The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 17, 1929, Page 6

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Page Six ey - Baily Sais Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Published by the National D: Daily, except Sunda t Telephone Stuy SUBSCRIPTI Mail (in New 50 six months 2 (outside of New York): ) six months $2.00 three months er Publishing Association, Inc. Ss v N. ¥. New Yor | $8.00 a year $6.00 a year Adér a New York, N. ¥, President Hoover—“Efficiency Expert.” President Hoover, in his first message to the special ses- sion of congress sembled, looms large in his outstand- | ‘ing role as the “efficiency engineer” of American imperialism. In reply to the cries of the plundered poor farmers of the land, he offers a “federal farm board”, and on the ques- | tion of tariff revision he urges a reorganization of the “tar- iff commission,” with higher salaries in order “that we may at all times command men of the broadest attainments.” There is, of course, not even the slightest promise, now that the election campaign is over, that the “federal farm board” will provide the least relief for the millions of poor farmers,—the mortgaged and tenant farmers and share crop- pe nd agricultural workers, nor that any tariff revision will benefit the workers in industry. The president does not refer to the conditions in the Southern textile industry, where three more strikes started as his message was being issued, or in the North, the textile industry that enjoys the highest tariff protection, but where the workers actually suffer the worst conditions. Hoover’s message is purely a document seeking to strengthen big business through greater capitalist efficiency ; DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WE ESDAY, APRIL 17, 1929 discussing how to handle the great surpluses from the farms due to mechanization of agriculture, good climate conditions and other factors. These surpluses, of course, always fall into the hands of the food speculators, the banks and the great landlords, that dominate even such farmers’ marketing organizations as exist. Hoover addresses himself exclusively to the parasite class that feeds off the toiling American peasantry when he Sa} “Some of the forces working to the detriment of agriculture can be greatly mitigated by improving our waterway transportation; some of them by readjustment of the tariff; some by better under- standing and adjustment of production needs; and some by improve- ment in the methods of marketing.” Hoover’s message, adhering closely as was expected to the black reaction of the Coolidge administration in its deal- ings with the farm population, came as a wet blanket to the members of the “farm bloc” who worked for Hoover's election four years earlier. Senator Brookhart, of Iowa, shed copi- | ous tears claiming the message failed to live up to expecta- tions. Thus in the first week of the special session the old party members of congress begin to worry about the votes that elected them, fearing that these voters will discover they have good cause to desert them at the next election. Hoover’s message lays down the program of the “shell game” republican administration for an obedient congress to follow. There is not a single worker or farmer in this con- gress fighting for the oppressed in industry and on the land. The fight against these policies of the Heover administra- tion will be led by the Communist Party, that offered to the workers and farmers in the 1928 national election campaign the only class struggle program. The Communist Party in opening war against the special session of congress now meet- ing in Washington raises the call of “Class Against Class!” to the oppressed in the cities and along the countryside. The mobilization of the masses everywhere for International May Day demonstrations, May First, is an important part of this growing struggle. Birth Control Clinic Raided. The exact motive back of the sudden and malignant po- lice raid on the Birth Control Clinical Research Bureau is not yet clearly revealed. Reaction always likes to operate in the dark. Two women physicians and three nurses were ar- rested, huddled into a police wagon and rushed off to the dungeons of the West Twentieth Street Station. It is pointed out that even the letter of the law.was adhered to at the Research Bureau in that only women diseased or in such precarious health as to prevent them safely from bearing children received attention. It is easily understood, however, that the black forces fighting birth control for the masses, while winking at and abetting every form of contraception for the parasite few, are allied in spreading this new police net against an idea almost universally accepted elsewhere in the modern world. There is the orthodox American Medical Association that fears bad business for the pill makers in every effort to pre- vent disease and breed a healthy race. There is the Catholic Church that fought the child labor amendment to the fed- eral constitution, thus joining with the greatest exploiters in considering children nothing. more than so much machine fodder for the factories, cannon fodder for the next war. The recent alliance between the fascist dictator, Mussolini, and the Roman Catholic Pope at Rome, was completely ce- mented with a nation-wide decree, carrying heavy penalties, against birth control. __. The ignorance, the greed and the reaction characteristic vf the orthodox medical quacks, orthodox religion and hun- xry profiteers are all typical of New York's Tammany Hall rule that sent its police against the West Side clinic that was doing pioneer work in a forbidden field. What is needed, no doubt, in the land, is a broad cam- paign of open and defiant violation of all laws against birth control. Nearly all the women patients in the Birth Control Clinic when it was raided were reported as in their thirties and either carrying or leading children. They were heavily burdened with the struggle for existence. .They felt they could not assume the tremendous responsibility of rearing large families. Birth control is legalized in the Soviet Union. Special instruction is provided, free to all. This is one of the big contributing factors to the cutting down by nearly two-thirds of the death rate of children in Moscow, for instance. Of the 49,860 children born in 1928, only 6,400 died. In 1941, under czarism, 16,000 children under the age of one year died out of the 54,300 who were born during the year. Thus ' during the past year, the lives of 10,000 children were saved where they had previously been sacrificed. Incidentally the population of Moscow grew by 6.1 per cent, with births ac- counting for one per cent of the increase. “yen Capitalist “civilization” in the United States is still on the edge of barbarism insofar as children are concerned. Testimony, to this fact is clearly given in the criminal raid FOOD WILL WIN THE STRIKE CAROLI an NA | Be EXTILE£ ceemecin dati By Fred Ellis Bilishe Negro Masses and Communism | last fall, some of these having been in the LaFollette camp | America is not an isolated one. Ne-| By GEORGE PADMORE. The problem of the Negro in groes all over the world are on fronted with the same conditions, they merely differ in degrees ac- cording to the social and political conditions under which they live. In the United States we find twelve million Negroes living under the most brutal and reactionary capital- ist system in the world. In Africa, the West Indies and other colonial regions over a hun-} dred and fifty million Negroes are | kept in the most servile condition deprived of all forms’ of social, po- litieal and economic opportunities, In this way, the capitalist imperi- ' Capitalist Policy Is Exposed; Black and White Workers Must Unite |ness‘men. This petty bourgeois ele- | ment lost no opportunity of exploit- ing the growing racial consciousness | which swept over all oppressed min- | orities after the war. By appealing | to the similarity of color between 100° per cent equality and freedom; between races, for Communism is the weapon of the working class and knows no color line. It is the bitter | and relentless foe of racial, religious and national prejudices, which the | ruling class use as forces to divide and weaken the ranks of the work- ers, thereby maintaining the present social order. Divide and Rule Policy. Negroes as well as white workers must learn to realize this cunning the rich Negroes and the poor ones, In the West Indies and South Af-| the business men were able to turn rica the British overlords have in-| race consciousness into dollars and | stituted a caste system which they | cents. Merchants, insurance brok- themselves have brought into being | ers, bankers and real estate sharks as a sort of buffer-class between | grew up, as it were, overnight. They them (the imperialists) and the| robbed the black workers. as effec- broad masses of blacks and East In-| tively as the white exploiters. What dians. preferential treatment economically their labor power, the former seized and socially as a reward for doing out in high rents and exorbitant the dirty work of their foreign mas- j prices for commodities. The Negro ters. They befuddle the masses and| masses cannot hope to solve their betray every effort that they make | problems by turning to the petty These’ mulattoes are given|the latter failed to extract out of| alists through their “czar-like” col- device of “divide and rule” which onial governors are able to extract! the imperialists promote through millions of dollars annually from | their capitalistic controlled agencies these slaves, who are transported to |-—the church, movies, press, schools the home countries to maintain the | and fascist organizations, (American palatial homes and the parasitic) Legion, K. K. K., etc.) In America for improved conditions. The same policy is pursued by other imperialist classes—American, French, ete. Because of this situa- tion the Anglo-American sections of the Comintern must pay more at- caste-system of the oppressors. In view of this, Negroes in Amer-| 0f ruling the workers. ica must come to realize that their | struggle is organically linked up with the struggle of their black brothers in far distant lands, And they together must develop an in- ternational spirit of solidarity and comradeship with the other oppres- sed peoples—Chinese, Indians, Latin- Americans, etc., as well as the work- ers in the countries of the imperial- ist class. Only in this way will the oppressed and exploited sections of the human race be able to win their freedom. The question immediately arises, how and who can lead these people | to victory in their fight against the , exploiters and robbers? The only answer is to be found in the pro- gram of Marxism-Leninism under| | the leadership of the stalwart ban- ner of the Communist International. The one unfortunate thing is that | the Negro masses know little about the Comintern and its sections, but | in proportion as these workers learn | of what the C. I. stands for, to that | extent shall we prepare the masses | for the final overthrow of wage | slavery. It is therefore our revolu- tionary duty to carry the message of Communism to these oppressed millions. ‘ This leads to another question. | How best can this be done? The | reply lies in our ability to propa- gandize and organize this great mass of potentially revolutionary black fighters. Our class enemies know this only too well and will therefore place every obstacle in our way, including the most vicious | forms of terrorism in order to keep the masses away from the red ban- ner of liberation. Role of Party. In America, our Party has made a splendid beginning in carrying on work among the Negro industrial workers, but up to now little or nothing has been attempted among the agricultural laborers, who form the bulk of the black workers, Dur- ing the presidential campaign our program, standing four-square in its demands for full social and political equality for Negroes, was not only advocated in the North, but openly | proclaimed throughout: the South. | Party speakers addressed large and | enthusiastic audiences of black and white workers in states below the | Mason-Dixon line. This was a great achievement and shows the heroic and revolutionary spirit of our Party leadership, This is merely the beginning. Soon the Southern bourbons and lyncho- crats will feel the power of prole- tarian awakening. | L. Lewis, and other bureaucrats are tention to the colonial areas dom~ inated by British and American im- perialism. The Parties must begin to penetrate these colonies and give leadership to the peoples who are daily showing signs of revolt. This can best be done by training colonial cadres for work among their own people. this is one of the most effective ways The labor movement stinks with race prejudice. The A. F. of L. and its lackeys—Green, Woll and John the most open opponents of white chauvinism to be found anywhere in | the civilized world. By condoning such a state of affairs, organized| Bankruptcy of Negro Bourgeoisie. labor in the Right wing unions keeps| In the U. S. the colored bour- the Negro workers out of its ranks,| geoisie is a reactionary class and thereby leaving him to the mercy} canngt lead the black masses in their of the bosses to be used as scabs | struggle for freedom, For over or cheap labor reserve. With the|three hundred years the Negro organization of new industrial unions| workers have been the “hewers of under the leadership of militant} wood and drawers of water” for workers and agitation within the old| the white overlords, but today an | craft unions for admission and equal | additional burden has fallen on |rights for Negroes, a new day is|their backs. “The colored bourgeoisie jahead for the black proletariat. | have joined hands with their white This policy of “divide and tule”) brothers to continue the unmerciful lever imperialism prevails the same| This upper strata of race parasites |in operation. For instance: In In- | since the war. |dia the’ Anglo-Indian government| Before the war most Negro work- through its officials and mission-| ers were attached to the land in the | aries encourage religious strife be-| southern states, but with war time |tween the Hindus and Mohammedans | acceleration of industry they mi- and in this way prevent the unity of | grated to the North and took their |the workers and peasants, For as| place within the ranks of the in- |long as the Indian masses are di-| dustrial proletariat. The segregated vided the oppressors (British and | ghetto life into which they. were | native) will be able to subjugate | forced lent itself favorably to the and rule them. development of a black class of busi- Tremendous Advances Made in Soviet Cinema Industry scheduled for this year. This will be divided three ways: the principal cnes to deal with political or eco- nomic problems with the next lot given over to representing the socialist advances made in the U. S. S. R. Some films will be made for broader distribution abroad and in the United States by confining a percentage of the output to works of authors other than Russian. IRST statistics on the Russian film industry to reach here give Moscow and Leningrad studio space in excess of 9,000 meters with the 1926-27 season producing some fifty feature films at an average cost of 10,000 roubles. This year, plans call for over sixty feature pictures. Following the fire in 1926, Mesh- rabpom-Film has fully recovered with the building of large studios in Kief. Two special pictures in ad- NEW U. S. LINERS. is not peculiar to the U. S. Wher-| exploitation of the black masses. | | methods of fostering prejudices are | have become a well-crystallized class | Only the Com-| munists can advocate @ program of dition to ‘the regular output, are scheduled for the new year. Ukrainian Film is now producing about forty films annually in Odessa and Ialta (Crimea). Studios are also being erected in Tiflin, Ga., where . the present output runs to about fifteen long features an- nually. ‘Report has it that approximately 85,000 people are given employment in the Russian cinema industry. These figures indicating a 300 per ont increase over pre-war numbers. Sovkino has eighty-six pictures" suate SOUTHAMPTON, England, April 16 (U.P).—New U. S. Lines passen- ger liners to be put in service with the Leviathan will be commissioned during the spring of 1932, the of- fices of the U. S. Lines announced today, The liners will be between 40,000 and 50,000 tons, with a speed of from 26 to 28 knots, The working class cannot simply Jay hold of the iy made State machinery, and wield It for its own purpone. This new Commune (Parix Commune)... -breaks | bourgeoisie of their race for lead- | ership. | The same applies to the intellec- | tuals. From this group spring the chief political lackeys and “Uncle Toms” of the white American rul- ers. To them are assigned all the filthy tasks to keep the masses in a helpless condition. One of the | best illustrations of this was during | the last presidential campaign. The |two old parties—republican and democrats—bought up all the so- called Negro leaders — editors, preachers, teachers. These traitors sold the helpless Negro workers out to the highest bidder. Theirs was ‘an open and brazen expression of depravity. The workers must wake up and take the leadership into their own hands, for only the working class can emancipate itself. New Leadership Needed. The creation of a working class | Negro leadership is the most needed factor in the liberation movement to- day, After this is done, it will be necessary to look for allies to help them in their struggle against the capitalists—white and black. Where are these allies to be found? In America, among the class-conscious white workers together with the millions of over worked and mis- | treated Mexicans, Latin-American |and Asiatie and other foreign born workers who like the Negroes toil to produce the wealth for the Wall Street bandits. When this day comes, which is not far off, the Rockefellers, Fords, Mellons, Du- Fonts, Hoovers and their kind will be driven from the thrones of the mighty in just the same way as the Russian capitalists were routed by the Russian workers and peasants in 1917. Revolutionary Inspiration. The Revolution of 1917 was the first signal of the international working class. The Negroes and white workers must learn their les- sons in revolutionary tactics from this victory, and look upon the So- viet Union ruled by the working class as the greatest hope and in- spiration for them in struggle to attain, The Soviet Union is the fatherland of the international work- ing class and the oppressed peoples of the world. They must rally to its defense against the plots and schemes of the interngtional im- perialists. This can best be done by joining the Communist Party of America, the leader in the defense of the first workers state. Negro workers in America and the colonies awake! Organize, agitate, fight under the leadership of the Communist International, the van- guard of the workers of the world and oppressed and enslaved colonial millions. In this way we shall all march forward to the conquest of power and the establishment of an international Soviet system of work- emanate Copyright, 1929, by Internationat Publishers Co., Inc. AYWOOD'S BOOK “Hanging Is None Too Good for the I. W. W.’s”5 General Organizer; De Leon and O’Neill Rush to the Aid of the Police Haywood, one of the greatest strike leaders and organizers of labor who ever lived, has told in his own words of his early life | as a child slave, of great strikes under the banner of the Western | Federation of Miners which he headed during its most militant per- iod, of tremendous speaking tours through America and Europe, and of the struggle against misleaders of labor and wrong policies of the socialists and others. He has told of the Moyer-Haywood-Petti- bone trial, of the founding of the I. W. W. and of the Lawrence, Mesaba Range, Akron and Paterson strikes, In the last installment he had just come back from a speaking tour in England and Ireland that took Jim Larkin out of prison, and had plunged into the Ford and Suhr defense. Now read on. * * * By WILLIAM D HAYWOOD. PART 88. || the years 1912-1913 there were many free speech fights carried on by the I.W.W. I was never personally involved but recognized their tremendous importance, and the bravery and endur- ance of those who took part in the battles for free speech. Long hunger strikes were often’ a part of their tactics. They endured the brutal cruelties imposed by “Citizens’ Committees” as well as the elected officers of city, county and state. An investigator appointed by the governor of Cali- fornia said that “it was hard for him to believe that he was not sojourning in Russia (of the Czar) con- ducting his investigation there instead of the alleged ‘land of the free and home of the brave.’” The human vultures acting as editors of local papers were bitterly hostile. One said: “Hanging is none too good for the I.W.W.’s, They would be much better dead, for they are absolutely useless in the human econ- omy; they are the waste material of creation and should be drained off in the sewer of oblivion, there to rot in cold ob- struction like any other excrement.” In Denver, Mayor Creel said to an I.W.W. committee: “Go ahead, boys, speak as much as you like. There’s just one favor I’m going to ask. I wish you wouldn’t spout directly under army headquarters. They are not important but they’re childish. They'll make lots of bother if you do.” There was’ no free speech fight in Denver at that | time. The decentralizing question arose in the organization and caused much internal dissension. It finally wore itself out after serious dam- age had been done because of the lack of organizing work among those taking part in the discussion to the exclusion of everything else, The decentralizers demanded that the executive board be abolished, that the conventions be discontinued, etc., ete. This, like other things that have marred the growth of the I.W.W., while detrimental for the time, was of much educational value. The organization came together later much stronger than ever, I was elected General Organizer, but my work for a time was limited on account of ill health. * LenS years of association with the metal miners caused many mem- bers of the Industrial Workers of the World who had belonged to | the Western Federation of Miners to take a keen interest in every- thing that the metal miners, smelter men and mill men were doing. They had had a strike against the Utah Copper Co. in Bingham Can- yon, Utah. This strike was against the old enemies of the W.F.M.— MeNeil and Penrose of Colorado City. Nothing serious developed dur- ing this strike and no decided gains were made by the miners and smelter men. An important strike occurred on the Upper Peninsula of Michigan involving all the copper miners of that district. By this time the Western Federation of Miners had died, with the blade of conserva- tism plunged deep into its heart. The name of the organization had been changed, and it was now called the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers. They had become affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. The prestige of the W.F.M. was a thing of the past. Its revolutionary preamble had been changed for one emasculated of all revolutionary pretense, the last clause of which is: “To endeavor to negotiate time agreements with our’ em- ployers and by all lawful means establish the principles embraced in the body of this constitution.” All rights rese.ved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permission, * * » # T the time about which I write, around 1915, thousands of mem- bers of the Industrial Workers of the World had been imprisoned in the class struggle. Some men and women had been killed and at least three were now on their way to serve sentences of life impris- onment in the penitentiaries. They were Cline, Ford and Suhr. But in spite of this splendid working class record the supercilious DeLeon continued his slanders against the I.W.W. Nothing better than the “Bummery” or the “Overall Brigade” did he find in his lexicon to call the organization and its members. During the Spokane free speech fight DeLeon said in a letter to Olive M. Johnson quoted in Daniel DeLeon: A Symposium: “When you say you hope the Spokanites may stop ‘before they make another ’86’ (the Chicago Haymarket bomb tragedy), you touch upon a thing that has given me not a little worry. I have all along been apprehensive that some of those Knipperdollings would throw a bomb. . . . Hence it is that I have been hitting so hard. I have been trying to keep the S.L.P. skirts clean against such an eventuality. Indeed I take the flattering unction to myself that the People has, at least, contributed towards rendering such an eventuality less likely. I notice with pleasure that some of the Spokane capitalist sheets are quoting the People on Spokane. So that they’ know there are so- cialists who spurn I-am-a-bummism, and all that thereby hangs.” en, KeEEnG step with DeLeon was the vituperative O’Neill, who spurted his venom through the columns of the Miners’ Magazine, saying: ae “Since the Western Federation of Miners repudiated by referen- dum vote the aggregation of characterless fanatics who make up the official coterie of the International Workless Wonders, the officials of the Western Federation of Miners have been assailed by every dis- reputable hoodlum in the I.W.W. . . . The time has come when the labor and socialist press of America must hold up to the arclight these professional degenerates who create riots, and then, in the name of free speech, solicit revenue to free the prostituted parasites who yell ‘scab’ and ‘fakiration’ at every labor body whose members refuse to gulp down the lunacy of a ‘bummery’ that would disgrace the lower confines of Hades.” Again he said: “Industrial unionism will not come through soup- houses, spectacular free speech fights, sabotage or insults to the flags of nations.” * Oe Son BYEN the genial Eugene V. Debs took a hard slam at the fighting organization. He said: “It is vain to talk about the I.W.W. The Chicago faction, it now seems plain, stands for anarchy, So be it. Let all who oppose political action and favor sabotage and the program of anarchism join that faction.” 5 DeLeon had lost what little knowledge he had of industrial union- ism. O’Neill was explosive for no other reason than jealousy of the progress being made by the I.W.W. It was harder to understand the attitude of Gene Debs, as he had always been friendly and was after- wards friendly to the I.W.W. as an organization. An economic crisis was about to take place which was only averted when war was declared. Unemployment was growing in every sec- tion of the country. In San Francisco hundreds of men were herded into vacant buildings where they slept in rows on the floor with no bedding but newspapers. From San Francisco and other cities they started a march to Sacramento to make an appeal for aid to the leg- islature. They were met by citizens who were armed with pick- handles, and they were drenched with the firehose and driven to the outskirts of the city. In New York City the unemployed were or- ganized by the I.W.W. They installed a soup kitchen and went to the churches to sleep but were told by the priests and ministers that the churches were not domiciles. Many of them were arrested and served time in prison. i * ° * In the next chapter Haywood tells of the shooting of Joe Hill, the rebel poet, and of the outbreak of the world war. Get a copy of Bill Haywood’s Book free with one subscription for one year to the pd Worker. The sub can be a new one, or a renewal of an old Oba . a2 RPHr ome es se2ectzeeere

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