The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 1, 1929, Page 3

pecial Sign DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNES 1 PAs) DAY, MAY 1, 1 if This Year for American Workers By {SRAEL AMTER lay Day is international labor —and this year it has special rificance for the American work- foover is president of the United tes, and although Calvin Cool-| e was no angel, yet Hoover has pecial meaning for the world. mk H. Simonds declares, in an icle in the Review of Review oy Europe, Hoover means WAR. ing to a professor of the of Colorado, there are 70,600 unemployed workers in this intry. ‘Phis is the statement n a bolshevik, but of a staid p: , who faces the question in a sional manner and tries to find a ution to the momentous question permanent disemployment—but course in vain, for he dare not e the problem of capitalism as a ole, which predi this unem- vyment. I °s stionalization Rages. ‘kers of the United States eet ith the rationalization remes of the employers in all stions. It is not only in the South ere the impoverished textile work- sare waking up anl fighting t horrible conditions for the e being found. In the ¢ 1 towns, textile center: 2 north, on the railroads, of workers who ar the older worker od higher pay, but are now employed Ii is true ths y have rec elder anied by the ‘oduces more, st yet so op d and is ugh d. Raticnalization is having a fear- e ari 1 effeet upon the work as instituted by th ‘finite reascns; for r destruction of orgenizatior war purposes. In the Ohio coalfields before the ‘ike of 1927 there were 50,C00. coal q Since the strike the num- h en reduced to 18,000, With e introduction cf mechanical load- ch is going on, the number » reduced to 8,000. Most of miners will be young miners rd the older ones will be driven to e other overfed industries. What to become ef these 42,000 miners. ho are merely part of the tremend- Who asks—who cari voluticnary workers? r the giant corp- nding, takin; oreign lands. Above are the monopolistic concerns ith f; which’ will result in war. Proparations. cin is lining up France ¢ them to forget A united front is t the United States, and against the Great Britain wants making of the recognition The battle bets ie imperialist giants goes on, o sooner does Hoover declare for ossible recognition of the Soviet inion, than the British government t only sends a delegation to the bilities, but learns tha‘ will be ential for ti sooner does Hoover indi- ognition may be pos- se he has become ik, but because American need more markets, in Maithew Woll, the fiery dema- ogue and hater of the revolution- movement, and pliant tool of the ‘ational Civic Federation, issues a tatement in the name of the Amer- ran Federation cf Labor, condemn- ag the coming recognition, and call- ag on the people of this country to revent it. The American Federa- ion of Labor—betraying the work. vs at home in all struggles an efusing to organize them—but also onducting the most vicious battle gainst the workers of all countries hat are struggling against imper- alism—and above all against the oviet Government! At Geneva, the function of Hugh ation as; ts, investing their | coming into ever sharper | eign imperialists— | { ald, the murderers of the Iraq work- ‘ers! Albert Thomas, who collabo: | ated with the Chinese chambers commerce agi the revolutionary workers; who praised Mussolini who is trying to crush the Italian work- i oli Paul Boncour who would raise every last French soldier in support of French imperialism! Herman Mueller who proposes the | German cruiser in installing German imperialism once more! Ten years ago, on May 1, & 100 de Ruthenberg, marched down the | streets of Cleveland, challenging the capitalists and mobilizing the work- On the Public Square they met the police, who beat them down. | Ten years later, the -vorkers of | Cleveland and of the rest of the | country are not yet prepared. But e of un- employment and rationalization. We fs ers. of war were not so de- veloped. Today: the workers of the United States face the issue, not of defending their national home, but their own existence. Today they | face the issue of murdering one a other at the order of their imperi: ist masters—cor of linking up their lerous weapons against the s and peacants of the Soviet , Can we stop the war? Can we | stop the further disemployment anc lestruction ef working class lives? n we crganize the workers for | r le? On June 1, in Cleveland, the mili- tant and revolutionary workers will heve their representatives at the ) workers of Cleveland led by Com-j cance in May Day . (GERMAN ERTS | AOR { AE T iW i | convention of thé ‘Trade,Union Edu- Cay cational League. They will build up their own revolution: unions, The campaign to organ 009,000 un- nized workers in this country will begin in good earnest. All sin- cere workers of the Ame ion of Labor will be repr 25 25, nted or there. The yin against Ar imperialism, 4ided by the A. L. officialdom, the soci all other yellow and d onaries, will be launched, le by side with the revolution- id revolutionary colored work- world. this oy the imperialist They wili show their prow time in be- | half of the wo. —not shoei troops for imperialism, but battal- s for the struggle of the working May Day is the growing challenge | The can alism. Amer to the power ef impe: 900,000 unorganized orkers will be organized! the state for the g: of unemployed, for shorter hours and socia is demanded on all sides, ag old The work- e ve demanding more of life. War ers i ning, and the grow oughout the coun of the revolutionary workers will meot the challenge as did the Rus- n workers: No more impe ; war! Our Ncnemi are ath Against them we will turn all piements of war and sweep them , fer the rule of the werkers nd farmers—for Communism! This is the challerge of the revolu- tionary workers led by the Commun- ist Party and the Communist Inter- national! BILL HAYWOOD'’S BOOK. An Autobiography by William D. Haywood. Price, cloth, $3.50. Price, boards, $2.00. Obtai: for a limited time by subserib-: for ing to The Daily Worker one year. * | Reviewed by VERN SMITH. | For a quarter of a century a big, powerful man with one eye, a voice that swayed open air audiences of 25,000 or so, and a knack for know- ing what to do next when a strike ituation, a defense campaign or an organization drive was in its hot- test fight, strode through the pages of American labor history, and | made them ‘glow as they never did before. That man was “Big Bill” +. * Haywood, Haif of his ashes lie under the Kremlin Wall at Moscow, the cap- ital of tho end sue! |as Bill ‘st workers’ republic, commonwealth of labor ‘ood fought for decades to accomplish. Half of his ashes he led should lie in Waldheim Ceme- y in Chicago, where are buried the Haymarket victims, the men whose hanging Haywood read about in the newspapers, when he was about 17 years old, working as a metal miner in Nevada. Pondering over the Haymarket affair, Hay- wood says in his autobiography, did much to make him a revolutionist. But Hayweod did not write just a e on revolution. He lived the His life was a burst of from day to day, and even en he was in prison, waiting trial for murder—the usual frame-up on vather grander scale than usua!— made a garden, and wrote propa- pages of his book give a vivid picture of the Rocky | Meuntain region dui |Mormons, (He was born in Salt |Lake City), the Mountain Meadow Massacre (He lived with its perpe- trators), the massacre of the Piute Indians by the whites (He heard | about it from both the lone survivor |x d the white murderers), many es of hardship and_ struggle ft hem as romantic as fiction), and | Haywood’s own participation in this | | carly life. | Haywood, like most proletarian | leaders, was as different from the | vogular bourgeois fictionist’s idea of /a radical, dreaming of utopias and Bill Haywocd’s Book ng his youth: | mg cowboys and miners (Some | }day of his death, in ISCOW, He led the W. F. M. through th riod of their greatest growth y through the struggles e ide, Cripple eek, Color City, Denver, Leadville, Victor, Lawrence, Paterson, saba Range, and many places he led strikes for the I. W. W. In this short space it is impo: to give any idea of the wood tells of these event whole book is a running seri short, pointed, immensely vital stor- ijes of the biggest labor struggles, all done with an appearance of de- tail, in a light easy anecdote style, so that the whole reads like a novel, and not Until you stop to think back over the pages you have turned do you see that here is com- pressed without any appearance of merely summarizing, a summary of the great events of a dramatic period. Haywood met under strenuous cumstances most of those outs: ow d- | ing in political and economic and! The public relations counsel tribe labor union life during his period. Gompers, Debs, DeLeon, Borah, Rockefel! Mother Jones, Darrov the various presidents and gover- nors, Tom Mann, the French syndi- calists, Larkin, Connolley, Hyndman, and other European socialists, and Lenin, he met, not as one interviews celebrities, but in the course of his daily work, and all of them he passes judgment on with frankne: i is and brevity. The book worth an Fed- + rs, too long despised and spat upon | other of 1] Hiectrie Work we? , the eived 10, I Left w all the oth Ues put together The “Rote Wahne,” central 4 ef the German Communist points out that the w Eerlin met most cle Fe gage i nary f luti The victory of the Left i 1 Electsic Com wing in un- s' and in basie Create U. S. “Opinion” By ROBERT W. DUNN “As big bus need for iness becomes | pert manipula e contacts with the ne greater,” writes Bernays in “Propa- ” published by Horace Live- is a puff for the pro- author who as “pub- counsel” to large cor- rt in getting to greet a banquet acture i having Surci ase the sales appeal of mour’s bacon, The profe: Bernay onal propagandist, and more as- ce and func- tion in our national life.” Corpora- tions that were once muckraked by “iyresponsible” free lance journal- ists have simply put the journalists on regular salary and the: busy endearing the corpo: the public and teaching school children, as well as Harvard graduate students, that the power trust has been much abused and that big it is really mankind’s greatest brother, no matter what congr sional investigations may prove the contrary. to include such gentlemen as I who has atically treated the about a Rockefeller habits and kind 3 til he has obscured the ruthless dic- tatorship of Standard Oil and the bloody labor policies of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Co. The “counsel” is paid to “correct” the public or la- bor’s “misunderstandings” of spi yellow dog contracts, st while for its character analysis if i coal and for nothing else. 1 purchase of He did not come off unscathed. “iscriminations and di | First and last he spent considerable workers, and the tyrann com- time in jail. Many attempts were P@4y Unions. made to kill him. Onee he shot a And it is ch deputy sheriff in Denver, and ran na. u the union from the jail until re- leased. All the world knows about the Moyer-Haywood and Pettibone trial, and the great Chicago trial of the I. W. W.—but in this book we have Haywood telling in his own words, with the same cascade of little, reveeling incidents and ob- servations, the story of those great scenes. He kept his courage in prison, when 20 years of it stared him in the face, he kept his cheerfulness when patriotic mobs wanted to lynch him, he slept while the Boise jury debated whether they should hang him or acquit him. He was a social creature, and admits a cer- tain amount of gambling and drink- i} and are a su expert. The war taught men how to “regiment the public mind,” how to “mold thes mind of the masses” for the benefit of the mil- lionaire minority. The author states very frankly that these “small groups of persons can, and do, make the rest of us think what they ple: about a given subject.” And they ran the government and pick their official tools. “A presi- dential candidate,” Bernays cynical-* ly writes, “may be ‘drafted in re- sponse to overwhelming popular de- mand,” but it is well known that his name may be decided upon by half a dozen men sitting around a table n a hotel room.” ibson, representing the U. S. gov-| without interest in “practical” things | vnment, and Lord Cushendon, rep- esenting the British government, vill consist of “crushing the Russian vvoposals for disarmament,” as onc orrespondent puts it. No disarma- nent—but further rapid and tre- nendous armament! Fifteen new sruisers following upon Kellogg ace” pact! 4,609 airplanes were produced in this country in the last year, more i in Japan, Germany, France and Tialy produced together. This year 14,000 will be built. “Commercial” sirplanes, to be sure—planes that an be transformed into bombing planes in 24 hours! 710 airplanes vere delivered to the government vithin the past few months—so sch we know officially, how many ire being built secretly? Mergers of airplane concerns, with a capital f $140,000,000 are part of the daily rocess. The socialist party, which has sbandoned the revolutionary strug- yle, and now wishes to drop even its ame—the second international (Continued from Previous Page) vhich has become the lackey of im- verialism, ask that the Geneva dis- irmament conference really advo- ‘ate’ peace. So sweet and naive— 'moct in the seraphic posture of a Norman Thomas, Ramsey * ae . as you could well imagine. His book | ing, but he never let anything inter- reveals him as intensely interested fere with his duties to the working in every day life, watching keenly | class. All this appears in his auto- the growth of giant industry, watch- biography, which gives you a curi- ing the weird chances that govern ous feeling that it is a book not prospector’s discoveries (He came about the writer but about, events within an inch of owning one of the he has seen, until you realize that biggest mines in the Rockies by most of the history is history built right of discovery), observing the | around Haywood himself, and to a prehistoric reptile’s tracks that mark | considerable extent his own product, a trail ecross the yard of a Western | the man was such a fit instrument \ penitentiary and disappear under | of the social forces and economic ® million years of rock, interested | trends of his time, so well represent- even in the technique of obstetrics,/¢d the proletariat he led through) for he tells how he acted as: midwife | thick and thin, that his life was ex-| when his child was born, on a lonely | Pressed in all that happened. homestead that failed as most other) Haywood led two organizations, homesteads did at that time. the I. W. W., and the W. F. M,, Haywood tells of working as mes-| served on the national executive MacDon- convention, in 1899 almost to the senger boy, laborer, farmer, cow- boy, assayer (all his life he remem- bered the details and formula used i that trade) but mostly as miner, 1 until he left his last job as a ma- chine driller, on the 4,000 foot level of the Blaine mine in Silver City| to go as.a board member to the Western Federation of Miners’ con- vention in Denver, and to tak> the secretary-treasurership of the W. F. M. a short time later. In this book he tells at first hand, with color and fire, but in a nar-| vative of break-neck speed the labor | history he made.from that Denver committee of the socialist party, and was finally driven from all. three of them. Or it might better be said, he advanced beyond them) ‘all. His vision of a great industrial union organization for all indus- Bernays lists the various media through which the public may be reached and their thoughts manip- ulated. All of them are controlled and operated for the benefit of the owning class. Labor’s use of the ‘vadio, in a few instances, and the | ing about; here is the I, W. W. all tries, revolutionary in its aims, made the conservatives in the W. F. M. break with him. His insistence on militant action caused the S. P. to. oust him. When the Communist In- ‘labor press is the chief means culti- | vated to date to answer the propa- ganda of the open shoppers. On May Day—we hail the Chi- nese revolution! Long live the Indian revolution! feathered out!’” So he became a Communist, and | then the I. W. W., too, under a new combination. leadership of anarchists | and stool pigeons, expelled him, | But Haywood will be known in the years to come as one labor leader who never “rose above the ranks,” who never lost sight of his final ob- jective, which was Communism, and who fought for it all his life, adapt- ing himself to whatever armies he! could lead in the assault on capital: | ism, And in the years to come, | ternational wrote a letter to the I. Haywood’s book will be the stand-| W. W., Haywood comments: “After | ard authority, not only on his life, | T had finished reading it, I called but on a lot of things that happened’ Ralph Chaplin (editor of industrial | during it, many of the most import- Solidarity then) and said to him:|ant of which he mightily influenced ‘Heve is what we have been dream- in iheir happening. Militant Workers Greet Dail On May Day. YORK CITY Worker f Put ih Honov. r Toilers of New York Names On Roll of Lehman, lel’ House Ready 5 imen L. Heckon J. Sechkar ill by a We State H Anna Roth L tov. H 1 announced by A. Henry Stre Incognito BROOE mes R. Jones Dulke J. Dull . Pelegrin . Kulm . Reitmeicr Podmer wishes nent condi- especially . Herder . Gruberth i Le political a pres 0 has r ie ado ion as M. a philanthropic angel, works hand an in hand with the charity doves on 17 of Crew of Swedish ship Believed Drowned Richter Lily A, Wergman A. Liebana C. G, Cricos MANILLA, P. L, April 30.—Sev- Blyked 1 members of the crew, includ- B. Martini Skurdrius ‘ of the Swedish e M. B ter ng are believed FP. Katsoff es d, it reported today by Rubunfeld W. urvivors who were brought to Rovae Jennie Green today by the Swedish steamer M. n enker | | Viking, owned by the Inter- P. G, Kellas teamship Company, was J. B. Rosenberg C. Galan ad by an explosion in the rmostein \. Hadjis Visayan Sea. The cause has not yet cu Bolowski been determined. ‘man nan je is a politi Seligman je. — Marx, P. Mustonen man . Steinberg: J. Andruisaitis A. 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