The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 12, 1929, Page 3

“3 WRILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDA UNE 12, 1929 Enlightenment Campaign— Documents Bearin INTRODUCTION TO DOCUMENTS. id The enlightenment campaign on the Address of the Communist International, begun by thy Manifesto of the Political Bureau pub- “lished in the Daily Worker on June 6th, is now in full drive throughout the basic units of the Party. For the information of Party units the Political Bureau will publish in addition to articles and resolutions re- ceived, a series of documents and extracts from documents bearing | upon the decisions of the Comintern. he | The documents published today must be related to the proceedings | in the American Commission at. Moscow and in the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. For a month | the American question was under discussion in the Comintern; and when towards the end of that month it became clear (from the speeches of members of the Commission) how the final decision of the Com- munist International was shaping, Comrades Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe with others began to take up an attitude of veiled threats to- wards the Communist International. This attitude, referred to and con- demned in the Address, was expressed not only in speeches but in their declarations of May 9th and May 14th, the most important parts of which are published today. In the last meeting of the American Commission on May 12th to which the Draft Address was presented, this attitude had taken a further stage by the refusal of the majority of the delegation to give a straight answer to the question whether or not they would accept the decisions of the Communist Intgrnational, although in addition to their elementary duties as Communists they were bound by a resolution of the Sixth Convention of the Communist Party of the United States of America to accept the decisions of the Communist International. After this decision had been finally taken on May 14 at the full Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International some of the majority delegates lead by Com- rades Gitlow, Lovestone and Wolfe, in violation of all Communist discipline refused to accept the decision of the Comintern; and their intentions of carrying on an active struggle against the decision was cpenly proclaimed. Only Comrades Bedacht and Noral remained true to their first duty of a Communist and accepted the decisions. The Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, confronted with this outrageous breach of Communist Party discipline, remitted to the Political Secretariat of the Executive Committee of the Communist International the question of taking the necessary or- ganizational measures to maintain the discipline of the Communist International. Three days later, the Political Secretariat took the de- cisions printed below. After the decision of the Presidium Comrade Lovestone continued his attitude of resistance and even made preparations for splitting the American Party and for building a new anti-Communist Party in the United States of America in the same way as the renegade Brandler did in Germany. When, however, the news came back across the At- lantic that the Party stood so solid with the Communist International that the only form resistance to these decisions could assume was that of concealed opposition and that there was no hope of success for an cpen splitting policy, Comrade Lovestone eventually decided to alter his tactic of open defiance and to take up the same line as the con- cealed opposition. That is, to hide, under cover of a formal profession of acceptance, a propaganda directed against the Address of the Communist International. Thus Comrade Lovestone begins his profession of acceptance by the significant words: “While still maintaining my disagreement with the Open Letter and its organization instructions and my conviction that | they will not prove helpful to the Party . . .” This is precisely the line and tactics of the concealed opposition, | under cover of which distrust of the Party leadership and of the Com- | munist International Address is being propagated. Not only.does Com- | rade Lovestone repeat words similar to those of his outrageous declara- | tions of May 14 (damage) but by using them he makes it clear that | this is a maneuver similar to those already witnessed in New York. The Communist Party of the United States of America, strong in its proletarian solidarity with the workers of all countries, led by the Communist International, will not tolerate any concealed opposition, no matter from what quarter it comes. * « I. * DECISIONS TAKEN BY THE POLITICAL SECRETARIAT OF THE | EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNA- TIONAL ON MAY 17TH, WITH REGARD TO COMRADES LOVESTONE, GITLOW AND WOLFE. me rade Lovestone refused to un- conditionally submit and to actively carry out the decisions of the | FVKEWL mittee os the Commuaist International of May 14th on the question of the American Communist Party, the Political Secre- tariat resolves: a. To remove Comrade Lovestone from membership in the Polit- buro of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of America. b. With regard to the declaration of Comrade Lovestone that he, in spite of the decision of the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, intends to leave for America, whereby he will grossly violate the discipline of the Comintern—to give to Comrade Lovestone the most serious warning and most emphatically to obligate Comrade Lovestone to give up all attempts at blocking the decision of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 2.—In view of the fact that Comrade Gitlow had declared at the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, that he will resist the carrying out the decisions ofthe Presidium on the American -question—to remove Comrade Gitlow from the Secre- teriat and from the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Cén- munist Party of America. To ask the Central Committee of the Commu: Party of America te remove from the Politburo all such members as will refuse to submit to the decisions of the Executive Committee of the Communist Interna- tional. 3.—In view of the declarations of the representative of the Cen- tral Committee of the Communist Party of America in the Executive Committee of the Communist International, Comrade Wolfe, to the effect that he refuses to carry out the decision of the Presidium—to ask the Central Committee of the Communist Party of America to recall him and to send in his place another representative. To free Comrade Wolfe from the work of Director of the Latin- American Secretariat: the question of appointing a director of the Latin-American Secretariat to be put at the next meeting of the Political Sceretariat of the Executive Committee of the Communist Interneticnel. * * * Il. IMPORTANT PASSAGES AND NOTES TH OM THE DECLARATION PRESENTED BY THE MAJORITY OF THE AMERICAN DELEGATION ON MAY STH AFTER THE SPEECHES OF COMRADES STALIN AND MOLOTOFF. The declaration of May 9th begins with a recital of the factional tactics of the Minority and their errors, but in this contains not a single word about either factionalism or errors on the part of the Majority. on to say: “If in the face of all this, the Executive Committee of the Communist International rewards Comrade Foster with its con- fidence, it rewards Foster’s unprincipled alliances running from Lore to Salutsky, to Eastman, to Askeli, to Sulkanen, to Cannon; it rewards Comrade Foster's open flouting of the decisions of the Sixth World Congress, it rewards Foster's refusal to work out a common political resolution for the Party Convention; it rewards Foster’s use of Cannon’s Trotskyite platform in his fight against the Central Committee; it rewards his misuse of the TUEL for factional purposes. And if the Executive Committee of the Com- munist International condemns the Central Committee for its role in this factional struggle as primarily responsible, and if, on the Strength of this the Executive Committee of the Communist In- ternational withdraws from work in our Party the leading com- rade of the Central Committee, then it punishes the Central Com- mittee for the crime of having defended itself and the Party against the unprincipled factional campaign of the opposition; it punishes the Central Committee for having tolerated the un- Communist action of the opposition block though this was done only because the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- national’s repeated demands to give “Full freedom of discussion” and, because the Executive Committee of the Communist Inter- national, though never reprimanding the opposition for its unprin- cipledness, warned the Central Committee that it will protect the opposition against possible organizational measures.” This passage says that the Communist International “rewards” the Minority for its factionalism and does not say that the Com- | munist International fights against the factionalism of both Ma- jority and Minority; the line that the Communist International sup- ports, rewards, and encourages the Minority—but this is simply a calumny against the Communist International. All the tactics of the Majority are hidden up but worse than that, all the unpardonable fac- tional tactics are misrepresented as being “the defense of the Party” against the Minority.) The grave accusation against the Communist International is made that the Minority bloc was tolerated only be- cause the Executive Committee of the Communist International de- manded that it shall have full freedom of discussion, That is a mis- representation of the insistance of the Communist International on the necessity of self-criticism, the necessity of inner-Party democracy, a full discussion of political problems as a maneuver for the Minority. This is a point of view which completely rejects any self-criticism. “Should the final decision of your committee follow the out- line given in last Plenary session of the American Commission (this refers to the speeches of Comrade Stalin and Molotov) then the membership of our Party would have to come to the conclusion that the Executive Committee of the Communist International desires to destroy the Central Committee and therefore follows the After dealing with the Minority tactics, the declaration goes | ies of legalizing the past factionalism of the opposition bloc ting its continuation in the future.” The Communist International does not desire “to destroy the Cen- tral Committee” but desires to destroy factionalism. The phrase about legalizing the past factionalism and inviting its continuation in the future is the gravest accusation that could be levelled against re- sponsible comrades, leaders of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Everybody in the United States Party has read the Address, knows its contents and realizes there is no basis for such a suggestion. “In the face of all these facts, the proposed decision could not liquidate factionalism, but could be considered by our Party only as a decisive step to convert the discredited and unprincipled Minority opposition into a Majority.” | It is clear that the Communist International would only defeat its own ends by giving power to the Minority. The Communist Interna- tional did not in any way accept the views of the Minority, it did not reject the Convention but recognized the Convention, in spite of the factionalism contained therein. It recognized the Central Executive Committee and Polcom, duly elected at the Convention and it cate- gorically rejected the proposal made to hold a new Convention. In the face of these facts, the assertion made is a simple calumny. IV. IMPORTANT PASSAGES FROM THE DECLARATION OF MAY 14, SUBMITTED TO THE PRESIDIUM. After formal phrases in the opening paragraph fervently asserting adherence to discipline, loyalty and devotion to the Comintern, the ; May 14th declaration goes on to “It is by the express authority of this convention that we speak here in the name of the overwhelming majority of the mem- bership, in the name of these best and most experienced Communist forces, in the name of the most Party cadres in the United States.” Comrades Lovestone and Gitlow tried to deceive the Communist International into believing that the members of the American Party | would follow them. But it is not so. They followed the Communist International, as the present situation showed. “It is our sincere conviction that the new draft letter to our | Party is contri to the letter and spirit of the line of the Sixth Congress. clearly shown in the fact that the new draft } letter takes a diametrically opposite attitude towards our Party, makes. an estimate of our Party’s work and leadership totally at variance with the line and decisions of the Sixth World Congress and the ECCI’s Open Letter to our Convention on these basic questions.” This passage represents the first argument put forward, namely that the Address is contrary to the line of the Sixth Congress. But what was the line of the Sixth Congress? The line of the Sixth Con- gress was a struggle against the Right danger, a struggle against factionalism. Members of the Party have only to read the decisions of ihe Sixth Congress, to have this perfectly clear. But this line of the Sixth Congress was not applied to the American Party or to its errors. Instead there was the growth of the theory of exceptionalism which sought to exémpt the American Party from the line of the Sixth Con- gress. Moreover, Comrades Lovestone and Gitlow, who say that the line of the Sixth Congress was followed by the Open Letter to the Convention, themselves rejected that same line, for the Sixth Con- vention was actually the acme of factionalism in the American Party. At the Sixth Convention, the line was taken against the Communist International and impermissible speculation on the situation in the Russian Party was a feature of that Convention. It is elear from understand this. This is made still more clear by the next passage: ¢ | “Nothing has happened since the Sixth World Congress, noth- ing has occurred since the Convention has received the ECCI’s Open Letter to warrant any fundamental change in the estimate of our Party, its achievements and its leadership.” There is no ground whatever for suggesting that the line of the | Sixth Congress, the line of the Open Letter, the line of the present Address are not one and the same line, followed steadily by the Execu- tive Committee of the Communist International, which is responsible for the carrying out of the decisions of the Sixth Congress, and for the clear application; but apart from that, this passage shows again that Comrades Lovestone, etc., do not understand how serious were the factional happenings on the part of the Majority and the Minority at the Sixth Convention. “J.—It will serve only to intensify and perpetuate the most destructive factionalism by giving the opposition a platform against the Central Committee and the Party membership.” . . . “2. It will tend to undermine very seriously before the non- Party proletarian masses the prestige and influence of the Com- intern and the Party.” . . . “3. Instead of correcting the errors of the Party leadership it would undermine the Party leadership and thereby tend to un- dermine the influence of the Party. More than that. It will tend to discredit the entire institution of Party leadership.” “4, It lays the immediate—though politically unwarranted— basis for overthrowing the leadership, for transforming the Ma- this passage’ that Comrades Lovestone and Gitlow, etc., simply do not | jority into a Minority and disregarding the will of over 90 per 7) cent of the membership as registered at the VI National Conyen- 44 tion of our Party.” at The first passage is a repetition of the argument about, giving over the Party to the opposition. This calumny has already bggn dealt, with. Moreover, if any of the previous Minority cherish any*illusions | that the Comintern seeks to give power to them, they are harboring a factional delusion which must be rooted out of the Party. Again, it is said that the address will “undermine” the “prestige,” etc. This is not Bolshevik argument. The Bolshevik argument is first, the fac- tionalism has already undermined and very iously undermined the prestige of the Party. The Bolshevik argument is that there is the greatest need to begin at once an open criticism of errors, of both the Majority and Minority before the working class, thru such a method as was pointed out in the Manifesto of the Political Bureau published last week. The Party must be strengthened ard the leadership of the Party built up for the first time on a really firm basis amongst the masses of American workers. “The present project of a decision is built arcund a most severe and in the main unwarranted condemnation of the Central Commit- — { tee for errors committed by it in meeting the factional onslaught of the Opposition Bloc.” But speaking of the address as “unwarranted,” it makes clear that Comrades Lovestone, ete., do not want to recognize their errors, errors which had reached the stage in the opinion of the Communist International when they were in danger of disintegrating the cadres of the Party. Later when they go on to demand: “Return of all com- rades to work in the Party,” they show that they do not accept the Open Letter to the Party Convention, the organizational proposals part of which they now reject although in the second quotation they said they accepted. “We repudiate and protest most emphatically against the un- warranted charge that the delegation representing the VI National Convention of our Party is working for a split.” Here Comrades Lovestone and Gitlow, etc., say they are not work- ing for a split. This statement was nothing else than an attempt to Jull and put to sleep the vigilance of the Communist International, which must ever seek to keep intact the ranks of every section of the World Party. Such declarations were furnished very easily also by renegades like Brandler at the very moment when they were preparing to split the ranks. In the case of Comrade Lovestone, ete., we know also, that even after the decision of the Presidium was taken on May 14th, instructions were being sent to America to prepare a split and to take all the necessary technical measures for setting up a Party | outside the ranks of the Communist International. “Were we to adopt any other attitude to the new draft letter, were we to pursue any other course, the Party membership would rightfully and sternly repudiate such action.” This passage is simply to be regarded as an attempt to blackmail the Communist International. Moreov the swift reaction of the Party to the address, the proletarian solidarity with the Communist International was that they were wrong and no more than columniators of their own Party. “Our acceptance of this draft letter would only promote de- moralization, disintegration and chaos in the Party. This is the only logical outcome of the line of the draft letter which puts forward as the standard-bearer of the Comintern in the United States, precisely those comrades from whose factional ranks have come the worst incurable Right wingers, the renegades and enemies of the Comintern in America.” This says that the line of the address of the Communist Interna- tional is to give the Party over to the enemies of the Communist International. This is really the culmination of the series of accusa- tions made against the Communist International. These comrades whose own Right errors and factionalism are correctly chastized in the ad- dress of the Communist International, have the audacity to say that the Communist International is handing over the Party to the Right wing enemies of the Communist International. “The new draft letter, if accepted by us, would make absolutely impossible for us te continue as effective workers in the Com- munist movement.” This is quite simple a threat of sabotage of the address of the Communist International inside the ranks of the Party. “There are valid reasons for our being unable to accept this new draft letter, to assume responsibility before the Party member- ' ship for the execution of this letter, to endorse the inevitable irreparable damage that the line of this new draft letter is bound to bring to our Party.” This passage, this unheard of declaration openly violates the most elementary Communist discipline, is the final culmination of the po- litical line of the declaration. Although Comrade Lovestone may now say that he wants to alter his attitude by a new declaration, he actually in, this new declaration repeats the same phrases and speaks in the same way of “damage” that the address will do and thereby shows that his fundamental erroneous opportunistic political line remains the same. Defeating the Splitting Policy —The Splendid Response of the Party Membership |‘“soldiers” to the decisions. “Disci- By NAT KAPLAN. |pline,” says Stalin, “does not ex- Tho membership of the Party is|lude, but rather, presupposes, the now ‘Cisezssing the clean cut ad- | ¢xistence of conscious and voluntary ‘as Be tha nti THbOYNAS submission; for only a conscious dis- tional. This address is inseparable ‘iPline can become a discipline of from the Open Letter to tue iast Party convention (> 1928) andj the decisions of the 6th World Con- gress of the Comintern (July-Aug. | 1928). He who claims to agree with | the line and, decisions of the 6th! Congress and yet expresses dis-| agreement with the Open Letter and the address (i.e, with the applica- | tion of the 6th Congress decisions | to America) is, intentionally or not, doing mental gymnastics which lead straight to the nor-Communist con- ecpt of “exceptionalism.” Whet should our approach to the lize of the Comintern be? In an- swering this we must recognize thai | it.is not a formal question but a! political one. All comrades must| understand that drring the last con- vention, political issues were ob- scurcd by factionally raised formali- ties and technicalities. The conven- », tion discussion “boiled down” the \political line of the Comintern to the organizational proposals and then) proceeded to “boil down” the or-| ganizational proposals to the formal question, whether there was or was not a formal violation of Comintern discipline. It is incontestable that this approach was a smoke screen) to hide the real problem—the atti- tude to the political line of the Com- intern which determined the or- ganizational proposals. Since the po- litical problem was obscured it was logical that the question of our ap- proach to the Comintern decisions, the question of C. I. discipline should be presented in this formal, lifeless, non-Leninist manner. It is clear to every member that the Communist Party and the Com- intern cannot exist without an iron Ajiscipline, without the unreserved acceptance and carrying out of de- cisions of the higher bodies by the lower bodies. But an iron discipline presupposes a unity of will within the Party, a conscious and volun- Jary submission of the Communist See iron,” The best guarantee of a con- scious discipline is the political un- derstanding of the decisions made by the higher bodies and a convic- tion of the correctness of these de-| cisions. Hence the aim of the pres- ent enlightenment campaign in our Party is not to secure “formal” ac- ceptance of the C. I. decisions. On the contrary its aim is to get every member of the Party to approach the decisions with real proletarian self criticism, with real Leninist ob- jectivity, freed from the unprin- cipled factional bias of the past, and, to strive to understand the deep going political meaning and sig- nificance of the Comintern line which has opened up a new epoch for our Party and marks an im- portant stage i. the Bolshevization of our Party. “By this means, the acceptance and endorsement of the address, wherever it was made on the basis of formal discipline only, will henceforward be transformed into a true Communist understand- ing and Leninist grasp of its spirit and contents.” (C, C. Statement, June 5th). Why is it necessary to emphasize the question cf the approach to the Comintern decisions? Because his-| tory shows that all “clever” fight-! ers against the line of the Comintern | (who, if they persist inevitably land in the swamp of opportunism and. become tools of the bourgeoisie) | never commence their struggle by openly showing their true colors, but cloak their sabotaging activities with formal declarations of loyalty. In the present situation we have not only the open declarations of Com- rades Lovestone, Gitlow, Wolfe, etc., against the acceptance of the Com- intern decisions (and these comrades | also strive to cover their splitting policy with declarations: of loyalty to the Communist International in the abstract) but we also have the spectacle of some comrades, who while supporting the sp :tting policy | is impossible to do this without a|forward in all seriousness by com- ) of the Executive Committee of the Will the complete isolation and de-| tracks with the formula: Despite of Lovestone, while carrying on a| merciless struggle against open op- “whispering” and factional letter |portunism and opportunism covered writing campaign in behalf of this | with “left” phrases, which is strong: policy (Miller) at the same time|ly intrenched in the Party and a declare their formal acceptance ot | complete change in the inner char. the address. This tacit, under-|acter of our Party—the destruction handed, unprincipled opposition to | of the unprincipled factional groups, the line of the Comintern must be|the liquidation of factionalism and exposed by the entire Party and|the establishment of collective lead- mercilessly fought. ership. Instead of seeing this as What are some of the viewpoints | the real basis for the Comintern line, | put forward’ by this unprincipled this unprincipled opposition develops opposition? It completely ignores | its speculation on the internal situa- the faet that the address of the tion in the Communist Party of the Comintern is inseparable from the Soviet Union to the apex of ab- open letter and the line of the 6th | surdity and says that the real reason Congress. It denies that the heart for the Comintern line on America of the Comintern line is the fact is the internal situation in the Com- that it gives the Party the task of munist Party of the Soviet Union. turning onto a new’ path based on The argument is that because of the the conditions of the present post- intensified internal situation in the war period of capitalist development,| Communist Party of the Soviet onto a path which will result in its | Union, the leadership of the Com- growth as*soon as possible from ajintern is maneuvering with the small propagandist organization | American question. And this argu- into a mass political Party of the|ment, which is borrowed from the American working class and that it ‘columns of “The Militant,” is put Enlightenment Campaign on the Com het Polbureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their WESTINGHOUSE NUCLEUS ACCEPTS COMINTERN ADDRESS. The following resolution was unanimously adopted at the ing of the Westinghouse Shop Nucleus of East Pittsburgh, a thorough discussion in which every comrade participated. Comrade Abram Jakira was present as representative of the D. E. C. and led in the discussion. Our nucleus boasts of the fact that it was the first shop nucleus in the country. The resolution follows: “We hail the Address of the Communist International to its Ameri- can section as a most timely and historical and extremely constructive document, “We pledge to do our utmost to assist in winning over the entire membership for the complete acceptance and the realization of the Address in the shortest possible time, last mect- Pa., after | r “We hall the unanimous acceptance of the Address by the Central \ y \ |rades who consider themselves part |Communist International. |of the"Comintern. This is the crass- est form of striving to hide one’s own maneuvering with the leader- ship of the Communist International, What is the objective meaning of this argument? It is that the pres- ent struggle against the Right feat of Lovestone and Co., dealers| the fact that we don’t accept every in splits and rotten diplomacy at| dotting of an “I” and every comma the present time, weaken the Amer-|in the address we will vote to for- ican section of the Comintern? Just| mally accept the decision, we will the contrary is true! The Party can/ strive to convince the members to 4 g on the Comintern Address one’s own unprincipled speculation on the internal situation in the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union, one’s own rendering of aid in various | forms to the Right elements in the Communist Party of the Soviet |Union. It is a phase of the non- |Communist system of rotten fac- tional diplomacy which must be | weeded out. \line this unprincipled opposition ar- gues that the address means a weak-| That similar | ening of the Party: alleged “hooligan” methods on an international scale has led to a “tem-| |porary” weakening of the leader-|ing out of incurable opportunists, Comrade for the liquidation of unprincipled borrowing the worst) ‘ship of the Comintern, Lovestone, ;Slanders of the opportunists, refers to a “running sore” in the apparatus After completely distorting the) \political meaning of the Comintern | °™0us threads to the international danger results in weakening our Party and the leadership of the Comintern. This is exactly the ar- gument put forward by all the Right opportunists, by Brandler and Co. in Germany, etc. Is it not wholly clear that this is rendering splendid aid to the Right elements internation- ally? Is it not clear that the pres- ent position of Lovestone, Wolfe, Gitlow, etc., connects them by num- Right wing? Every proletarian} member of our Party will clearly) see this. But since when is a struggle against opportunism, for the weed- factionalism which is also a mani- |festation of the Right danger, a means of weakening the Party? only grow, strengthen itself, effec-| | morass of social-democracy and are |accept the address, but this will be tively lead the proletariat in strug-|a difficult task, ete. After making gle by a consistent process of Bol-|this declaration they try to prove shevization, of overcoming the non- | (by writing factional letters, “whis- proletarian ideologies and even ex-|pering” campaign, trying to line up pelling the incurable opportunists.| members against the address) how The Central Executive Committee] really difficult it is to win the mem- statement answers the slanders bers! On the one hand, this is an against the Comintern leadership unwarranted slander against the very effectively when it declares: proletarian members of our Party. “Not the Communist Internationat | On the other hand it is a continua- |has been degenerating, but the op-|tion of the unprincipled factional portunistic elements which are un-| method of diplomatizing with the able to adapt themselves to the re-| Communist International decisions, volutionary requirements’ of the] Third Period are sinking into the| |The membership of our Party has already shown that it is for the line degenerating into renegades and of the Comintern and against the splitters.” The nced for purging the SPlitting policy. The present en- Parties of opportunist tendencies | lightenment cam pele will not find and: opportunist elements (as part it @ “difficult task” to still further of the process of Bolshevization ana Convince every member of the abso- strengthening the Comintern) is not ute correctness of the Comintern” a new factor in the Comintern, but line. 4 is as old as the Comintern itself.|°f our Party understands that the: bourgeois and ref; The proletarian membership~ intern 1 Address to the Communist Party opinions for the Party Press. Resolutions of Factory Nuclei | also will be printed in this section. Send all material deal- | Why does this unprincipled opposi- ‘tion so quickly forget that the Com- | intern grew into the present power- ful world Party by the most con- sistent struggle against opportunism and social chauvinism? Why does it | so easily forget that one of the con- ing. with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- |ditions for admission to the Com- | tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York City. |, Committee and its efforts to win the entire Party membership to sup- port the decisions of the Comintern. “We pledge our full support to the District Executive Committee of District 5 (Pittsburgh) to carry on a relentless struggle against the right danger and to crystallize the leftward drift of the workers into a struggle against war and capitalist rationalization and to build the Party during these struggles. “We pledge ourselves to liquidate right tendencies and factional- ism in our nucleus, “We further pledge to carry on an uncompromising fight against all splitting policies of any comrades. “We condemn the splitting policy of Comrades Lovestone and Gitlow and call upon all comrades to fight against their pon-Commun- \ istic tactics.” ZEEE SRC Re a intern, adopted by the Second Con- gress, declares: “The Communist Parties of those countries where the (Communist activity is legal, should |make clearance of their members from time to time, as well as those of the Party organizations, in order systematically to free the Party | from the petty bourgeois elements | which penetrates into it.” What is | new is that in the present period of intensified class struggle, the Right danger is the main danger, and hence there must be an acute inten- | sification of the struggle against this danger. After all these mental gymnastics the leaders of the new unprin- cipled opposition try to cover theiz exceptionalism, of exempting Amer= \ica from the world crisis of capi- talism, from the line of the 6th | Congress, must be destroyed once. and for all. It understands that the task of turning our Party into a) mass Party in this period of the accentuation of the inner and oute® ‘contradictions of American imperte’ alism is connected with the intensfe fication of the struggle against the Right danger. It knows that a nec- | essary condition for the achievement of this task is the smashing of the |old groups and the elimination of factionalism. The proletarian mem- bers of our Party are the best guar- _antee for the carrying thru of the line. That is why the present Bol- shevization process demands the re- |inforcement of all bodies of the / Party by the bringiity forward of non-factional, proletarian comrade On this basis collective leadership real collective and comradely worls jcan be established’in our Party, ‘the top to the hotto: 44 4 { nist theory of,