The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 15, 1929, Page 6

Bai Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Daily Published by the except Sunday, at Telephone Comprodaily 26-28 Ui $8.00 a year $6.00 a year Against the War on the Soviet Union! DWIN L. JAMES, writing in the New York 9th) from Paris, claims that: “The two countries most concerned in the reparations settle- imes (June ment are Germany and the United St But this is only true insofar as Germany, the debtor, must pay for the next 58 years, while the United States collects. Debtor and collector are always concerned with each other. That Young made a good debt collector is shown by the grand reception prepared for him on his return to New York today. It is impossible, however, to lift Germany and the United States out of the world circle of nations; to say that they are most concerned. The German workers, their children, and grand children, are supposed to toil to*repay over a period of nearly three score years, in the words of-the Times’ correspondent: “The money we advanced to the allies to help defeat imperial Germany and make the world safe for democracy.” While the object of the original Dawes Plan, and now of rmany to war debts, the Young Plan that supercedes it, is to “put ¢ work,” so that Yankee imperialism can collect i there is also the purpose, to use again the phrasing of the Times’ correspondent, of getting “better political relations in Europe.” This means, of course, “better political relatio for world imperialism. In this respect interest in the “ex- traordinarily ingenious scheme evolved by the experts com- mittee under the skillful chairmanship of Owen D. Young” divides on the basis of the working class against the capital- ist-class, or the Union of Soviet Republics on the one hand, ascagainst the imperialist world on the other. Young’s “ingenious scheme”, put through at the bidding of Wall Stree‘, is nothing less than a cleverly planned war measure against the Soviet Union. The “better political re- lations” refers specifically to the knitting together of the Anti-Soviet bloc. Thus in closing his article in The Times, James writes: “The Young Plan brings to a close the post-war period, and bids fair to usher in a new era of international economic and political co-operation.” This takes for granted that German imperialism, the enemy in the last world war, will be won away, immediately and completely, from its orientation toward the Soviet Union based on the Rapallo Treaty, cementing the hostile imperial- isms of 1914-18 into a united opposition against the Work- ers’ and Peasants’ Government. This has been an effort ex- tending over a considerable period of time as the Times’ cor- respondent points out as follows: “The original conception of the experts’ task insarriving at a final settlement of reparations, had its origin in a meeting of three foreign ministers, Chamberlain of Great Britain, Briand of France and Stresemann of Germany, at Geneva, last September. “Nursing the hope of a pacified and co-operating Europe, Chamberlain and Briand saw in a final settlement of reparations not only distant economic benefits, but more immediate political benefits. “How better could Germany be brought whole-heartedly into a working arrangement between Britain and France than by lift- ing from her the burdens which the Dawes Plan and the Treaty of Versailles placed upon her with respect to reparations and which weighed so heavily on her national pride? “In a final settlement of reparations they saw the chance to remove Parker Gilbert’s control of the German budget which so irked Berlin. They saw a chance to give back to the Reich control of her railroads and customs and above all they saw a chance to end the occupation of the Rhineland, which supplied ever present fuel to the German nationalists and which cursed at every turn Stresemann’s efforts at a real reconciliation with France.” This states the situation quit clearly for those who are willing to read between the lines. British, French, Italian, Wall Street imperialisms are no more friendly to German * imperialism now than in the bloodiest days of the world war. Yet the success of the anti-Soviet bloc depends upon Germany completely breaking with the Soviet Union. War debt pay- ments may extend over 58 years. But the strengthening of the Anti-Soviet bloc calls for immediate action, with the re- sult that the Versailles allies are willing to consider problems like the evacuation of the Rhineland to get the “co-operation” of the Reich in new anti-labor ventures. Besides the conspiracy against the Soviet Union the Young pact also serves as an instrument to forward the whole international policy of the Wall Street government at Wash- ington. It “softens” the debt and reparation payments in order to clear the way for greater private loans from Wall Street bankers to Germany. One of the principal problems of the bankers is devising means of disposing of the enormous surplus money on hand. Other political consequences flow from greater invest- ments in Germany. Of primary importance is the attempt to ng Germany definitely into the orbit of American imperial- : ‘and prevent its swing toward the imperialist rival of the United States, Great Britain. ; So, instead of solving the conflicts between the partici- states, this Young plan, like the Dawes plan that pre- ‘it (but which in reality was formulated by Young in- ‘ ig yf Dawes) only sharpens the contradictions between ‘the imperialist powers themselves and brings nearer the ‘cataclysmic outburst of another world war. The kept press refuses to discuss openly the real mean- , of Paris debt accord. J. Pierpont Morgan steps off the ship in New York and refers all inquirers to Thomas W. t still in Paris. So the reporters write about his new phat. It would not be wise on Morgan's part to declare that he is preparing American participation in a new war—the war against the Soviet Union. “Yet that is exactly what is taking place. This must be ‘as the central and outstanding fact in the preparations International Red Day (Anti-War Day), August First, he fifteenth anniversary of the opening of the last world Against the imperialist war! For the defense of the of Soviet ae ig the overthrow of capitalism! ‘ | i} | DAILY WORKE ly Sas Worker JUDGE AS WELL AS PROSECUTOR! 4 R, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JUNE 15, 1929 By Fred Ellis His Majesty’s Second Labor Government The General Election in Great Britain has resulted in the er defeat of the Baldwin Government and the electiqn of a second Labor Government. The mass of the work- ers have expressed their hatred of the detested wage-cutting, war-| making government by voting for the Labor Party, which gained a striking victory at the polls, and is now the largest party in parliament for the first time. The Labor Party has swept the industrial areas with | huge majorities and secured over eight-million votes, | The Communist Party polled only | 50,000 tes. Even many active) sympat rs voted for the Labor candidates. This vote by no means, | however, demonstrates the influence | of the C. P. G. B. or the degree of |the revolutionary feeling amongst! the working class. Everywhere | Communist candidates report good enthusiastic meetings with but little | opposition. The workers at our meetings were enthusiastic because they felt the rising spirit of the| workers and expressed that spirit. | The mood of the active workers was not antagonistic to the Communist | policy of a Revolutionary Workers’ | Government. Their argument was: | “We want to get rid of Baldwin.” “Give labor a chance.” “We don’t want to vote communist and let the | Tory or Liberal in.” The enthusiasm for the programme | of the Revolutionary Workers’ Goy- | ernment is proof of the radicaliza~ tion of the workers, and demon-| strates the disillusionment that will | take place when the workers find} that they have been deceived by the promises of the Labor Party, ana that Labor-Government far from im- proving their conditions carries out the wage-cutting, war making policy of the previous Tory Governmen| There were only 25 Commun candidates out of 615 constituenc: The £150 deposit which each candi- | date must pay, and the heavy costs of running an electoral campaign were a big handicap against going |forward in other constituencies. | Moreover, this was the first time in its history that the Communist Party took part in the General Elec- ‘tion as an independent party with) its own independent programme and candidates. It was a new force in| |the election. In previous elections | |the Communist Party whilst putting | |up one or two cand.dates had pur- ;sued the policy of advising the) |workers to vote for the Labor can-| didate. It is, however, interesting \to note that in those constituencies where the Party was well known land had fought previously that fairly jgood results were securcd. This is |shown by the results in Greenock, Battersea, Dundee, Fife, Rhondda, land in Aberdeen, This shows that the Party should have prepared the} \ground better, and in particular) |have fought more bye-elections in lorder to prepare the workers for its independent fight at the time of \the General Election, | It must also be taken into con-) | siderations that certain vacillations| _made by the Communist Party of |Great Britain in the carrying out of the new policy of independent | leadership of the masses resulted in| the Party and its sympathizers be- ing insufficiently prepared for the! election, and in part explains the fact that it failed to rally many \sympathizers behind it at the polls. | The bourgeoisie realizes that a |Labor Government will be exceed- jingly valuable and useful to them in this period of capitalist rationaliza- tion and feverish war preparations, In fact the bourgeoisie are quite as |prepared for the advent of a Labor Government in 1929 as they were in |scare stunt of 1924, “Will Ruthlessly Suppress Revolutionary Masses in India” would probably come about as the result of the election, although the number of seats which have fallen to the Labor Party were somewhat higher than anticipated. Through- | out the election the bourgeoisie made a very soft campaign against the Labor Party, and treated it as a | respectable bourgeois party. No at- tempt was made to repeat the red The interven- tion of Liberals in a large number of constituencies “resulted in many seats going to the Labor Party; the “Times” claims that the three- cornered fights made by the Liberal | intervention gave at least 50 seats |to the Labor Party. What role will the Labor Govern- ment play? This was answered at the 9th Plenum of the Comintern (February, 1928), which declared: “A Labor Government at the present juncture willbe from the very out- set the obvious instrument for at- tacking the workers.” During the election the Labor Party in spite of its different phraseology stood exactly for the same policy as the Liberal and Tory Parties, namely, capitalist rationali- zation, consolidation of the Empire, continuity of foreign policy. In short, this means a policy of war. Complete unanimity of the three big parties is strongly illustrated by the speech which MacDonald made at the Albert Hall at the opening of the election campaign. The comment of Sir William Joynson Hicks, the Tory Home Secretary, on this speech was: “The speech made by Mr. Ram- say MacDonald on Saturday night was a speech which might have been made by Mr. Baldwin or myself.” Mr. Lloyd George said “Mr. Ram- say MacDonald made a speech in the Albert Hall in which he copied every proposal the Liberals made and copied them very badly.” The Labor Party is very definitely pledged to a policy of rationaliza- tion, and will undoubtedly take much more bolder and concrete steps |for the carrying out of rationaliza- tion than the Baldwin Government MASS ODE By L. SPIER 1 Is it not true The clover sprung half-way beneath a stone Must hold till death her twisted form to the dew? Well, we are stunted blooms, ill-sprung, and grown Beneath toil’s boulder. But till death? Is it true? How can it be? Let man’s desires be his firmest judge, And sterner judge by far than any we see; And could the “god-born serf”, the “natural drudge” Dare wish for life, life’s love, life’s liberty ? Yes, we are grinds And duped; but only for the present day. What we should be is clear within our minds. What, men born-slaves because of place? I say If fate says ‘yes’, then fate itself is blind! Better no fate If that is so, or need, we'll be its master, And good or bad or both in alternate, We'll carve our will of the day’s warm alabaster; Tho’ death come by the deed, we'll mould our fate! Democrats Put Itching Palm Out to Wall St. The democratic Party would like a turn at serving its master, Wall Street in the national administration, and chosing a new na- tional chairman, eame to Wall Street with an itching palm held out and told big business it was ansious to show how ably it could serve Wall Street in the White House if given a chance. Photo shows the 1924, It was clear from the outset that this parliamentary situation new chairman, Shouse, who has a long anti-labor record, at a meet- , ing with leaders of the democratic Party. Jitself intended to, because it is con- |fident of its ability to deceive the |workers, The well known pro- |gramme of the Labor Party entitlea “Labor and the Nation” the Turner- Melchett Report, and the Peport ot the Balfour Committee (set up by the Labor Government in 1924) ali contain definite worked out concrete | proposals for the rationalizxtion of British industry, involving not only |state aid and re-organization of in-| | dustry, but also an increase in un-| jemployment, lower wages, longer | hours, and a speed-up in the fac- tories, mines, and mills. The Labor Party is pledged go a reconstruction of capitalism. It will mobilize the} machinery of the trade unions and| the Labor Party behind it in carry- ing through the inevitable attacks jon the working class, which must be | jmade in order to carry through | rationalization in Great Britain. | The policy of the Labor Govern- | ment will lead to the intensification | of the internal contradictions of | British capitalism, and to the} sharpening of the international | | struggle for markets. The Labor Government wili ruth- lessly suppress the revolutionary | masses in India by the most murder- }ous means. The Empire policy of | |the first Labor Government promises what is in store. It can consolidate the Empire in no other way. It wili prepare for the war against Ameri- ca, because the rationalization of British industry will throw Britain | into sharper conflict with America | on the international market. It will | prepare the war against the U. S.| R. because its existence is a tremendous barrier against the overcoming of the contradictions of B h capitalism, and Uccause the | U.S, S. R. stands as a beacon light | jand example to the suppressea |masses in the Empire and the ex- ploited masses of Britain. The labor government will, when faced with the mass struggles and the re- sistance of the workers in Englanc | against rationalization be compelled to resort to open suppression which will expose it before these masses. A. Labor Governme:’ in Great Britain increases the danger of war. It would be a terrible mistake to in any way encourage the illusion that pressure on the Labor Govern- ment can compel them to fight for the demands of the working class. | That this illusion will arise even} | amongst the revolutionary workers \can easily be foreseen, As the Labor Government embarks upon its path of openly carrying out of the capi- talist policy there will be a revival of sham left opposition in its ranks on the part of the Independent La- bor Party and such people as Max- ton, Cook, Wheatley, and Co. Their role will be to canalize the working class revolt into safe channels, to deliver the workers back into Mac- Donald’s hands, just as they did in 1924 and also in 1928, Mighty mass struggles are loom- | ling ahead in Great Britain, The |working class are swinging to the ‘left. The treacherous policy of the |Labor Government will disillusion \them, but it will not be an easy jand rapid disillusionment. The reformists are too cunning ana clever to completely expose them- |selves without making the pretence jof representing the working class) ‘needs, and still continuing to use \working class phrases, The Communist Party will win the masses away from the Labor Party and for revolutionary struggle un- der Communist leadership only by a daily bitter obstinate struggle for the everyday interests of the work- ers. This struggle must be linkea up with and made part of the strug- gle for the Revolutionary Workers’ \CEMEN By FEODOR GLADKOY, Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army commander, returns to his town ow the Black a after the Civil Wars to find the great cement worka, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovcrs a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the convntional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the Communist women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Party, * 28¢ @¢@ ITH an habitual gesture, Gleb pushed his helmet down over the back of his neck, dried the sweat of his face and smiled merrily, all his teeth. “Well, what do you think of it, Comrade Technologist? Do you remember, you said that this job would take a month to get going, and now look, it’s only the third day and we’ve already got the works going. A wise lot, eh?” ngineer Kleist smiled drily, and without losing his air of im- t breaking through the hard business tension to some ex- s, yes, with such a spate of energy it’s possible to do won- ders. But it is an uneconomical expenditure of strength. There is no graduation and organized division of labor. This enthusiasm is like a cloud-burst: it doesn’t last long and it’s not very healthy.” “But it’s a memorable fact, Comrade Technologist. With en- thusiasm we can break up mountains, In the midst of ruin that’s the cnly way to begin. When we have put life into all this again we can proceed to study the rational process of production.” Kleist detected the laughter in Gleb’s eyes and shrugged coldly. Leaning on his stick he went on up the hill towards the shiny obelisks of the electric cables, (eee was an intolerable odor emanating from the sun-scorched stones and burnt grass. One’s mouth and eyes were smarting with dust. In the mountains bells were ringing. It was good. All was vast, immeasurable. The sun was alive like a human being, near, pulsating; and one’s blood coursed in rhythm with the sun. Thousands of hands raised in thousands of efforts; the clamor of spads and pi thousands of bodies in unanimous action moved mightily as one bod, A living human machine which shook the stones to their depths. Up in the heights: an iron track to the sunlit summits. Clear-cut rails ran down over the sleepers into the gulf below to the bottom of the slope where were the Works; and then again up to the summit to the electric cable-towers, to the rings of the blue obelisks. In another hour, steel cables will be drawn taut, stretched in the sun like incandescent wires; and the trucks—up and down, up and down, travelling—singing their metallic song. Polia Mekhova, big-eyed and curly-headed, walked slowly up the mountain, wearily leaning on her spade. She was stumbling and utter- ing little cries, bending like a grass-blade &nd laughing. Lukhava was standing on a stone abutment, among the towers of the power-station, He stood with bare breast, in an unbelted black blouse. He seemed to be on the point of waving his arms and shouting. P ‘ * * * OLIA was laughing with exhaustion and the sun, the spade in her hands was playing with pebbles. “Oh, how. tired I am, Chumalov! Hold me up, a weak woman!” She threw an arm about his shoulder and leaned with her breast against him. Her breath came in little panting moans; now and again she chokingly laughed. Gleb was leaning on his shovel and she was leaning against his breast; and they were both laughing into each other’s faces, sensually, without speaking. Under her full breasts he heard her heart beat. He saw in the drunken play of color in her eyes and the moist glint of her teeth, her readiness to abandon herself to his strength. And at each pulsation of her heart, through her breasts, and in the play of those eyes and teeth, he heard a voice deep down in himself saying teasingly: “Well? Well?” Walking firmly with a pick-axe on her shoulder, Dasha came along. She was followed by a crowd of women, head-scarves showing like red poppies, laughing and crying out. They were going towards the power-station in order to repair the roads. “There is my Dasha... . . The leader! she was just a nice little wife.” He caught her on her way in an embrace, pressing her closely. She began to laugh, wrenched herself free, and smilingly threatened him with her pick-axe. ‘ “Take care, Comrade Mekhova,” she cried. “Gleb can break you with one finger; I’ve had some! If anything happens call to me for help!” * And to think that once * HE cold lustre was no longer in her eyes; a warm, caressing ray of wonder and joy was in them now. She walked away, without turning back, her pick-axe on her shoulder, amidst the gay chorus of ‘women’s voices, “My Dasha is a wonder! admit that.” “She loves you very much and is proud of you, Chumalov, is a real Bolshevik. I have a great fondness for her.” Tears glistened in Mekhova’s eyes. It would never die out in his memory. He continued to look at Dasha, greatly moved, a flood of tenderness rising in his breast. That evening she had not spoken as during the ten days previously. She had clumsily and briefly related to him the adventure in the ravine. While speaking, she observed him closely, and in the light of the electric lamp one could mark in her face confused questioning and exaltation. When Dasha related how she had jumped off the phaeton, and how the bearded soldier had led her off to be hanged—she related it quite simply with a smile—Gleb began to tremble at this throbbing light within her eyes contrasting so vividly with her commonplace, simple speech. It was not fear for Dasha, nor anger and jealousy against Badin; it was a confused guilty feeling with regard to Dasha herself, mingled with wonder at her devotion. And one thing he now resolved: from this hour he would never reproach her with a word, nor as husband offensively importune her with force or caresses. He dearly wanted to, it was true, but he could not. * * . ee days they had lived together since his return until now had been poisoned by shame and his own helplessness before her. This had suddenly come to him, without reflection, during her words, in which there was no horror at what had happened, not a cry nor a boast. He listened to her silently, shuddering, and could not remove his gaze from her face. Then, hands in pockets, he walked up close to her, but did not touch her. “Dasha, we're all fools and rascals. We ought to be hanged, not you. You’re a wonder, Dasha. Don’t be angry with a poor son of @ bitch like me.” : He moved away and laid down on the bed. In the darkness, lying apart, he on the bed and she on the floor, Dasha began to stir her rags and said caressingly: “Gleb, are you asleep?” “Little Dasha, you’re a fine brave one! ‘And no mistakel When I think about that rope I shudder and my heart is bursting.” She laughed under her bedclothes, wished to say something bat stumbled over it; then without being able to help it, laughed again. “And if I were to tell you, Gleb, that I slept with Badin then’, I suppose you would make a scene. You often wanted to beat me.” eons Ge was astonished. Dasha’s jest, in which he heard anguish and a troubled verity, did not move him. Her words were a blow, but it did not hurt. In the last days had his jealousy burned itself out— or had Dasha become something more than a wife to him? His heart felt only tenderness towards her, as towards a new friend whom he had not known before. “My head is hot as a furnace, little Dasha. . .. I’m thinking about that rope and your adventure, and all my inside is aching. Well, and supposing it did happen—well, let it happen, We’re animals, and you can swear at me as much as you like. One must approach people from another angle. Let it be. . . . The time will come when we shall learn how to understand people thoroughly. Now I’m aching inside and that’s all, little Dasha.” Again Dasha laughed under the bed-cover. “Well, go to sleep! I don’t know—it seems as if life is going backwards to my young days, only it goes by another path.” She lay quiet for a moment, then stirred again and said: “Gleb, are you asleep?” Gleb had not the time to answer before she rose from her pallet, +e A real jewel of a woman! One must Dasha | Government, —WILLIAM RUST, walked barefooted over to him and slipped under his bed-covers, Aaa 2 “