The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 1, 1929, Page 6

Page Six Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. Inc.. Daily, except Sunday, at 26-28 Union Square, New York City, N, ¥y Telephone Stuyvesant 1696-7-8. Cable: “DAIWORK.” SUBSCRIPTION RATES: n New York only): $8.00 a year months $2.50 three months ide of New York): $6.00 2 year 0 six months $2.00 three months Address and mail all checks to the Daily Worker, 26-28 Union Square, New York, N <<., The Elections in Great Britain. Indications at this writing are, so far as figures go, that Thursday’s poll for the election of members to the British House of Commons will be somewhat similar to the election results of 1923 that ushered in the first “Labor Government.” The Labor Party of MacDonald, Henderson and Thomas, having greatly increased its falls short of a clear majority over the Baldwin conservative and the Lloyd George liberal parties. If MacDonald accepts the invitation of the ki another “labor” government, as he doubtless will, then he will have to beg votes from the libera as in 1928, remain “in office.” If*he fails of liberal support, as is ex- pected, then a new election will inevitably result. strength, nevertheless, again g to’form in order to The election figures reveal an overwhelming drift away from the conservative party that had won a majority in 1924. This was the conservative party, with the aid of the laborites and liberals, that had smashed the general strike of British labor in May, 1926; that broke the miners’ strike and put through the infamous Trades Union Act, intended to make any future general strike of labor impossible. Industrial stagnation, especially in the mining and textile industries, with wide unemployment and intense suffering among the workers, featured conservative rule. This same conservative government broke off diplomatic relations with the Union of Soviet Republics, launched its war of intervention in China, and developed its oppression against the revolutionary workers and peasants of India. Conservative strength now slips back to the Labor Party, which becomes the strongest bourgeois party. It is evident that the voting masses had decided to “give the Labor Party another chance.” This poison even permeated the British Communist Party fora time. There were some in the British Communist Party leadership who argued that British Com- munists must deliberately assist another “Labor Govern- ment” to power, declaring that it would then discredit itself before the eyes of the workers, forgetting that the Com- munist Party would be blasted in the same process. This wrong attitude was sharply corrected by the Communist In- ternational, with the result that the British Party has waged an independent Communist campaign for the first time in its history, putting up its own candidates and its own platform, and carrying on an aggressive and open attack against the treachery of the Labor Party. . This, of course, resulted in the most bitter retaliation by the bureaucracy, especially in the trade unions, against the Communists. In such a cam- paign the defeat of the only Communist in the House of Com- mons, Shapurji Saklatvala, the Indian revolutionist elected from a London district, is accounted for by the fact that the pro-imperialist Labor Party this year ran a candidate and waged a bitter campaign against him. It will be remembered that the United States government barred Saklatvala from entering this country in 1925 to attend the Inter-parliamen- tary Union Conference at Washington because Secretary of State Kellogg and President Coolidge held him to be a “rev- olutionary.” z, In this campaign, the British Communist Party has been steeled in Bolshevik tactics in fighting the bourgeois parties of Baldwin, Lloyd George and MacDonald, and every step of the laborites in the new government and House of Commons, paralleling the activitieseof the social-democrats against the working class in Germany; as in the May Day massacres, will raise before the workers the clear fact that the Communist Party is the leader in the struggle of “Class Against Class!” the standard bearer of the workers’ only possible drive for emancipation through the overthrow of capitalism and all its lackeys. The MacDonald-Henderson-Thomas outfit will no doubt raise their old cry that they are only “in office,’ not “in power.” The whole apology of the first “labor government” for its betrayal of labor was that it did not have power, that it was a minority in the government and could therefore do nothing. Without a clear majority in the new government, the same traitors will doubtless raise the same cry, that they are not responsible for what occurs in the government. This was the basis forthe demand for the second “labor govern- ment,” and will also be for the third, the platform for new betrayals. Although the election figures for 1929 may be somewhat similar to those of 1923, the political and economic situation is entirely different. MacDonald already in his campaign speeches confessed to his reactionary intentions if elected to “office” or “power”, by declaring that it was impossible, even within a year, to do anything to meet the unemployed question, that he would use the government power to crush any uprisings, wherever they might occur, at home or in the colonies. The usual effort will be made by the capitalist and Labor Party press to minimize the Communist vote. They will ignore the fact, for instance, that Usmani, candidate against Sir Simon, head of the infamous Simon Commission, was kept in prison in India while the election campaign was in progress. Oppressive measures were invoked against Communists in many districts. The British working class, however, has made progress in this election through the mere fact that the Communist Party was able to enter the elections for the first time as an independent, class force. This in itself indicates a leftward swing of the masses. This has resulted for the first time in the clear crystallization of an opposition to the Labor Party in the ranks of the British working class, British labor, in the parliamentary struggle as well as in its economic battles, will continue to make progress under the leadership of the Communist Party that raises the stand- ards in Great Britain of the Communist International. President Hoover celebrated Memorial Day by urging _ greater speed in the armament race. This will mean more eed for future Memorial Days until capitalism is also ed and the only memorial day worth while will be the day of labor’s triumph. The Russian workers and peasants already have such a day upon their calendar that should re- _ ceive increasing attention from world labor upon its Twelfth Anniversary, November 7, 1929, --—-*. = mn a a a TD ee ‘BAILY WORKER, W YORK, SATURDAY. JUNE 1, 1929 By R. A. MARTINEZ. 'HE continuation of clashes tween Paraguay and _ Bolivian troops, the capturing of forts (in fact ilitary outposts), ete.—all | these expressions of national an mosities are another link American nations is of international political significance, because it is connected with and is part of the ever-growing Anglo-American an- tagonism, which is becoming sharper {and sharper, due to the enormous ‘reserves of raw material, food-stuffs }and the increasing importance of | Latin America as a market. | ‘ The Warring Nations. Both countries happen to be lo- |cated in the interior of Latin Amer- fica without any sea coast. Bolivi jis in the worst position, as it is to- tally cut off from the oceans, its only ‘waterway is through the Para- guay River, which is navigable by lvessels of varying draft, its entire 1,800 miles length, and which is connected with the region in pute. Rolivia is famous for its natural wealth. In spite of the fact that i riches had hardly been touched, it ranks third in the production of minerals in the continent. It pro- duces half of the world tin. A glance at a list of its exports re- veals that in contrast with the ma- jority of the Latin American coun- tries whose economic life is based on agriculture, Bolivia lives from the exploitation of its al wealth—tin, lead, copper, | zine, antimony, etc. But what is significant is the question of the possession of this }wealth. In 1924 the Patino Mine WHAT ARE WORKERS’ LIVES—MY " | recent ’|great deposits of oil exist in this PROFITS ARE SAFE ,-. Great Britain, Wall Street Stand Behind the | Puppet Governments pletely dominated by Great Britain. of a series Its principal production is stock |*tin Conway, M. P., and othe of conflicts resulting from a 50-|breeding, timber, fruits, yarba mate | years-standing boundary litigation.| (a leaf used in Brazil, Uruguay and | This conflict between two Latin|Argentine instead of tea). A great | effort is being made to foster the |cultivation of cotton. tion has increased from 2,484,000 |kilos in 1 to 9,998,000 kilos in 1926 and it is estimated that there |are 75,000,000 acres (without count- jing the land in dispute) of suitable land for cotton raising. Its mineral wealth has not at- tracted any attention even though there are known deposits of, iron , brown hematite, etc. Its rail- packing houses, large planta- tions, etc., are in the hands of Brit- ish capitalists. Paraguay is the smallest South American country; its size is 122,000 square miles and even if we add the | disputed territory, Bolivia will he }seven times bigger. Paraguay's | population is 853,221, Bolivia’s 2,155,000. Its standing army is 1,900, with 100,000 reserves, to Bu- |livia’s 7,400, with 230,000 reserves. (bois eae The Causes of the Conflict. | HE cause of the conflict lies in the dispute over 64,000 square |miles of territory on the northwest- ern part of Paraguay, known as the Chaco Region. This region has been known by its great fertility, and a discovery *has shown that territory. al Up to the present time none of \these countries had any prominence Its produc- | company is promoted by Sir ~ The vast concession covers - 000,000 acres, including 20,000,- 000 under option. The company’s rights cover oil, mineral wealth, timber and agricultural conces- | sions in the eastern part of the | country. In 1928 the company appealed for English settlers to | join a group of tsarist Russian refugees in colonizing this tervi- tory. ... A port has been built on the Paraguay River near the Brazilian border and 600 miles from the coast and a railway and wireless station projested by the company. Apparently the tract is suitable for cultivation of rubber, coffee, cocoa, cotton, sugar, qui- nine, etc. But geologists are sceptical regarding ambitious esti- mates endowing this tract and t | adjoining territory with the grea’ est petroleum resources in the world.” The Standard concessions are lo- cated in nearby territory. All this clearly shows that the bfood of the Bolivian and Paraguayan workers is being shed for the enrichment of the imperialist concessioneers. The conflict is already having |great. international repercussion, as jit happens at a time when the \“peace agencies” of Amer European imperialism are in s The first is taking all measures to stop any interference of the League jin Latin America—the Pan Ameri- jean Conciliation and Arbitration | Conference, Imperialist Conflict in Latin America sion of the dispute to the League, but it v be settled by Washing- ton. All this serves to indicate that I n, through its influence in Ar- ntine, is endeavoring to override the Monroe Doctrine. onisms between the im- sharpening, but at the time there a noticeable in the ance of the The uprising of the In- in Bolivia, and the rectnt strike ions, which was workers with of the mightiest imperialist all these serve to justify the ion of the Sixth Congress omintern when it said: “The ing economic and military ex- ion of North American imper- in the countries of Latin America is transforming this conti- rent into one of the most important junction points of the antagonism of he whole imperialist colonial sys- a direct conflict o: ene | In all Latin American conflicts, i international disputes, Mexico, Central America, mbia, Venezuela, behind the na- onal puppet governments stand, maneuvering for supremacy, these two powerful imperialist countries. Tow long will this conflict be con- fined to the countries involved with- jout drawing in the neighboring countries? This question has al- ready been answered by the attitude jof Argentina, when it threatened |that it will take drastic actions if |the dispute was not settled peace- fully (i to the satisfaction of Gr in a similar situa- in 1902, was forced at, but this wv only because s time her main struggles for markets were concentrated in other jcorners of the world (in Africa, in |the Far East, ete.), By this reason, to re at th and Enterprise, dominated by Amer-|in the oil world, but no doubt that lican Lead Co., controlled 80 per cent jhas been due to the difficulties of jof the tin production; Guggenheim | transportation and the uncertainties jand otker American mining inter-|#S to the ownership of this region. The League of Nations, since its | While retaining its hegemony over jereation, has endeavored to meddle |South America, England was willing in South American disputes, but has |t? make certain compromises with been always confronted with the {the United States in order to have ests are dictators in the country. American investments from ten mil- lions in 1910 have increased to eighty in 1925; an American “Per- manent Fiscal Commission” super- vises its finances; almost all its revenues, existing railways and \those in construction are mortgaged |to the United States bankers, | All this wealth, contained in the | Andes Mountains, has no sea or river outlet, which hampers its economic | growth. Bolivia is of particular importance | because it is the only country in! |South America where the United States has gained an economic pre- |ponderance. It is the U. S. strong- lest outpost on their southward rush to the complete conquest of the con- | tinent. 2 Paraguay, on the other hand, is | mainly an agricultural country com- Thousands (By Labor Research Ass’n) | OX worker out of every eight who were employed on manufacturing | jobs in 1923 has permanently lost his job. ‘But the amount produced by those still employed has increased since 1925 by 30 per cent. Thirty hours of work a week or éven 24 hours a week—four days of six hours each—in most industries would with present equipment pro- | duce all that is necessary even at the present time. These facts are _ produced by Ethelbert Stewart, U. S. commissioner of labor statistics, in a recent address. He gives many examples to show the affect of ra- ‘tionalization on employment. In sugar refining, the Cali |Nevertheless the Standard Oil has |been skipping large amounts of oil |machinery, pipes, etc., for its Ya- |cuiba concessions, which are on the Bolivian surroundings of the Chaco |region. Outside of its oil wealth \this territory is of great importance |to Bolivia because it will solve to a jcertain extent its transportation problem by gaining access to the Paraguay River. England, with its heavy invest- |ments in Paragucy, is making great efforts to maintain its supremacy. Ludwell Denny, in his recent book, “We Fight for Oil,” describes British activities in Bolivia as fol- |lows: “Bolivia has been chosen by the British for a grandiose ex- | ploitation scheme under grants obtained by a London concern, Bo- livian Concessions, Ltd. This and Hawaiian Sugar Refining Corp. announces an increase in production of 49 per cent in five years while the number of productive workers employed has remained the same. Two workers are now producing what it took three workers to pro- duce five years ago. . Workers Lose Jobs. Pig iron production in the Unitea States shows an annual increase of 7,000 per cent in 75 years; yet the number of workers employed is practically the same as in 1850, While output has increased so enor- mously, no more workers are needed in this industry than were needea before the Civil War. A locomotive engine has just been Monroe Dostrine. After the witk- drawal of Argentine from the Ha- vana Conference, there were signs that the League will again endeavor to play the British game in South America. However, the Argentinian representatives at Geneva chal- lenged the Article of the League of Nations which refers to regional un- | derstanding (meaning the Monroc Doctrine), and Argentine was not represented gt the conference in Washington. It is also significant that for the first time the League has issued a note in relation to Latin American conflicts. It called the attention of the two countries that they are members of the League and that they had signed the covenant “solemnly pledging themselves to seek by pacjfic means the solution of disputes arising between them.” This, of course, means the submis- 000,000 pounds. It has power to pull what is now considered three ordin- ary freight trains over a mountain. When this type of engine becomes sufficiently common, railroads will introduce the double header and push and pull the equivalent of six trains. @his will further reduce the number of railroad workers the total num- ber already having been cut down Jan, 1928, Thousands of printers will be thrown out of jobs by the new tele- typesetter. Already in Rochescer, N. Y., one worker operating the Mer- genthaler machine which runs by electricity from a central station can punch holes in a tape 500 miles away 2p LY, by 212,000 between Oct. 1923 and! ja freer hand in these struggles in |cther fields. But today, when the United States takes the place of Germany as the main rival of Great |Eritain, not only in Latin America, but in a world scale, Great Britain {ean no longer afford to give way before the increased aggressiveness and encroachments by the United States imperialism. This has been shown clearly by the sharp tone of the British press in regard to Hoover’s trip to Latin America, in regard to the growing strength of United States invest- ments in Latin America, its sharp attitude to Bolivian aggressiveness (U. 8.) in provoking anew this old- standing fight for the control of | the Chaco territory, and, most of all, | by the attempts to bring the League |of Nations as arbiter into this dis- pute, Lose Jobs as Rationalization Grows on 12 papers at one time.| The ma- chine is on the plan of a piano player and can be used for 25 papers, as easily as for 12. To make a needle used in the Singer family sewing machine, 44 different workers are needed.| The old eye-punching machine, to make holes in the needles, was operatea by one girl, but this old machine has now been displaced by a new one punching 25 needles instead of one.| Another automatic machine in this industry inspects 27,000 needles in an hour, where a girl can only inspect 8,000 needles in an hour. Production increases while the num- of workers is reduced | saad pasos ARCs Contioued | of these eyes? By FEODOR GLADKOV. CEMEN Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y. Gleb Chumaloy, Red Army Commander, returns to his town on the Black Sea where he finds the great cement factory in ruins, the work- ers idle and fighting among themselves. His proletarian incisiveness and determination soon wins the confidence of the workers. He also wins over Engineer Kleist, director of the factory when it was under capitalist control. The workers decide to rebuild the factory and the track over the mountain to transport wood before the winter sets in. Gleb goes to visit Badin, chairman of the executive committee of the Soviet, and reaches him after breaking thru the line and guard at the door. The two discuss the situation. * * * Ro gazed at Gleb; little gold points flashed in his eyes. leaned back in his armchair. His eyelids twitched slightly. Gleb Chumalov, the husband who disappeared. Dasha, who is not like other women. Dasha, to. whom he once held out his hand. There was not a woman who would not yield, docile to his eyes and hands; but here he had come up against one like a steel spring which had re- coiled upon him, defeating him utterly. And because this woman, leader of the proletarian women of the place, was obstinately working at her job, organizing the fighting groups of the women, and thus con- quering for herself a place among the men, Badin did not know how to approach-her as he did the others. Every day he was wondering how he could approach Dasha and break down her resistance at one blow. And now he found himself face to face with a man who unexpect- edly had placed himself between Badin and this woman. “Don’t let’s discuss the question of the factory for the present, Comrade Chumalov. It’s not in our power to get it started. As to the question of setting up the ropeway, I shall bring it forward at the next meeting of the Economic Conference.” He ees oe IN astonishment Gleb let his pipe drop to his knees. Then he re-placed it and again met the gaze of the Chairman. What was in the depths He could not imagine what it was. Suddenly a troubled and black flood seemed to pass through them, “But why isn’t it in our power? It’s a disgrace! The factory doesn’t even provide light for its own alleys. Not to speak of the work- men’s dwellings. There’s decay everywhere, no doors and windows. And where there are doors there are no locks, just bits of string or wire. How do you expect the factory not to be plundéred, bit by bit or all at once? Who’s helping this ruin, you or the workers? Orders have been issued for liquid fuel for the factory, but where is-the stuff? The work- men want to know who’s guzzling their petrol. You see what a mess it is? There’s so much potentiality, power and raw material—. But the stores are empty. Organize the preparatory work? You shout about wasters and loafers and you're breeding sluggards yourselves. This Economic Council of yours should be put up against a wall, as well as the responsible workers and the technical rabble, as incorrigible enemies of the Soviet power. That’s the way to deal with the question, Comrade Chairman.” 4! * * * ; Gees CHUMALOV, we understand how to put this question | just as ably as you. But we must start out from the actual facts’, of the situation. We cannot settle these questions, which have a gen«’; eral national importance, without an understanding with the Gosplan.” | “I understand the national significance, Comrade Chairman. I’nt | speaking with regard to its national significance. And in your palavers , ing at the Economie Council why haven’t you dealt with the matter from that point of view?” F “We shall do so at the right time, Comrade Chumalov. Everything depends on the perspectives, of the new economic policy, And that moment is not very far off.” i “Comrade Chairman, will you telephone to the Economie Council?” “Why, when it’s useless?” it “Telephone, please, to the Economic Council, Comrade Chairman. We shall speak seriously with them. I want to see before your eyes what this Economic Council really is.” “All right, then; we'll talk to them about the ropeway.” Badin lifted the receiver. Again black trouble flowed through his cold sneering smile. Gleb did not look at him, puffing clouds of smoke from his pipe and ramming down the ashes with his finger tip. * * * ‘WO forces. .. . The Chairman of the Executive and the workman Chumaloy. The two forces had collided and a spark flashed! What was burning back of the ey@s of this man? A beast? A hero? A jealous male? “Every responsible worker, Comrade Chumalov, is the more val- uable in proportion to his capacity for concentrating on the immedi- ate job in hand. My rule is: not generalities—but the immediate job. No fairy-tales, but a chunk of bread. Do you know we are threatened by bandijs? They have us surrounded, the wolves! The struggle against them consumes the forces which we should devote to the re- storation of economic life. We must have a new fighting method and a new disposition of our forces. Your project for getting the factory working is absurd; you don’t account for the present economic situa- tion. If you succeed in setting up the supply of wood to the town, you will have accomplished a splendid deed.” Gleb took his pipe out of his mouth and looked fixedly at Badin. Why didn’t this fellow understand the simplest matters? “You're so busy about little questions, Comrade Chairman, that you lose sight of the big ones. You're running after fleas with a sledge-hammer! Let’s get to the root of the matter. The Red Army’s covered thousands of miles and smashed the Entente, while your little crowd have only been breeding sluggards. What have you actually done to re-establish production? Nothing! The question has to be posed definitely but broadly, at once—immediately—without the least delay.” With a great gesture, Gleb seemed to outline in the air the ro- tundity of a giant cupola. “T know this as well as you do, Comrade Chumalov. We talk about this at every Party Conference and at the Congress of the Soviets and the Trade Unions. Productive forces; the economic development of the Republic; electrification and so on. But where are your actual possibilities?” “They are here!” “Let us see them!” ' “Here they are. What is the worker doing now, do you know? And how’s the peasant living, do you know? So far, we’ve only trampled the peasant’s fields, but now they'll have to be ploughed. While the factory*chimneys are not smoking the peasant will be a bandit.” * * * ee Chairman laughed and the curiosity died out in his eyes. “There’s nothing new in that, Comrade Chumalov. It will be dis- cussed at the Tenth Congress of the Party.” “No, it’s not new .. . but it’s worrying you all the same, eh?” This workman is as obstinate as he is naive and short-sighted! Just like one of those demagogues who interfere with the normal course of the complicated task of administration. These dreamers possessed with a vision of the future a glittering romance which for them ex- tinguishes the ruined present. e The Chairman of the Council of People’s Economy entered, his brief-case under his arm, dressed in yellow leather from cap to boots. He had the soft face of a eunuch, with gold pince-nez perched on an effeminate nose. Without any greeting he sat down at the table facing, Gleb and froze into an attitude of strained and unnatural repose. He moved neither head nor hands, and even his eyes were glassy like those of a wax-work figure. Everything about him was life-like, but he was only a manikin, “Listen, Shramm; what can the Economic Council do if in a few days the question is raised of the partial re-starting of the cement factory?” i : It seemed as though Shramm did not hear the question of the Executive Chairman. Not a muscle of his face quivered; and when he spoke his lips scarcely moved. He did not answer Badin’s question but spoke slowly, without pausing, in a gramophone voice, as though he were reciting an official report. “The Economic Council has carried out a tremendous task. It has made an inventory of the State’s property, from the most complicated machinery down to old hors@-shoes, and has conserved it. We do not allow a single nail to be taken from stock, nor the machines to be touched, in spite of the heaps of schemes and proposals emanating from various enterprises and private persons.” ; “That’s all very well. But now your Council of Economy will have to transform itself from a niggardly housewife into an enterprising in- dustrialist. Your apparatus will have to get working at a higher pressure drome Dow, won.” oe al a PY CN A eh Re PS en? Re Or ae oe Vey