The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 17, 1929, Page 6

oe Page DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JU. Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. Inc.,. Daily, except Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Sund: at 26 J W * 26-28 Union Squ Y oN Telephone S “DAIWORK ree 3.00 a year i é 1 (outside of New York) six months $8.00 a year $2.00 three ew York, N. Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Soviet Recognition by Great Britain = While J. Ramsay breaker Dawes and his r kissing the hand of the king, Lloyd George knowing the direc- MacDonald is hobnobbing with strike- ates with its ceremony of ¢ion in which the wind blows among the British masse t?ying to gain popularity so as to be prepared for the “Labor” Party crash, already raised the question of Soviet recognition before the “Labor” government has de the question. any statement on Lloyd George says he assumes “the government (labor) will immediately repair the stupid blunder of the Arcos raid ia.” and resume diplomatic relations with Rus With the liberals thus approving, MacDonald can muster an immediate majority in the House of Commons for Soviet Recognition. MacDonald’s attitude toward the Soviet Union has been a characteristically imperialist attitude. He allowed the Con- servative Party in 1924 to use the fake “Zinoviev Letter” as a means of developing an Anti-U. S. S. R. Drive. MacDonald did not attack this “letter” for the fraud that it w thoroughly proved, but rather accepted it as bona fic aiding the Anti-Soviet drive of the Baldwin clique. since e, thus 1 This attitude of MacDonald wes ain brought into the limelight in the Spring of 1927, when the Baldwin Tory government openly sought to provoke war against the Soviet Government. MacDonald, leader of the Labor Party in the House of Commons, made no effective protest against the outrageous attack on May 12,1927, against Arcos, Ltd., the Soviet trade delegation in London, when hundreds of police under the personal direction of the infamous Sir Joynson Hicks (Jix) blew the safes in real burglar fashion and carried off all the papers and documents they could get their hands on. The raids were soon followed by the breaking off of diplomatic and trade relations. There followed shortly the assassination of Voikov, the Soviet ambassador to Poland, in the railroad station at Warsaw, cle ative against the Soviet Union in which Brit n shared. During the same weeks there was a whole series of crimes committed in the Soviet Union by inspired counter-revolution- aries, such as the explosion of a bomb in a Leningrad workers’ club during a meeting, resulting in many being injured; the blowing up of a railroad bridge near Minsk and the killing of the local head of the G. P. U.; incendiary fires in various fac- tories and similar outrages. Everywhere the cunning hand of the British foreign office could be seen at work, many of the counter-revolutionaries taken prisoners openly confessing to support received from British sources. International labor demands of the MacDonald govern- ment, in again opening diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, should condemn the Zinoviev forgery, and that the counter-revolutionary plots encouraged by British im- perialism during the Baldwin regime be exposed in detail and condemned. MacDonald is already exposing his imperialist character by. failing to publish the facts concerning British Anti-Soviet intrigue; which facts lie in the British Foreign Office. These include the Afghan and China Anti-Soviet maneuvers, the plots hatched by British agents in the Bal- kans and in the North, Finland, Latvia, etc. The MacDonald clique, like the social-democrats of Germany, France and other countries, including the United tates, have no love for the triumphant Proletarian Dictator- Pe the Soviet Union. They are its worst enemies be- cause they conceal their hostility under a mask of fraudu- lént friendship and seek to advance their Anti-Soviet de- signs under a barrage of pacifist phrases. To misinterpret the meaning of the British renewal of diplomatic relations under the MacDonald government is to under-estimate the war ‘danger, the threat of the new world war for which the im- perialist nations, especially the United States and Great Britain, are feverishly preparing. Any favorable attitude of the MacDonald government toward the Soviet Union grows directly out of the pressure brought to bear against its regime by the wide masses of the British working class. This pressure will be strengthened and assume a sharper class character as the MacDonald re- gime reveals more clearly before the masses its inherent bourgeois character. _ The MacDonald outfit joins with the Wall Street imper- ialism in the bogus “peace and understanding” between the English-speaking peoples of the world, clearly another im- perialist maneuver on the part of both capitalist. countries, for places of vantage. Under these circumstances American labor must cement its ties closer than ever with the British labor, against the MacDonalds and Hillquits, the Lloyd Georges and Brookharts, the Baldwins and Hoovers, the Thomases and Greens in both countries. This is the real meaning of the struggle for Interna- tional Red Day (Anti-War Day) August First, for which the toiling masses of the whole world prepare. A ‘J.. COOK, secretary of the British Miners’ Federation, 44%. turns his back on left wing labor in Great Britain, re- joins the Independent Labor Party and stands hat in hand awaiting his reward from the bourgeois “labor” govern- ment of MacDonald and Henderson. Thus Cook goes the way of all “progressives” who try to play about in the twi- light zone between the working class and the capitalist class. Cook has finally completely betrayed the workers who looked to him for leadership and gone over “boots and breaches” to the capitalists. Since he has become such a great admirer of the Prince of Wales, he will probably soon be putting on silk knee pants and going to pay a visit to the king. ‘HE local rent legislation adopted by the Municipal As- sembly at the hurried suggestion of Mayor Walker is ‘merely an effort to head off and neutralize the rising protest the tenants. This move should therefore inspire the Har- ‘Tenants’ League to drive forward for a city-wide or- ion and the carrying out of its full program. “Letter to the Rus- ers” was printed in the United States in the New York t ” an organ of the liberal petty-bourgevisie, which has al- “Nation,” ways stood in the way, hindering ery real forward movement of % the American working class. The “Nation” printed Trotzky’s scurrilous document under the pre- tense of being “fair.” Under this cloak of “fairness” they joined with the rest of the defamers of the First Workers’ Republic in their task of undermining the So- Union. Needless to say the spirit of their so-called “fairness” was not extended to the defenders of the U. S. S. R. We are herewith printing Com- rade Yaroslavsky’s answer to the “letter” of the renegade Trotzky. —EDITOR. he eee The articles published in the “Pravda” in March in regard to Trotzky very naturally called forth great indignation among his ad- herents. But for all their vehement protests the Trotzkyites did not suc- ceed in cloaking their ideological de- cay, which was accelerated by Trotz- U.S. “TUSTICE” WRITES IN THE FRAM E-UP RECORD 'Trotzky Pretends He Can Use Boss Press to ve believed it possible, for it is a) Serve Workers this renegade action. ered revolutionary Russia in a sealed place they set out to prove that the, |bourgeoisie had published these ar- ticles for the sake of material ad- vantage. Politically, they affirmed, the bourgeoisie was not interested in the publication of Trotzky’s articles, but merely in the 10,000 or 20,000 jous other languages, of a series of Lenin’s works (his speeches, articles, and letters). to employ this money for the publi- cation of a large number of im- portant Party documents (protocols \of conferences and Party congresses, |letters, articles, and the like).” VE 17, 1929 dollars that could be made thereby. | Knowing, as we do, how Trotzky |For, they went on to argue, it was trimmed his own articles when edit-| not the bourgeoisie that paid Trot-|ing them afresh after the revolution, | zky but Trotzky that was obliged to|we can readily imagine what he} pay the bourgeoisie half his honor-|would make out of Lenin and how| jarium for the possibility of seeing/he would remodel him in his own jhis article in print. This Trotzky | sense. himself affirms in his letter “To the | Bi atetat 4 ; ut let us suppose that this is ‘Russian Workers” in the “Volks-| i ji | wille,” the German “Left” evan, eee the case, that the monies re-| whose editor recently joined the sos|cenvee pel be nsen sexolaetyelyt a) By Jacob Buick The ‘Letter’ of ‘Traitor Trotsky |Trotzky enters bourgeois Europe in the same way. We should hardly curious simile and offensive to the memory of Lenin, if we had not read jit with our own eyes. In the same appeal “to the Russian Workers” (to | In the first;the publication, in Russian and vari-|tell the truth, no Russian worker ever reads the “Volkswille,” which is tread by the German _petty-bour- | Similarly, I intended | geoisie, who are out to libel the Ger- | man Commnists and denounce them |to their class enemies) Trotzky writes as follows: “In the spring of 1917, Lenin, who was shut up in Switzerland as in a cage, ‘used’ the sealed rail- way-car of the Hohenzollerns for the purpose of reaching the Rus- sian workers. Enclosed by the Thermidorians in the cage of Con- stantinople, I use the sealed car of the bourgeois press for the pur- pose of telling the truth to all the world.” If this were a mere play on words, bial Deméersuc Barts “and if whose |tHe publication of such literature as jcolumns the German Communists jwere denounced to Zorgiebel, the |blood-hound of the German bour- |geoisie. In this appeal Trotzky ex- |plains how he managed to induce the bourgeoisie to publish his articles. | “My articles,” he writes, “I handed jover to an American newspaper |Trotzky believes he requires for the | Trotzky’s. predilection for which once |purpose of gaining new adherents. |The fact remains that the bour- |geoisie placed half the proceeds of these articles at the disposal of Trot- zky and the Trotzkyites, which is jjust what we assert. If in the yeu. 1929 there are people who can « \firm that we require the bourgeois jearned him the sobriquet of “balal- aika-man” from Lenin, there would {be nothing bad about it. he indignation and fury of the work- ing class and the peasantry against their class-enemies, the landowners ky’s contributions to the reactionary |agency in Paris. The agent reckoned |press for the purpose of publishing #24 the bourgeoisie, Lenin, who en- fascist and bourgeois press. Prac-|on a good profit and suggested that |the minutes of our conferences and |tered the land of revolution in a tically at the same time, articles|I should have half the proceeds. I |Party congresses, such naive people |Sealed railway carriage, lost no time from his pen appeared in various |replied that I should myself not take |can surely only be found in the camp in organs of the most reactionary bour- ja penny, but that the agency should |of Trotzky. geoisie, such as the “Daily Express,” in standard bourgeois organs, such jengage to place half the proceeds from the publication of my articles | Another declaration points to the jfact that after the revolution of casting among the working masses the inflammatory ideas of | the most revolutionary document of our age, the “April theses,” which as the “Neue Freie Presse,” in petty-|as I should direct and that the|February and March, 1917, Lenin en- |Contained the dynamite to blow up bourgeois publications like “John money should be employed to effect railway carriage. Thus,’ in 1929, |Kerenski’s O'London’s Weekly,” in the “Left” | Labor Sports—a Class Weapon Trotzkyite “Volkswille,” in “Contre |le Courant,” the organ of the Right, while interviews with him appeared in the ultra-reactionary “Rheinisch- Westfalische Zeitung” and in the |Turkish “Aksham” and “Jumruriet.” |All these facts show that the entire |bourgeois press and the entire press of the renegades of the Comintern ‘were at Trotzky’s disposal. The naive juvenile members of the illegal |Trotzkyist movement believed these dabblers in politics, these leaders of {the illegal movement, who declare |that Trotzky was merely making use of the bourgeois press. Even a blind man can see who is being exploited, by whom, and what for. | The Trotzkyites started by declar- ling that it was simply inconceivable jthat Trotzky should have published \his first article in a publication like the “Daily Express.” In a leaflet jgeten March 9th they declared the article published by that paper to be nothing but “a libellous forgery \of Chamberlain for the deception of the British proletariat.” This would shave been a very mild description of \the article in question, had it really been faked. But the assertion was jall the more pitiable in view of the fact that, as the Trotzkyites were \subsequently forced to admit, the article in the “Daily Express” was not faked at all but had really been »written by Trotzky. What was then the sequel to this assertion? If on March 9th the Trotzkyites had as- serted the article in the “Daily Ex- press, to be “a libellous forgery to ideceive the British proletariat,” how ‘could they then. approve of the pub- |lieation of such an article by Trot- izky when they learnt that this ‘articles in the fascist “corriere della |Trotzky himself, just as had his \articles in the fascist “orriere della Sera,” in the “Journal,” the organ of the Paris boulevards, and in the most reactionary publications of |Burope and America? | They attempted to find a “justifi- cation” of the principle underlying By W. BURKE. At the present time the struggle between the working class and the capitalist class has assumed a very acute stage throughout the world. This international situation brings to our sport movement highly im- portant tasks. The labor sports movement being an inseparable part of the organized working class the broad masses of the workers must rally around it in order to prepare them physically for their daily struggles.and for the future decisive struggles against the capitalist class. But this object can only be achieved when along with the physical educa- tion, the workers participating in sports get ideological education in order to be prepared for the daily political and economic struggles of the working class. It follows from this that our sport educational work must be organized along lines to correspond with the needs of the workers. No “Neutral” ‘Sports. From the class point of view the neutral sport organizations do not exist and there is no neutral sport ideology. Bosses’ sports organiza- tions, for all their desire to show the role of their sports as neutral, are in fact nothing more but the class organizations of the bosses, organized for the purpose of spread- ing the ideas of the bosses among the workers. The bosses have at their disposal colossal means through which to influence the minds of the working youth, The greatest attempt to influence the minds of the working youth through sports is made in the schools, where millions of children are induced to participate in sports each year, through newspapers, gen- eral press, the churches and their ‘any sport organizations, like the Y. M. C. A., Y. M.H. A., the Ama- teur Athletic Union, Industrial Ath- letic League, ete, The bosses now are making greater efforts than ever before to win the youth on their coming imperialist wars, Must Educate Members. In order to win the masses of the workers now participating in sports under the influence of the bosses it is necessary that we educate those workers in the Labor Sports Union to the principles of labor sports and the interests of the working class and make them the agitators, propa- gandists and organizers of the work- ing class sport movement. The ob- ject of our education must serve two purposes: to fully educate ouijgwn members to the interests of labor sports and to reach the broad masses of the workers now outside of our ranks, educate them and win them }over to the Labor Sports Union. One of the greatest obstacles to the class education of our members is the feeling among them that sports has no connection with the economic end political struggles of the work- ers and that such questions should not be discussed in the sports or- ganizations. This attitude we must combat relentlessly. Our sport or- ganizations are class organizations, and as such we must educate our members to the interest of the work- ing class. We must not only discuss the problems that confront the work- ers of this country, but we must discuss them from the broad interna- tional viewpoint, We must educate our members and develop within them a spirit of internationalism and class solidarity. side and to prepare them for the! Government and_ the \kindling pathos of revolution. |Trotzky? What did he do in the sealed car of the bourgeois press ? | To what) |To whom did he apply? |masses did he address his words? |What ideas did he diffuse? Whom \did he organize and against whom? |What he diffused was the poisonous gas of calumny, to serve as a spice to the daily lies of the bourgeois |press in regard to the Soviet Union. \His articles helped and continue to help in mobilizing the public opinion of the bourgeoisie against the So- |viet Union, They form the public jopinion of the bourgeoisie, for it is primarily to the bourgeoisie that {they are addressed. There are “truths” which are worse than any lie. It was with a “truth” such as these that Trotzky approached the public opinion of all the world through the channels of the bourgeois press. We need waste no more words on the clap-trap theories of the Trotzkyites, which aim at implicating Lenin in an ideological participation in their own renegade policy, by proving that Lenin once wrote an article on Marxism (with the permission of the Party) for Granat’s encyclopae- dia. True, he did write an article in ‘defence of Marxism as a contribution jto the encyclopaedia in question, which reproduced the article without |a single word of comment, whereas each of the articles supplied by Trot- \aky to the bourgeois press is made an excuse by the latter for the meanest of attacks on/’the Soviet Union, We have already given publication to the utterances with which the bourgeois press accompanies the ar- ticles contributed by Trotzky. Thus the “Neue Freie Presse” of Apri 19th declares that his/article appear- ing in that numbr is directed against the Bolshevist Government. Possible many will not even read the article itself, but the com- mentary of the “Neue Freie Presse” le sure to be read by everybody, (To Be Continued) jocthlen But we) \all know that in 1917 Lenin came to} ‘the land of revolution to organize | But | \CEMEN | By FEODOR GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army commander, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement work, where he had formerly worked as a mechanic, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has beome a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia J hova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Com- munist Party. Gleb wins over leading Party workers including Lukhava, secretary of the Trade Unions, to the task of reconstructing the factory. * * * CAVCHUK; at the head of the construction gang, was fastening the rails to the sleepers, thundering with his hammer like a madman in an intoxicated fit of work. His face was red, his eyes bloodshot and the thick veins in his hands and neck were knotted around the muscles under his sweaty skin, swollen like ropes. Gleb shouldered his pick and, leaving Mekhova, went over to the front row of the workmen. “Strike, Savchuk, strike! Put your back into it!” “We're hitting as hard as we can! You started things going, so get to the head, old pal! We’ll find fuel for the factory too.’’ “Hurray, Comrades! We'll make the old mountain move! Hurray!” He raised his pick on high, and the veins in his neck swelled with his roaring. And the crowd burst out yelling, brandishing their picks, shovels and hammers as an army would their weapons. “Hurray! Hurray!” * * * peo on high Gleb saw the mighty uproar rolling like a wave down the slope of the mountain. The people at the bottom were smafl as ants. They also were waving their hands and spades and were prob- ably shouting as well. Mekhova was gazing at Gleb, her eyes wide open. The last sections of the track were being riveted to the sleepers. The cables lay like snakes and gave out a metallic tinkling like violin strings. The wheels were absorbing electricity for flight. Red soldiers, leaning on their rifles, were keeping watch in the mountain pass. Above and around them the shrubbery stretched down in green foam. Rifles and helmets bespoke vigor and attention as the Red Army comrades vigilantly surveyed the cliffs and the dark descent on the other side of the mountain. Exhausted, red-faced and with knees trembling, Serge stepped out from among the workers. He walked over to Mekhova and subsided tired on a boulder. “Well, my dear Intellectual, Weren’t you going to say that the roots of Communist labor are not always sweet?” Mekhova patted him on the arm in a friendly way. His face lit up with a gay, child-like smile. The sweat ran down his nose and chin and fell on his hands in hot drops.. He took Polia’s hand and gave it a hard and friendly squeeze. * 8 « AS one approaches the end, work always becomes more strenuous and intoxicating. The last strokes are. the most vigorous and exact. When Lukhava’s warning cry came from the power-house tower, the front rows of the workers gathered together in wonder and alarm, Far away on the tops of the mountains the air seemed to burst and scatter in splinters. Owing to the noise of the work that was being carried on no shots were heard at first. On the pass, the Red soldiers were running here and there, jumping over boulders and firing in disorder. Lukhava, waving his arms, was shouting at the top of his voice. Let each man remain fn his place. There’s an attack of bandits from the other side of the ridge. Don’t stop work! No panic!” The fusillade was shattering the air, which seemed to fall in frag- ments to the earth, Work stopped suddenly. Thousands of people streamed down the slope. Half-way down, panic started: their terror broke out, and the crowd like an unrestrained torrent rushed madly downwards, falling, rolling over, piling up in heaps. To the right and left also, groups were running, and also single figures, lying down, then getting up and running on again, Gleb climbed on to a ledge of rock and waved his pick. “Halt! Stop where you are, damn you! ‘Communists, come here! If any of them show cowardice hit them with your picks!” “Be calm, Comrades! . * * alee leaders of the Construction Workers’ Union were rushing to- wards Gleb over the sleepers and stones. After them came others running. Lower down, at first one by one, and then in chomms, voices were shouting: “Halt! Halt!” To the right and left the flood continued, rushing, Jamping, and rolling past rocks and bushes. The firing sounded as though the stones of the mountain were bursting. Gleb threw away his pick and jumped off the rock. “Savchuk, Gromada and you, Dasha! Run down and make them take their places! Grab them by the scruff of the neck; give them a good hard kick from behind—the cattle!” Savchuk, Gromada, Dasha and more and more people, now started bounding down the slope like falling boulders. “Communists, come over here to me! Get rifles, Comrades, and then on to the power-station. Quick, get a move on! We'll serve them up a fine portion of iron beans, Comrades!” He was the first to run for.a rifle. Behind him ran the Commu- nist Party members and behind them a number of non-Party workmen, Above on the slope, the metal workers and electricians were work- ing calmly and silently; only in their eyes was there a note of alarm. + * * Prorus were taking out rifles and cartridges, breeches clicked. The shirts on their backs were soaking. They were gathering up sweat with their fingers and shaking it off, wiping it off with their sleeves. And the non-Party workmen were dashing to the rifles, but they were repelled. Mitka, the feller and concertinist, with his blue-shaved skull, was choking and furious. “Don’t get too excited! Don’t lose your heads there, you bastards! I’ve been expecting something like this for a long time!” Elbows revolving, he squeezed his way to the front, grasped a rifle; then winked, his big white teeth showing in a grin, “That’s the stuff! Let’s get after them, Comrade Chumalov! We'll spill the guts of them!” The workmen were running hither and thither, snapping home the magazines of their rifles; squatting down suddenly, then crawling on all fours. The burning air, thrown back by the hot boulders, grasped one by the throat. There was a smell of sun and burnt grass. Polia was climbing the stony slope next to Gleb. He felt her soft shoulder and the sharp flavor of a woman’s sweat. “What are you coming for? You've got to think twice before you get into a job like this.” - ‘ “Why shouldn’t I come? Why may you go and I cannot?” hee used to this kind of a game. You're not experienced enough» yet.’ i .Polia laughed loudly. * ° BErorE them Red soldiers and—armed workmen were running to and fro, suddenly stopping and kneeling down. to fire. Far away, over the sea or behind the mountains, it seemed that sirens were crying. “Those are bullets, Gleb, It’s a long time since I heard them last.” Gleb walked on, his rifle at the ready. Polia walked close by him, also carrying a rifle. There seemed to be nothing but two immense eyes in her face. Her long curls flamed in the sun, Gleb was no longer a workman, but had once again become the Red War Commissar. In crisp, clear phrases he ordered a ment to go round and attack the bandits on the left flank, driving them out of the little wood on to the slope under the fire of the Red sol- diers on the pass. He himself would direct the operations from a spot on the mountain where he would he in sight of both detachments. “Do you hear, Comrade Gleb? They're close. The: shooting from the summit. They want to create a panic ana doer the ropeway.” ¥ (TO BE CONTINUED.) ne