The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 4, 1929, Page 6

Page Six a ¢ Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Published by Sunda. Tel the Comprodaily a+ Daily t 26-28 Union S one Stuyvesant 16: except ¥ $8.00 a year $6.00 a year Address and mail 00 three months -28 Union Square, The United Nanking tyranr concerned in the es government, the supporter of the , in China of Chiang Kai-shek, is directly aids made on the Sovet consulates at Har- bin, Suifenho, Tsit Manchoili, in Manchuria, all indications being that it actually instigated them. Ch executes the o s of the American imperial directed to- ward the are of the partly Soviet-controlled Chinese East- ern Railroad, an open attack on the Union of Soviet Republics in the Far East. The Washington-Nanking alliance of the Hoover ad- ministration with the Chinese ionalist government of the city bourgeoisie and the great downers, tries to mask this war-provoking neuver by laying down another barrage of malicious propaganda to the effect that Moscow is sup- porting Feng Yu-hsiang, the northern milit who is now exploiting the discontent of the petty bourgeois wing of the Kuomintang. It should not have required the quick and smashing reply from the Soviet government to shatter this Wall Street-Nanking lie. It should have fallen of its own sheer weight of duplicity. Feng has no secret agreements with the Soviet Union. Moscow is not supplying Feng with ammunition and money. Neither the Soviet government nor any of its organs has re- lations with any Chinese general. The statement that a Soviet military mission or Soviet military instructors were with Marshal Feng, as published in the German newspaper Der Tag, is exposed as a “downright lie.” The raids on the Soviet consulates constituted one of the many forms of Wall Street’s aggressions in China in its ef- forts to bulwark its position in the Orient in the present period of growing imperialist antagonisms in the Far East, a period that is also characterized by the upgrade movement of the revolutionary wave resulting from a strengthening of the forces of the workers and peasants. The Nanking Government, the tool of Wall Street, op- poses the Kwangsi Group and Marshal Feng, the instruments through which the Japanese-British imperialists operate. They are all the enemies of the oppressed many. The Soviet Union champions full independence and sovereignty for the Chinese people. This sovereignty is now being violated by Wall Street as well as British and Japanese imperialisms. The new aggression against the Soviet Union is the best testimony to the real and living friendship of the workers and peasants of the Union of Soviet Republics for the worker and peasant masses of China. It is this alliance that the imperialists are seeking to break and destroy. America’s workers and poor farmers must play an in- creasing role in this struggle. The demand for the with- drawal of all troops and battleships from China and Chinese waters must be intensified. The call to the soldiers and sailors of the United States’ army and navy to refuse to fight against the Chinese workers and peasants, to desert the Wall Street imperialist attack and go over to the cause of the Chinese masses, must be made really effective, in every possible way. Feng and Chiang, in order to curry favor with and retain the support of their imperialist masters, increase and in- tensify their attacks against the worker and peasant masses, that alone carry on the struggle for liberation from imper- jialist domination under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, The war against Nicaragua, the war against China, these wars develop into the war against the Soviet Union. These existing and planned wars must be checked and defeated by the aroused might of labor raising the demand for a proletar- ian dictatorship in the form of Soviet Power. “The Public Be Damned!” T WAS WILLIAM K. VANDERBILT, the multi-millionaire railroad magnate, who gave history his sentiments toward the masses of the people by declaring on one occasion, “The public be damned!” That is the same slogan that one of his numerous progeny, William K. Vanderbilt, Jr., today continues in force, and it might just as well be nailed above the en- trance to the Central Park Casino, sponsored among other multi-millionaires by Vanderbilt as a loafing place for the parasite rich. ? The Casino, in the only centrally located park in New York City, opens tonight with places selling at $10 per plate. There will be no workers there, unless they carry out a last _ minute demonstration to walk in and turn out these wealthy friends of the Tammany Hall municipal administration, not forgetting that every Sunday scores of workers are arrested by Tammany police for even walking on the grass in the park, while special permits are granted the Croquet Clubs and other sports organizations of the rich to use the park as they please. : Up to the present time the only workers who have been “ allowed near the Casino are the city employes who have been” turned over to the private concessionaires by Mayor Walker’ to aid in beautifying the surroundings. They, of course, will not be permitted at the opening. __. The original price for the house warming ceremonies was $25 per plate with the demand that the name of the ap- plicant appear in the social register. The storm of protest forced this down to $10. This may allow some petty bour- geois climbers to get a look at Tony Biddle and other social butterflies of the degenerate rich. Labor’s fight must still be made. Central Park must truly be made a recreation ground for the working class. Peg REV. DR. NORMAN THOMAS, chief soothsayer for the socialist party, cheers himself in the denial of citizen- ship papers to the Hungarian pacifist, Rosika Schwimmer, by declaring that after all, the “federal government at pre- sent is far less of an offender against civil liberties than state and local governments.” Thomas thus admits he sees triple when looking at the capitalist state, in the nation, in the _ various states (48 of them) and in the municipalities, count them if you can. All of varying breeds, says Thomas, all ; ig with each other. This is a new kind of anti- working class poison brewed in the period when power is being centralized in the hands of the federal government as ‘never before, and the whole capitalist state is knit together solid than ever in its struggles against labor. President should add the reverend socialist to his staff of dope tes. | THE LACKEY OF IMPERIALISM DAILY WORKER. Five-Year Plan Shows the Way to Socialism iet Workers Proceed to Building of the Communist Society One of the central points at the recent Conference of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the consideration of the Five-Year Plan of Economie Development. It is in- deed a great achievement of the Russian Revolution that the Soviet Workers are now in a position to establish a Five-Year Plan to regu- Si late the economic development ot | one-sixth of the earth’s surface, It is not merely a question of get- | ting good statistical material or of| tude of these figures can hardly be! accurate economic investigation. It) appreciated! |is a fundamental step forward in| |the development of a Socialist sys-| tem in the Soviet Union. We all |know that planned economy ‘is the |very foundation stone of Socialism. The Five-Year Plan concerns it | self primarily with the rapid and substantial improvement of the con- | ditions of the toilers. The number of | industrial workers is expected to in- So important is economic plan-| crease by 750,000; wages by nearly {ning in the growth of Socialism thas 60% (the increase is still greater {Lenin declared that the well-known! in view of the fall of prices); the plan of electrification was equiva-| housing area falling to share of the lent in significance to a second) city worker by about 6 square me- Party program! The penetration of | ters; the income of the agricultural | « the “plan principle” thruout the | population by almost 50%, whole of the Soviet economy is, as Comrade Rykoff declares, a great triumph of Socialist construction. And when we recall that it was only in 1925 that the first halting at- tempts were made to set up a one- year economic plan we first realize how rapid has been the progress of | the Russian proletariat in laying the | basis for a systematic economy and for the triumph of Socialist con- struction. Until the recent XVI Party Con- ference there was no final five-year schedule definitely approv: and In addition, all industry within the next five years is to be placed on the basis of the seven-hour day! It is clear that the realization of the Five-Year Plan is connected with the most substantial improvements in the conditions of the, workers, which again only proves how closely and indissolubly the development of Socialism is connected up with the very life interests of the workers. Can the F Year Plan Be Carried Through? The carrying through of the Fiv { confirmed; there was the pro onal Year Plan will mean that the indus- draft drawn up by the Supreme Eco- | trial output will be raised to almost | {nomic Council as the basis for the three times the pre-war level. It final draft, which retains its funda-| will mean that in the production mental points. |of pig iron, for example, the Soviet | Union will be third in the worla, |standing behind the U. S, A. and What are the essential features) Germany only; in the production \of the Five-Year Plan? It provides | of coal the Soviet Union will take us with statistical data of the ex-| fourth place in the entire world. At pected development of industry and| the close of the five-year period the | Main Features of Plan. me te: by about 25% at least. The magni- agriculture, of the relative growth of light and heavy industry and of the various branches of each, of the progress of the Socialist sector of production, of the increase of pro-| | ductivity of labor and the decrease ;of the cost of production, of the| | rise of the standard of living of the workers and poor farmers—in a | word, a real blue-print of economic | evolution. Increase in Production. The general figures in the Five- Year Plan are very enocouraging and show what the class forces of the proletariat and poor peasantry are able to accomplish in the face) of the greatest difficulties. Industrial output is expected to} rise within the five-year period by | over 150%, or to two and a halt times what it is now. The relatively | greater increase for heavy industry is shown by the fact that heavy in- dustry is expected to increase by about 220%, while the estimated | growth for light industry is 130%. The development of agriculture is not on the same level since the growth envisaged is about 50%, Provision is made for a capital investment of 11-14 billion rubles for industry and 23-24.billion rubles for agriculture. Of course, the lat- ter figure (23-24 billions for agri- ‘culture) includes the investment of , the peasants themselves, the invest- iments of the State budget amount- ‘ng to'5 1-2 billion. The Five-Year Plan views an in- vease of the productivity of labor by over 100% (a doubling of pro- ‘ ductivity) and a decrease of costs Me production by about 25%. It is expected that market prices will fall Socialist sector in the agriculture will be 40% and the individual sec- tor 60% of the total agricultural production! * Can such great achievements be reached within five years—are not the figures set too high? But a study of the economic life of the U.S.S.R. will show that these fig- ures are based on sober fact and that there is not one bit of overes- timation in them. In fact, the experiences of the past few years prove that at the present rate the Soviet Union will probably surpass the “optimistic” figures of the Five-Year Plan itself. For ex- ample, according to the draft five- year plan of 1926 a 17% increase in production was expected for the year 1926-27, while in reality the increase reached 20%. For 1927-28 the same plan placed the figure for the increase of pro- duetion at about 12% while the ac- tual increase was nearly double, about 23%. Other figures tell the same story. The Soviet workers and farmers can and will achieve the great results foreseen in the Five- Year Plan! # Difficulties in Agriculture. Not that there are not any diffi- | culties. There are difficulties, great difficulties! The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Sov- iet Union declared as far back as last November that “the extremely low level of agriculture, especially as regards grain, embodies the dan- ger of a rift between the Socialist cities and the petty bourgeois rural districts, thus endangering the main | presumption of the Socialist adapta- | tion of our entire national economy.” The situation in agriculture is still far from good. While last year the |curve for industrial production rosé | constantly, sometimes to unexpected \heights, the total output in agricul- | ture, which rose by 5.4% in 1926-27, |fell back to 1.19% in 1927-28. This year an increase of 4% is expected. |The grain situation remains the | great difficulty in the planned econ- | omy of the Soviet Union. The Five-Year Plan provides for the solution of this difficulty. It approaches this question from the Wall Street Rewards Southern Tool a a a Rewarded for his services for Wall Strect in the South, Robert H. Lucas, Kentucky politician, was sworn in as commissioner of in- ternal revenue, from which job many a Wall Street henthman has made his “pile.” Andrew Mellon, Wall Street's secretary of the trea By Fred Ellis | standpoint of the connection between industry and agriculture. It especi- ally emphasizes the fact that prog- ress in agriculture will be attained only as a result of a gigantic tech- nical transformation in the back- ward economy of the countryside. Labor Productivity. Another great difficulty is the) ; question of the productivity of la- ;bor and labor discipline. The in-| | crease of the productivity of labor | (Socialist rationalization) is the ab- | solutely essential requisite for the | accomplishment of the great results outlined in the Five-Year Plan. The first quarter of the current economic year shows a far smaller | increase in labor productivity than |estimated—12% instead of 17%. The | Central Committee of the Party, the various Soviet organs, and the Sov- \iet trade unions are giving serious jattention to this problem and to jthe allied question of working dis- cipline, The Right Danger. | A great obstacle in the way of | Socialist construction and — the| jachievement of the Five-Year Plan} lis the right wing deviations that | ‘have found expression in some strata of the CPSU and the attitude of | those who are conciliatory to these | right wing deviations. | These deviations are the reflec- | tion of the wavering and vaccilation lin certain petty bourgeois strata even in certain elements of the work- ing class produced by the carrying out of the straight and consistent policy of Socialist construction under the great difficulties inherent in the | present stage of capitalist encircle- ment, of technical and economic | backwardness of the country, of the |numerical preponderance of petty bourgeois elements in the population, and of the growing resistance of | the capitalist elements to the devel- | opment of Socialist constraction, The most important errors of the |right wing center around their at- tempts to hamper the development of Soviet farms and collective agri- culture and the struggle against the kulak (the rich peasant), and their attempt to slow down the pace of industrialization. It is clear that jsuch a line would be fatal to the whole development of Socialist con- struction in town and country as envisaged in the Five-Year Plan. The complete defeat of these right wing deviations by the CPSU is one of the surest guarantees for the successful achievement of the Five- Year Plan. Defend the Soviet Union. The accomplishment of the Five- Year Plan would be a tremendous blow at world capitalism and an equally great forward step for the workers’ revolution, The imperial- ists realize this very well. There- fore the imperialist offensive against the Soviet Union is being greatly intensified and the danger of a new world war is ever nearer on the horizon. The workers and farmers of the United States must realize that the achievement of the Five-Year Plan will be a victory for themselves as well as for the Soviet workers! in- deed it will be a triumph for the toilers of the whole world. The American workers and farm-' ers must organize for the defense of the Soviet Union against the imperialist offensive. Against the united imperialist offensive, the soli- darity of labor! The Soviet workers, with the sup- port of the toilers of the whole world, will achieve the Five-Year | Plan and- proceed triumphantly ahead to complete the buil of ron societ EMENT 80070" GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh is ‘All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commander, returns to his town on the Black Sea to find the great cement works in ruins, the workers fighting among themselves, but all too willing to get to work again, They decide to rebuild the factory and repair the single track line | over the mountain in order to get the wood into town before the winter sets in. ‘| He has just been to see Badin, the secretary of the Soviet Exe + ecutive and Schram, the chairman of the Economic Council, whom j Gleb does not like. He goes to see Comrade Shibis, head of the Cheka, to talk the matter over with him. =f * ‘ * r Y Shibis’ face there was no smile, only the grey mask. He raised his eyes’ and the mask dropped. And he looked at Gleb with a child’s glance, eye to eye, from the depths of him. Did it only seem like this to Gleb, or had Shibis forgotten himself for a moment? A tear glit- tered in his eye, a child-like tear behind which was an indistinct black dot. This black point ho d, playing and leaping within the tear-drop. Gleb could not understand why this bI point struck his heart so painfully, but he felt that Shibis’ own p as in this revolv- ing dot, and nowhere else. that why ened his eyes with his long lashes, so that none might see this demon? Gleb raised his eyebrows, waiting for Shibis to speak. Child-like tears and behind them a leaping demon. Such eyes do not sleep at night; they can see through walls. Shibis had a language of his own which would never be uttered; images of the night swarmed n the cells of his brain. He spoke with strange incomprehensible words which dissolved into a child-like smile. “Comrade Shibis, I don’t know what you'll say about it, but these swine in the Economic Council are asking to be shot:” “That’s so, And those of the Fo! ry Committee and of the For- eign Trade Commission also; and others too. Ph “Well, shouldn’t we shoot the whole Soviet Executive?” “Yes, the Economic Council is a nest you can’t take with bare hands. You'll come to grief with your factory and your ropeways. You must hit hard and straight.” “What do you think about the Chairman of the Economic Council, Comrade Shibis? I’ve just been telling him what I think of him in the Executive Chairman’s office, but I struck over the mark and hit the Bureaw of Industry.” Shibis again looked long at the sea, the mountains and the clouds which floated like heaps of snow in the azure; and the same boyish smile spread gently over his face. “Have you seen people being shot, Comrade Chumalov3” “Yes, at the war. I remember how at first it shocked me to sew their eyes rolling and to hear them howl like dogs.” “Yes, that’s right! Their eyes jumped all right and their bodies were dead and very dirty. Some of them die while they are still alive, in silence. Whom do you propose we should get after the Economie Council and the Forestry Committee? Don’t forget that some of these blockheads make the most intelligent and practical workers. They know how to see and how to take... .” * * * 'LEB’S tunic tightened over his chest, disturbing his breathing. He rose, suffocated with laughter. Then sat down again and laid his fist on the table before Shibis, “Comrade Shibis, you're priceless!’” Shibis threw him a glance veiled by his lashes and became distant, reserved again. “Shramm is a strong Communist and would die for his department; he’d let himself be knocked over like a ninepin. He’s a Communist who’s had his inside taken out, and they’ve stuffed him and made a searecrow of him which doesn’t even frighten the sparrows. But it’s an obstinate scarecrow who thinks himself above all error. A scare- crow is the ideal, but in its rags how much harm is hidden! Fools are worth more because they know how to stir up clear water. D’you know what it is to feel yourself indispensable? Ha, to feel it is one thing and to know it is another! Don’t let that idea grow upon you or you will find yourself alone in the world with the whole universe upon your shoulders. What makes the world uncomfortable is that night is con- stantly crawling over it. Learn to give the thought of indispensability its proper place, and the nights won’t frighten you any more with their phantoms.” Gleb, vaguely alarmed, considered Shibis, whose skull appeared to be swelling, cracking under the pressure of his thought; Shibis’ hands were too big for the table and wriggled like snakes. “Comrade Shibis, have you anything to say against Shuk? a harmful fool in your estimation?” ' “Right! Now we’ve finished with the affair. Send him to me to- morrow. We'll send him to work for the Economic Council and the Forestry Department as messenger. Well, off you go. Tell them to give you a permanent pass to let you into this office.” * * * HE turned away without shaking hands and pressed an electric bell. At the door Gleb turned round and his eyes encountered the face of a stranger. He felt he wanted to say something important but cculdn’t remember quite what it was. “Have you ever seen Lenin, Comrade Shibis “It is of no importance whether I have or not,” Gleb laughed incredulously, readjusting his helmet. “You're talking nonsense, Comrade Shibis. You have seen Lenin.” Is he a” a * * CHAPTER VII The House of His Parents I The Bookworm. Qs the grey moulding over three peeling columns, the words “People’s House” stood out clearly in stone. Once you had passed the columns you would note in the corridor a large door of cracked oak on which was a white square of paper, Serge mounted the warm steps and peered shortsightedly at the paper. | His father’s handwriting. There was something senile and yet youthful smiling at him“in the fantastic flourishes of the characters. In a deep sighing undertone a sad memory of his childhood overflowed his heart like a wave. Snow-white blossoms of the almond trees under the win- dow in the garden; his pale, silent mother kissing him and trying a new blouse on him... . This was long ago and like the misty images of a dream. He had not seen hi8 father for years, not since he had left home for good. The Hibrarian, Verochka, his former pupil, bewildered and con- fused as ever, had encountered him in town (of course, she would!). She could never speak to him, but her eyes and nervous tremor seemed to await his words. And then she could only whisper as usual, “So it’s you? Serge Ivanitch. ... I was looking for .. .” In her hands a piece of paper fluttered like a bird. “Have you come from father, Verochka?” “From Ivan Arsenitch. Yes, yes... . Oh, if you only knew!” She was smiling and could not turn from him her round eyes glit- tering with wonder, “Are you still in the library, Verochka? Hasn’t my old man bored Hay ro aena yet with his chatter about so many deep and useless sub- jects? But she could not answer him, and just threw him her astonished smile, qin the senile-childish handwriting of his father he ‘ead: ; “My Son:—When I think that consciousness defines life, it is a great victory of my immortal thought over the caprice of destiny. When one takes into account the priority of existence over con- sciousness, one realizes that man is but nothing in his pride. Why this is so you will discover when you find the courage to call on me in my temple of books, I want to see you over some trifling mat- ters which are, therefore, very troublesome (for trifles are always troublesome.) I am sitting in my temple among my books, which are ae dey aae, like cockroaches. I am smiling and read- ing Marcus*Aurelius. A bookworm and, by i 4 ee OUR RAGED , by the accident of chance j (To be Continued.) me Aas NEW LEADER, official organ of the socialist party, ° is keeping itself awake nights trying to apologize for the treachery of the American Federation of Labor and the United Textile Workers Union at Elizabethton, Tennessee, in betraying the striking textile workers into the hands of the profiteering mill owners. It is beyond the power of the socialist bootlickers, however, to put an attractive polish or PK UCASONs 455) iia aire ¢ x