The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 24, 1929, Page 6

Page Six Baily Bas Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Inc... City Published by ae “DAIWORK.” Sunday Telep the, Comprodaily shing Co., Daily, except Ye N°. d: $2.50 three months $8.00 a year ew York): 00 three months 28 Union Square, 2: Labor Party Supports British Imperialism. HE news story on the British elections in yesterday’s Daily Worker contained the gross error of setting forth that the MacDonald-Henderson Labor Party ig silent in the present parliamentary campaign on the question:9f British imperialist oppression, especially in India. The fact that the British laborites acquiesce in the present large scale military maneuvers in India to Suppress native uprisings, that no laborite voice is raised in defense of the prosecuted and murdered Indian workers, that the Labor Party opposes independence for India ang supports ihe Simons commission denounced by the Indian masses, and denies support to the striking Bombay textile workers, reveals concretely the very definite position of the Labor Party as an open ally of British imperialism. In this the Labor Party merely continues the policies of the MacDonald labor government during the entire period that. gt was in power, and gives a clear picture of the role of the next labor government that comes to power. On everything of real importance to British imperialism the three bourgeois parties (conservative, liberal and labor) are in full agreement; on rationalization, on foreign policy and war, on the empire and India. The three parties make a desperate effort to display differences. But the Labor Party will never fight rationali- zation, which involves the speed-up, an attack on the workers’ standard of living, the longer workday, falling wages, grow- ing unemployment and worsening conditions, just as in the United States. The Labor Party and the British Trade Union Congress, in this respect, accept the full fascist program of “class peace” and “class collaboration” of the American Fed- eration of Labor. Instead of fighting rationalization, the Labor Party and the yellow British trade unions become an jnstrument for carrying it into effect. The Labor Party in Great Britain will not vote against war credits, nor will it withdraw the armed forces that hold down the masses of India. Not only is there unanimity among the three bourgeois parties on all fundamental points. but also these fundamental points are all part of a united whole, the whole development of imperialism. Out of rationalization, comes the need to expand the market in India; comes also the inter-imperialist rivalry and the drive to war; out of the drive to war comes the prepa- ration of India as a military base, especially against the Soviet Union. This it is which compels all three bourgeois parties, on all these points, to present a united front. Above all in India, where the danger to imperialism is greatest, the bourgeois front is unbroken, the Labor Party leaders and candidates competing with the conservatives and liberals in their steadfastness to imperialist policy. To advance the theory that the Labor Party is merely silent on the question of British imperialist oppression, in India, or in any other part of the Empire, is to grossly mis- represent the role of reformism, underestimate thé war dan- ger, and create dangerous illusions about the Labor Party itself. American imperialism struggles for its share of the market in India, and in other British colonies, thus compell- ing the left wing trade union movement in this country, as well as in Great Britain, under the leadership of the respec- tive Communist Parties, to link up their fight with that of the Indian masses not on some vague (and therefore weak) notion of solidarity in general; but on a basis of an under- standing of the Indian struggle. The American Socialist Party is raising a $10,000 con- tribution for the British Labor Party campaign fund. This is a contribution to the continued oppression of British labor and the further enslavement of the Indian workers and peasants. The masses of India, Great Britain and the United States, have a common enemy; an enemy that is concen- trated, organized and surrounded by allies and hgnchmen of every kind. Not only the three bourgeois parties in Great Britain, and their American counterparts, but also the princes and landlords of India, the merchants, the money-lenders, the re- formist trade union leaders are all together; and with them, too, as the struggle of the proletariat and peasantry de- velops will be found the National Reformists. Once this is fully understood every British and also American worker will realize that the combination of the Birkenheads, Baldwins, Simons, MacDonalds, Purcells, Gand- his and Joshis, with the American Hillquits, Cahans, Greens and Wolls can only be smashed by a combination of British, and American workers with the workers and peasants of India, struggling correctly with the workers and the peas- antry of the whole world under the banners of the Commu- nist International. $6.00 a year Address and mail all checks Voltaire Comes Under fhe Ban. Under the same edict, “Section 305 of the Tariff Act,” that will be expanded to include all working class literature, | the customs officials at Boston, Massachusetts, are seizing all copies of Voltaire’s book, “Candide,” coming to that port. Voltaire produced this volume 170 years ago, but it is only now that the Boston port officials have discovered objections to its “decency.” Yne proposed anti-sedition amendment to “Section 305” is intended to ban all revolutionary writings from these shores, Thus, it is certain the works of Karl Marx, especially his “Capital,” will be outlawed, with the writings of Engels and other pioneers of the proletarian struggle for power. The contemporary literature of the world revolutionary move- ment, especially the writings of Lenin, will fall under the scope of this gag law. These facts are cited to reveal the actual weave of the black mantle of ignorance that the American rulers are pre- paring for the toiling worker and farmer masses of this country, to mask and gag all opposition if they can to the development of a more centralized and despotic government at Washington as the militant agent of finance capital, de- velop the aggressive policies of Wall Street imperialism. Labor must fight this gag. The struggle must be prepared and developed now. ~ a alate! b t us ine its organizati BETES OER wea ee MASA a Se. S orsanization. DAILY WORK REN Te ER, NEW YORK, FRID. AY, MAY 24, 1929 “THE I LAW ! AND THE LAW ENEORCER Miners Hail the Unity Congress By PATRICK H. TOOHEY. {|{ y-Treasurer, National iners Union). Becretagy Of extreme significance to all coal miners is the Trade Union Unity Congress, scheduled to convene in Cleveland, Ohio. The congress| marks the beginning of a movement for the consolidation of the forces of the militant left wing labor movment, the establishment of a fighting trade union center giving co-ordinated leadership and system- jatic direction ‘to the forces of the working class in its mighty strug- \gles against the imperialist robbers. All coal miners hail this step. It signifies to the miners a most his- toric necessity. For a number of jyears the coal miners led in the struggle against the treachery of the pro-employer leadership of the American Federation of Labor, par- ticularly the leadership of the re- actionary machine of the Lewis bur- ‘eaucracy. It was the coal miners who instituted the first great step towards the development of new in- dustrial unionism, separate and apart from the American Federation of Labor and the agents of the em- ployers who dominate the Feder tion and all its subordinate sections. As the climax of the struggle of the coal miners, there was born the National Miners Union, a rank and file union, militant and fighting,| and its program and concept based upon the class struggle. This new Miners Union, the fighting National Miners Union, came into ex nce as a result of the rank and file throw- ing overboard the reactionary Lewis 220 Delegates of National Miners Union to Attend Historic Cleveland Meet machine, who betrayed their two-' year bitter struggle and who sold them into slavery to the coal op-| erators. The National Miners Union, | as the first conerete expression of | \a rebellious rank and file struggling | against the treachery and betrayals | of their “leaders,” was born in the midst of gigantic struggles and| from the day of its inception has fought bitter struggles in defense | of the interests of the miners. But after establishing their own union, after years of bitter struggle against | the operators, fakers and the capi- | talist government, the coal miners, expressing their desires through their new union, do not for a mo- ment consider their task completed. These miners do not sit back com-| placently and consider their job done. No! It is just beginning. As | the miners’ struggles are the strug-| gles of all other workers, the mili- tant coal miners of the National Miners Union so consider and apre-| i ciate that the struggles of the work- ers in all other industries are the struggles of the miners as well. Alone the miners cannot win. Alone any section of the working class is destined to defeat at the hands of the well-organized employ- ing class. A powerful solidification of the forces of the working class ment for the advancement of the standard of life of the workers in all lines of industry. The stfiggle of the workers in one industry is directly related to and is congected inseparably with the struggles of the workers {n all industries. To | effect this solidification, to assist in the development of the necessary | conditions for the organization of the unorganized, to establish a mili- tant trade union center of the left wing working class, to launch a joint | $truggle against the employers is a |task which the miners will not shirk, it is a task which the miners step forward to meet. The miners will not lag.. The minees march in the first battalions. The necessity of such a militant trade union center is understand- able to all coai miners. This is the explanation of why there will be 220 delegates from local unions of} the National Miners Union present} at the Cleveland Convention. | Today, the American Fegeration of Labor is betraying the American working class as the United Mine | Workers of America betrayed the miners. the tool of the bosses in the ranks of the working class as the Lewis | machine is the tool of the coal barons in the ranks of the miners.| |as a whole is an essential require-| As the miners organized the Na-| industrial proletariat! e The Green-Woll machine is} By Fred Ellis | tional Miners Union to. fight for the jinterests of the miners and smash the Lewis betrayals and sell-outs, so all the workers mus organize a new trade union center and oust the} Green-Woll thachine frem_ their} jranks. The American Federation of | Labor is today an organization that prevents the organization of the unorganized workers, fights against strikes, accepts wage cuts and helps the bosses put across their rationali- zation schemes at the expense of the workers. The A. F. of L. is helping the capitalists to prepare another world war and to attack the only country where the workers rule —the Soviet Union. The workers can fight success- fully against rationalization, speed- up, wage cuts, war, only if they carry on an energetic fight against the bosses and against the A. F. of L. as well. They must defeat the A. F. of L, and destroy its influence in their ranks. The many thousands of honest workers who are still in the A. F. of L. will quickly learn that they are being betrayed and | will leave it to join with the un- | organized workers in establishing a} | real fighting center for the workers,| |of the entire country, of all indus- | tries and of all colors, The Cleve- | land Trade Union Unity Congress | is the biggest step in the direction! of accomplishing this task, and for | that reason it is being supported by hundreds of thousands of the most | exploited workers, in the mines, steel mills, textile mills and factories. | Hail the New Trade Union Cen- ter, the organizer and fighter of the \ How Soviet Economy Functions It. THE ORGANIZATION OF DUSTRY We have already seen the char- ‘acter and the role of the Proletarian | State, as well as its directive bodies | of industry in general. | It is now necessary to observe the organization of industry. The period from October 1917 to jthe NEP was characterized by |an excessive centralism. We will not stop to enumerate the reasons for | this except to state that it was made |necessary in the prevailing chaotic conditions of interior and exterior | struggle. | With the introduction of the NEP) which was followed by the creation | of the open market, it was necessary to make adaptations to the new con-| ditions, and by the increase of the (production of manufactured objects, | of which the State retained absolute | monopoly, to attain the complete \domination of the open market. With this in view the Ninth Con- gress adopte® a new form for the direction of industry and created “economic unities” comprising en- terprises of the same sort under the direction of the regional or national | government. | These bodies took the name of State Trusts. While the capitalist trust is the result of the concentration and fusion of several enterprises which pass through the hands of a number of magnates or powerful bankers, the Soyiet trust is only a form of the development of the collective property of the proletarian state. IN-| (Two previous articles in the Daily Worker traced the general de- velopment of economic organization in the Soviet Union from the days of the October Revolution to the present day. The function of the Proletarian State in the direction of economic life was also described as an introduction to a more detailed explanation of the organization of in- dustry today, which this article takes up.) The statutes of a trust, which is | considered as a legal individual, in- cludes the following clauses: (a) The tabulation of the enter- |prises which the Proletarian State |has put under its care. (b) The capital which the State puts at its disposition. (c) The work which it is going to do, (d) The composition of its ad- ministrative council and of its con- | trol commission (consisting of three | members, one of which is appointed by the corresponding industrial union). | circulating capital but in no way | may it sell or deal in its fixed capital. All the land, forests and waters of which the trust makes use, it must rent from the State. The net income of a trust is divided in the following manner: Twenty per cent becomes reserve capital, | Ten per cent goes to improving the living conditions of the workers (of this sum 75 per cent must go to the construction of workers’ houses). ‘The remainder, that is 70 per cent | of the total net income, is turne: The trust is free to dispose of its | jover to the State treasury through the Supreme Council of National Economy. There exist at the present time 2,400 State Trusts which gncircle the whole of Soviet industry. When it is remembered that the administrative committees are com- |posed of workers who are the \directors of the riches which the |Proletarian State has confided to! | them, and that they receive no other | remuneration but their salary, then can the Soviet trusts be fully under- | stood. Enterprises. While the trust is considered as an legal individuality, the enter- prises which it contains are not con- sidered as such. The individual factories and enter- prises can neither be bought nor sold, they have relations only with their trusts. Of course, the director ¢ a factory may direct its affairs, ut he does so only under the direc- tion of his trust, which is. responsible. The director of an enterprise is appointed by «the admini: tive council of the trust with the ap- proval of the corresponding union. Communal Trusts. The communal trusts are composed of public utility enterprises s | water, gas, electricity, community transport, telephone, etc, They are distinguished from the industrial trusts in this: they have |no other purpose than the organiza- tion of public service and, conse- quently, the sums which they realize are simply to suffite to cover ex- penses without any income above that. The financing of these communal trusts is in the hands of the Soviets of the corresponding regions and districts, Agricultural Trusts. The agricultural trusts are con- structed in the same fashion as the industrial trusts. Railroads and Navigation. The railroads are considered in |the same waf as industrial trusts, save for differences in the disposi- tion of fixed and circulating capital. There also exist “directorates” whose capital is made up by con- tributions from the trusts which are included in them, oie Example: The capital of the so- ciety “Organization of Metallurgie,” which has for its purpose the modernization and organization of factories, but which is not a trust for production, is supported by sev- eral interested metallurgical trusts. This is the organization of in- dustry based on the principle of col- lective property and of the Prole- tarian State. (To Be Continued) Every member an active mem- ber. Get a new member. Celebrate when the work died, the children too. . . the Red month of May by building the Communist Party, ~ “ EMENT 2003" iC GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N. Y Back in his home town on the Black Sea, Gleb Chumaloy, Red Army Commander, takes up the task of directing the work of re- construction, The large cement factory, formerly the industrial life of the town, lies idle and devastated. Gleb has just left the meeting of the factory Group in the workers’ club “Komintern” where these problems were discussed. On coming home, his wife, Dasha, who seems to have turned her back on him and remains a riddle to him, goes to her books. Gleb crosses the road to visit the home of a former worker in the factory, Savchuk. There he finds Savchuk and Motia, his wife. * * * ° jy eee was shyly pulling up her chemise over her chest, covering her large full breasts. ® “You're one of us, Gleb. ° won’t go chattering. “Don’t be aahasned, Motia. I knéw you’re a woman without that. I’m not going to take you away from Savchuk. He’s pretty weliable; you couldn’t move him with a shell. Well, tell me what kind of time have you been having with Savchuk anyway?” “Savchuk? He’s a growler, but good. ., my thumb all right!” “Don’t talk such rot, a bitch! Have you forgotten?” Motia’s eyes sparkled. Go sprang up like a cat. “You're talking nonsense yourself, you old bear! ber who I slammed in the jaw?” Gleb laughed. They were funny, these Savchuks! “Well, how are you getting on, Savehuk, my old Comrade? From today on you are strictly forbidden to lay hands on Motia. Get your hands ready for another kind of work.” a F Motia sprang up with a cry of joy and rushed over to Gleb—no longer ashamed of her bare breasts. “Yes, yes, Gleb! Oh, how badly we need work! If only there was work already. . . . Gleb, dear Gleb, wouldn’t we have a quieter, healthier life then? When we did have work there were children. . . . ” . I’m dressed for the night now. You + « I’ve got him under Who did I thrash yesterday? D’you remem- * . * see turned to the table with tears in her eyes. “Well, Gleb, you scoundrel, if my hands find nothirig to do, you won't be alive tomotrow. Tl Fe to the coopers’ shed tomorrow and hear my lasses sing their songs. Your wife’s a hell of a woman: she can twist the whole Group round her little finger!” Motia’s eyes flashed as she looked deep into Gleb, as only a woman can, “I can’t understand Dasha. Héw could she abandon Nurka like a dog into strange hands? A woman without a child and a home is a savage. She wanted to get me into her gang, but I’m not such a fool. I’d rather die than leave my home.” Savchuk banged his fist on his Rnee. “A devil of a woman—your wife! Oh, how she’s got hold of thet Group, ha, ha!” Gleb was awaiting precisely Motia’s words. They were the very ones he was expecting. Did she understand him? Did she know the turn his life had tak€n in these recent days spent with Dashat Only, women can thus penetrate the thoughts of others, She looked at hing with bright eyes in which there was a half-formulated suggestion, while, without attending t&®Motia’s words, he answered Savchuk. “That’s true. Without me Dasha has grown into a fine fearless woman. And how she could do it without me, I don’t know, She’ proud and doesn’t brag about her deeds,” . 'OTIA’S eyes lit up with anger, and she seemed to check herself. “Don’t come here with such words, Gleb. Don’t insinuate. You left Dasha to torture and to death, and now you can’t expect to get hold of her straight off. Don’t be sly. I know you're playing a sly game, eh? I’m no fool. If she’s what she is you can’t help it. You put her to the test—because you're like that you damned men——. Well, and now you’ve burnt your fingers, isn’t it true? I shan’t tell you anything, if she hasn’t. Don’t try and dig up ground with your hand if your claws aren’t long enough.” Gleb became confused and started laughing to hide it. “You've got a sly nose, Motia, and that’s a fact! Well, what’s true is true, The old Dasha is no more, and what’s happened to her I don’t know. I feel that there is something deep in the woman. Perhaps she has made a mis-step gs women will? Then let her say so; I’m not a monster!” Motia again raked him with her eyes, and Gleb saw that she per- ceived his hidden craft. “Oh, Gleb! Aren’t you ashame@ to try and pump me? Go home and go to bed. Don’t be too artful—it’s in vain. Only why did she send Nurka to stew in that Children’s Home? Nurka was staying with me. Why didn’t she leave her here? How can a woman live without husband and children? What fools you men are! You don’t notice this in women.” In the passage, when Motia saw Gleb to the door, she pressed, his hand in the darkness with the shy laugh of a young girl. “Oh, Gleb, you're one of us. . A real friend of ours. You don’t know what joy is mine. . . . You don’t know. I’m going to be a mother, you know—a happy mother, Gleb!” And on the threshold she sighed with a sudden pity for Gleb. “Oh, Gleb, what an unhappy lot! You won’t be able to live close to Dasha any more. But you deserve it, you men—throwing your women to the dogs like that! * * * 4 Ge found Dasha the same as he left her, reading, her head on her hands, her stern occupied face, muttering diligently over her book. As he entered she threw him an inquiring glance. “Well, what have you learned from our Comrades the Savchuks?” Gleb went up close to her, his face working with pain, He em- braced her and spoke in uffusual tones. This was not the Gleb who had passed through the tempests of war, but a man worn out by love and anxious thought. “Dasha—. Tell me then, my little dove, tell\me. . . . Be kind as you used to be. . . . It’s so hard for me, Dasha. You're like a stranger to me. As though you hid a knife in your bosom.” Dasha said nothing, but Gleb felt her tremble, and there was a response to him in the depths of her. He felt her head and shoulder press against him; he felt her once more become the dear and yielding woman of old. But she leaned against him still, fighting with herself, without yet regaining mastery. “Well, and supposing something has happened, it’s not of the greatest importance. It could happen to anyowe in the bad times.” She freed herself from his arms, sighing deeply. Then she looked attentively into his eyes, as Motia had, and said in a low voice, broken with sorrow: “Yes, once.” r was as though a monstrous hand had thrown Gleb and Dasha asunder; as though a huge abscess had burst within his breast. An animal fury filled his face with blood, and a bestial strength his fists. “Then it’s true, is it? It did happen? You've laid in the ditch with a lot of tramps like a filthy drab! You dirty bitch!” Blinded with rage, his eyes goggling, his heart swelling too large for his breast, with crouching steps, he flung himself at Dasha, his fists raised. But she had risen quickly from her chair and stood steadily, seeming taller than usual. With a voice that was not like a woman’s, seeming to spring deep from her breast, she curbed at once Gleb’s bestial wrath. “Come to your senses, Gleb! What is it now?” She became silent, frowning darkly. And when, checked by her ery, he stopped suddenly with quivering lips, she said quietly in a low voice, slightly hoarse: “I wanted to test you, Gleb, You can’t behave like a man. You cannot listen to me yet as you should. What I just said to you was just to help me to see more clearly, You went to Motia’s to spy-el know it. I know well what you are.-. . You're a Communist, it’s true. But you are also a brute man, needing a woman to be a slave to you, for you to bed with. You're a good sole dier, but in ordinary life you’re a bad Communist!” And she began to prepare the bed. CURRIN To u i. (To Be Continued) naka me + « it was so—. It did happen, Gleb . , . and more than e * * * Aren’t you ashamed of yourself? rn hi bu. th on ber fer hot the co} SI a ( the tor wi La rej da’ ler pia ore nig the ref ( sal Un 19t * tar Lel fici 1 the pat tor pl