- vestments, in China and elsewhere. To go contrary to established British policy is to over- throw it and only the Communist Party fights to do that. The MacDonald “lakor’”’ government, as has already been pointed out, is the best instrument of British imperialism in its present crisis. Workers will gradually turn away from such agovernment. Their eyes at least will turn to Moscow and the Russian Revolution for leadership and not to Wash- “ington. Brookhart “Progressive” Again. A Pasa political pendulum that carries Senator Smith W. - Brookhart, from Iowa, on its tip, now registers “progres- sive” once more. : ve Only last fall, in the presidential campaign, Brookhart was one of the loudest shouters for Hoover, energetically * seeking to convince the farmers of the West that Wall Street's “Herbie” was sincere in his farm relief proposals. In 1924, Brookhart had followed La Follette, and previ- ous to that he had made a trip to the Soviet Union, although during the world war he had been a flaming jingo, coming out-of it with the title of “colonel”. - Political life, therefore, has been an “up and down” proposition for Brookhart. This present call for “progres- sive” candidates next year, and perhaps an opposition candi- date to Hoover in 1932 cannot be taken too seriously. Never- theless, Brookhart’s outburst indicates a storm signal on the political barometer. The farmer, especially the poorer strata ofthe agricultural population, are going to vent their full wrath against the fake relief Hoover is trying to make them swallow. ; In their renewed struggles the farmers will certainly not look to Brookhart, La Follette, the younger, Nye, Mor Shipsted, or the rest of this treasonable outfit for leader- ship. They have been betrayed by them too often. The Brookhart outburst is another move in the same direction. The 1930 congressional elections are rapidly approaching. The poorer sections of the plundered population along the countryside can only register an effective protest in that struggle under the banners of the Communist Party, linking up their fight with that of the oppressed toiling masses in the cities. { The outright rejection by the Hoover administration of the least indication of relief for the farming population fac- ing disaster, brings the class war to theavorkers on the land in sharper form than ever. That war can only be fought effectively by the poor on the land under Communist ban- ners. The Workers International Relief, yesterday issued the following state- ment on the Gastonia frame up, de- are now’ left without shelter. are living in the woods. The Salva- stitutions” were sent in by the tent colony established by the W. I. R., and the attempt to cut off re- ss by jailing all relief workers. The statement follows in part: | “The raids on the tent colony in| Gastonia and the arrest of 95 work- ers, among therf the union organi- vers and W. I. R. workers, was not enough to isfy the mill barons. Now the city council, which is con- the old conditions. Strikers Depend on W. I. “The strikers and their families, although ‘destitute and hungry, re- jected these offers. They answered | this attempt to break the strike by saying that the W. I. R., through its appeal to the working class of the United States, will help them, and they don‘t want relief from bosses or their agents. “The W. I. R. will continue to send representatives down into Gas- tonia. We must live up to the ex- pectations of the strikers. Relief imust be rushed to Workers Internu. t onal Relief, One Union Square, New YoYrk City, so ‘hat the W. I. R. will be enabled to feed and shelter the strikers, that they may not be driven back to the mills by the terror of the bosses. « of the strikers, including W. I. R. The W. I. R. went to zastonia in an attempt to re-estab- “relief to take the W. I R. out of jail so that relief on in spite of the brutal! of the last few days. W.I.R. Speeds Gastonia Relief They tion Army and other “charitable in- bosses, offering relief to the work- ers in order to break the strike and send them back to the mijls under The ‘Letter’ of Traitor Trotsky Trotsky’s “Letter to the Rus- sian Workers” was printed in the United States in the New York “Nation,” an organ of the liberal petty-bourgeoisie, which has al- ways stood in the way, hindering every real forward morement of the American working class. The “Nation” printed Trotsky’s scurrilous document under the pre- tense of being “fair.” Under this cloak of “fairness” they~ joined with the rest of the defamers of | the First Workers’ I~publie in | their task of undermining the Soy- iet Union. Needless to say the spirit of their so-called “fairness” was not extended to the defenders of the U. S. S. R. We are herewith printing the last half of Comrade Yaroslav- sky’s answer to the “letter” of the renegade Trotsky. The first part appeared yesterday. | —EDITOR. | + cee 1 Trotzky’s interview with the corre- | spondent of the “Rheinisch-West-" falische Zeitung” is introduced as follows (Essen, March ©7:t, evening edition): “Interview with Trotzky. Recep- tion of our Correspondent at the Hotel Toklatlian. “A Theorist who cannot do with- out Bourgeois Comforts. “Six German press representa- tives staying in Constantinople as- sembled at noon on March 12th in the vestibule of the hotel. On the stroke of 12 Trotzky’s son ap- peared, a young man of typically Russian appearance. He came to tell us that his father was ready to receive us. M. Trotzky already | knew of our presence, since we had sent in a joint visiting-card. There were only representatives of the bourgeois press present. M. Trot- zky smiled when he was told that no Communists were present. We stood before M. Trotzky in the re- ception room of his suite. He welcomed each of us with a hand- shake. He then sat down and de- clared himself ready to answer | any- question that should be put to | him. He added that he was in | favor of absolute frankness on | such occasion. We had the im- pression of listening to agreeable | conversation, and all that was _ wanting to complete the thoroly | bourgeois impression was a dozen | of good Burgandy and some easy chairs. j “This man Trotzky has nothing about him of the ideal hero of the | proletariat, such as we often find in some of the Soviet deputies.” Such is the impression and char- acterization of the bourgeois corre- |spondents, who felt so comfortable | lin the suite of M. Trotzky. What {can we add? They think they know better, and if Trotzky declares: to them that he considers Stalin’s at- tempt to realize a Russian national Communism unfeatible, it is obvious ing. Trotzky’s interpretation of the Russian revolution may be seen \from that part of his interviews in which he asserts that the October |revolution was of his own making. Thus he affirms that “the October revolution, his own revolution, was at the same time the first Democratic revolution.” This is more than mere megalo- jmania, it is something altogether in- jcomprehensible, As among good friends, Trotzky in whose interest he is now speak- |! THE EAGLE SCREAMS FOR BLOOD “CANTER = 7 YEAR FOOD STRIKE eek MINIOLA “CASE eigtlos A tee ae ae “Pretentiousness in Place of a Program Juggling in Place of Tactics” speaks to these representatives of the “Rheinisch-WéStfalische Zei- tung” and other bourgeois papers on the possibilities of a political up- heaval in Russia, assuring them that “a capitalist Russia could never hope to play the same role in Europe which the Tsarist Russia of pre-war times was, wont to play.” Well, naturally, at such an interview it is not possible to-deny the bourgeois correspondents anything. In his own conviction, Trotzky was of cour: “making use” of the bourgeois press for neither more nor less than the protection and salvation of the Soviet Union. We, however, have never be- lieved that we had any such saviour or protector! 5 Still bolder is the tone Trotzky em- ploys in his interviews with repre- sentatives of the Turkish press. The “Aksham” reports as follows: “M. Leo Trotzky is a very healthy and jolly man, without the least sign of a sickness liable soon to entail his death. He has, more- over, determined to carry on an energetic fight against Stalin and his adherents who are now in power. If nothing has happened to his personal safety <> far, it is, so he declares, because ‘they have. not dared.’ By ‘they’ he naturally means the Russian authorities, “From the distance he cries to them, filled with anger but at the same time with grcat hopes for the future: ‘We overthrew Keren- ski, We shall succeed in doing the same thing again.” “Is there any illegal party of your adherents in the Soviet Union at present?’ — ‘Naturally. We have our adherents even in the army?” . Another Constantinople paper, the “Jumruriet” of March 20th, reports in regard to the same interview that. Trotzky made the following declaration: “In my opinion So- cialism is impossible in a country situated in so isolated a position as Russia is; the way Stalin has chosen, however, is the way of a nationalist Socialism.” Question: How do you intend to work for these aims? Have you any secret organization in Russia? Answer: We haye even ~ secret organization in the Red Army. ..:. This is how Mg Trotzky informs and forms the public opinion of Europe and America. And this is how he “defends” the Soviet Union. In regard to the present position of |Russia, the bourgeois readers of the \‘Neue Freie Presse” are told that \“the situation of Russia is character- ized by an unddubted falling-off in the interest of the masses. The river has returned. to its:!old channel. The centralized machinery of a Director- ium is again imposed upon the masses.” What is it to Trotzky and the Trotzkyites that in reality an un- precedented degree of enthusiasm prevails among the millions of wor ers and peasants, finding utteran |in their efforts to raise the agricu ture of the Soviet Union and place it on a socialist basis? What does |socialist emulation mean to them? |What the growth of the activity of the masses at the Soviet elections? |Trotzky tells the bourgeoisie that |the present prop of Soviet authority lis not the workers but the officials, !@ certain footing in the Soviet Union, “They incline to the opinion that all is being done that is necessary for |principled character of Trotzkyism) human happiness, and any one that denies this is an enemy in their eyes. These elements cherish an organic hatred of the Opposition.” Whereas, in reality, every one in the |Soviet Union knows that the great majority of the Trotzkyites are offi- jcials and not workers, the latter jhaving turned their backs on Trot- zkyism. We do not publish these quotations with a view to attacking M. Trotzk but only so as to show the way this leader -of the Trotzkyites has gone and whither he has led those weak elements who are even now ready to return to the Party but have not got |sufficient backbone to give a fitting reply to such renegation. Some |openly defend his publications in the | \reactionary bourgeois press; others | (such as Radek and Smilga) mum- ble something about there naturally |to the bourgeois press but that at stances which might justify such a jcontribution. These “heroes reservations” (an expression of Lenin) only help to comfound those iwho desire to find their way back to the Party but are still hesitant of altogether abandoning Trotzky and the Trotzkyites. None, however, will succeed in checking this process of an abandon- ment of Trotzkyism on the part of its best elements, of those who with- in Trotzky’s opposition still repre- sented Communism and revolution, CAS Scene in the war tournament at Gov- ernors Island, held as part of Wall Street’s preparation y for the coming im- perialist war. being resolutions in the Party as to|0f our_enemies. \the incompatibility of contributing |"ecognize, however, how well Trot- the same time there are circum-| of | "By Jacob Burck those who had succumbed to the de- ception of Trot: n by reason of persuasion and of their own lack of | understanding for the Party. A short time ago we published a list of sev- eral dozen ex-Trotzkyites who had turned away from Trotzkyism and had submitted a declaration together | with a request for readmission to | the Party. This was at the time of | the Party conference. Only ten days or so have elapsed since then, and already the C. C. C. is again in re- eipt of several’dozen announcements | of an abandonment of Trotzkyism. | This naturally does not mean that | we have settled with Trotzkyism for | good and all. Though it is true (as} one of the speakers recently pointed ut to the Moscow organization) 7 .at what the bourgeoisie appreciates pout Trotzkyism is not so much its ideology as the fact of its opposi- tion to the Soviet State, the prac- tice of undermining the proletarian | dictatorship (by an illegal party, an| illegal press, an anti-Soviet attitude, etc.), it is nevertheless undeniable that the ideology of Trotzkyism has | | But never before was the un-} so apparent as it is at present. The aim of activity abroad | justification of the principle ng his renegade policy, but it only serves to increase the decay among the Trotzkyites and to facili- tate the fight against them. This is our only reason for paying attention to these publications on the part of Trotzky. It is not our object to carry on a controversy with him; that his | articles are not worth, since they] lack both 2 theoretical level. and a moral value No one has done so much towards unmasking Trotzky- ism as Trotzky himse'*. For any | one who took part in the Trotzkyist | organization, the adventurist char- jacter of Trotzkyism must now be ‘fully obvious. | We know that every such article as this will unloose a storm of ‘righteous indignation” on the part They cannot but zkyism is now characterized by a description which Trotzky himself | onee applied to the Social Revolu- tionaries: Pretentiousness in place of a programme, and adventurous jug- | gling in the place of tactics. ‘Lockout for 50,000 Silesian Textile Mill Workers; Men Starve’ BERLIN, (By Mail)—The Asso- ciation of Silesian Textile Indus- trialists has locked out 50,000 tex- tile workers in Silesia. These work- ers are the Pariahs of the German proletariat. The highest hourly rate paid to them is 56 pfennig for men and 42 pfennig for women, although the trade union tariff for textile |workers in Germany is 77 pfennigs for men and 65 pfennigs for women. In addition the works in Silesia are rationalized to the utmost point in order the squeeze the last atom out jof the labor power of the workers. In many cases workers have to at- tend to four giant modern machines simultaneously in a working day of ten hours. Now the employers wish to cut these low wages. The textile workers have refused to agree to any further wage cut and the locl:out has therefore been declared. A wage increase won over a year ago has since been capcelled by the steady increase in the cost of living, not to speak of the fact that in consequence of the increased exploitation the relative wages of the workers have sunk considerably. Pen + * | drive them all together! By FEODOR GLADKOV CEMIEN Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked as a mechanic, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a ! woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s See- tion of the Communist Party Gleb wins over the leading Party workers to the task of re- constructing the cement factory and work is started. While every- body is busy at work one day, they are suddenly attacked by bandits from the mountains. Gleb immediately takes command and directs operations from a spot on the mountain where Polia Mekhova fol- lows him. Hee RNS fe * * * LEB did not answer. He was boldly climbing the steep side of the mountain, frequently turning and looking back at the ropeway, Mckhova would not leave him. She hitched her skirt above her knees, “See! Our fellows have got them wedged in tightly now! We'll This ought to have happened long ago, in order to get all these rats out of their holes. It’s all right: we'll give them a good thrashing now!” i Polia’s face was all e: The mountain crest blazed like a geodesic tripod burned brightly in its rust on its highest point. They climbed on up the steep slope of the summit, from whose heights they could see the sloping ribs of the mountain, with wooded clefts and ridges; and in the far distance the ice-caps of other moun- tains against the horizon. They lay down close to the tripod, and the heights and distances vanished. Under their hands was grovel and rocks. There was a sul- phurous odor of burnt grass and heated cement. “T can’t see anything, Gleb. Where are they?” Polia raised herself to her knees and leaned forward towards the tripod, lighted cupola, and an fron * * * RUDDENTY an iron support tinkled sharply. Gleb brusquely pulled Polia down by her skirt. There was a sound of tearing and a fastening of her skirt gave way. Polia burst out laughing and sat down next to Gleb. “You’ve torn off a hook, you clumsy bear!” “You sit still! If they get sight of you you'll be shot; I don’t like corpsés!” He looked at her with bloodshot eyes. tripod. To the right of the crest were the blue and yellow ruins of a wall. Scattered about were ruins of other ancient buildings. Among them grew brown bushes and wild roses. Gleb lay flat on his belly, craning his neck to see. A swarthy Cossack, bare-headed, his hand on the trigger of his rifle, was crawling stealthily up among the debris. When he squatted down among the stones he was quite hidden. “I’m going to shoot him, Gleb. I can’t stand waiting!” Polia’s hands were trembling. One saw only the immense eyes in her face. “Don’t you dare or I’ll smash you. Lie down!” Polia showed her teeth, laughing silently. Gleb began to crawl over the stones towards the ruins, in the cover of thé bushes, Then Polia saw him running bent low among the boul- ders. He was noiseless and grey—indistinguishable—the color of the stones. The Cossack stopped suddenly, jerked his head up, scared, raised his rifle; then squatted down, disappeared from view. * . * was it Polia’s heart beating like this? Or was it the shots popping in the woods? Were the mountains shaking, or was it the tumult in the depths of her ky which she was riven? i Had he run away or was he hiding and watehing? Would he let Gleb come near him, or would he kill him? r Polia’s teeth were chattering. She clenched her jaws until it hurt, but her teeth would not stop chattering and her jaw muscles were grinding under her ears. If one could only jump up, run, shout out, shoot blindly, in flame and smoke! She did not hear the shot; only a hot gust of air passed over her, tushing to the depths below; and the abyss resounded with falling stones. An animal voice was hoarsely growling and choking amidst the clatter. It was not Gleb: Gleb could not cry out in this way. The beast was growling and choking, and the loose stones clattered down like broken glass. Polia, rifle in hand, ran towards the rocks where Gleb was. He had left no footprints, but she knew where he had passed. The rock before her burst into small pieces, and dust rose in a flame-like cloud, Splinters of stone struck her face, scorching her cheeks and brow. * * * Then crawled behind the oN the other side of the rock, trampling the bushes, Gleb and the Cossack were locked in a wolf-like struggle. A rifle, suddenly cast away, clattered at Polia’s feet. Gleb, with curving, creaking spine, and hunched shoulders, his face swollen with effort, was trying to tear a rifle from the hands of the Cossack. With maddened bulging eyes, his face smeared with foam and swéat, the Cossack, strong as a bear, was twisting the rifle round and round; and one could see his muscles stretched and straining into knots under his tunic. He panted and grunted, grinding out oaths and insults, dragging Gleb with him down the slope towards a stony preci- pice, Behind them bullets were striking the stones and rubble, sending up clouds of dust. At the moment when’ Mekhovya was aiming the butt of her rifle at the Cossack’s head, Gleb succeeded in getting his right arm round his neck and was grinding his face against the rifle, while with his other hand he seized the Cossack’s wrist, bending it back until it broke. The Cossack ground his teeth with pain and fury, howled and made a supreme effort to break Gleb’s hold. Gleb, shuddering with strain, tightened his hold upon the Cossack’s neck. Polia’s instinct told her that in another moment Gleb would give way and the two of them would roll over the brink. Madly Polia, with all her might, smashed the rifle butt down on the Cossack’s ribs. He grew limp, bellowing like an animal. “I’m done for! I can’t—! I surrender! You’ve got me!” * * * LEB slid his hand from the Cossack’s neck and caught his other wrist in an iron grip. With ferocious, bloody eyes of a trapped animal, the Cossack looked at Gleb. His eyes were darkened with fear and deadly hatred. A stick slime, mingled with blood and spittle, oozed from his nose and mouth. His eyes bulged; he was jerking his head from side to side and choking with saliva and blood. Panting like a hunted beast, he hoarsely bellowed: “Let me go! I’m finished—. Done for!” Her hand on Gleb’s shoulder, Polia pulled him back. “Get away from here, Gleb, quick! Don’t you sce that we're a target!” Gleb looked at her over his shoulder stupidly, and let go the Cos- sack’s arms. His chest was heaving violently, almost bursting his tunic and raising his shoulders to his ears. His hand went to his holster, but his revolver was not there, * * * qas Cossack, exhausted, was spitting bloody slime and hoarsely mut~ : tering. Suddenly he started and, twisting his lips and showing his bloody teeth, leapt towards the edge of the ravine. “You swine, filthy hounds! You wanted to beat a Cossack, didn’t you? Catch the Cossack now!” 4 He whooped, as the Cossacks do at riding displays, and with one bound plunged over the brink of the abyss. Gleb ran to the edge and watched the Cossack’s body turning over and over far below, striking from rock to rock and re-bounding, until he lay crushed at the bottom. Gleb ran to the edge and watched the Cossack’s body turning over and over far below, striking from rock to rock and re-bounding, until he lay crushed at the bottom. Polia was again drawing him back from the precipice. Suddenly Gleb heard the paattering of bullets upon the rocks among showers of small stones and dust. He ran behind a pile of boulders stooping low; but Polia marched on calmly and silently, like a blind person. With an angry gleam in his eyes, Gleb bounded back to Polia, raising his fist, I'll hit you in a minute! Smash you like a toad, you damned doll!” Polia looked at him quietly, steadily, unseeingly—like a blind person; then she started and struck him lightly on the hand with the barrel of her rifle, “Put your hand down, blockhead! And pick up the weapons you dropped on the way.” i (TO BE CONTINUED.) .-.