The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 13, 1929, Page 6

bi) THE CHALLE $8.00 a year mor $6.00 a year Address and mail all ee months Square, British Policy “To Unite Europe”. The London correspondent of the New York Times argues in an article (April 11) that the object of the recent visit of Sir Austen Chamberlain, British foreign minister, to Rome, was to persuade the Italian fascist dic- tator to patch up his differences with France. It seems that Mussolini took his orders. This is explained as part of the new British policy “to unite Europe.” When the capitalists speak of Europe, they refer only to its western part, trying to forget that the greater part to the east is under the rule of the Soviets. British rule can have two objects in working for a united Europe: (1) To build the anti-Soviet bloc for the new war against the First Workers’ Republic; (2) To compete better with the Amer- ican economic and political invasion of Europe. The rapid industrialization of the Soviet Union creates an ever greater problem for world imperialism. Both France and Great Britain feel called on to organize the new attack on the Workers’ and Peasants’ Government. In the present period the British conservative government of Baldwin and Chamberlain is the more aggressive. It sees the Russian question intruding itself more than ever as a leading issue into the rapidly approaching British elections. No wonder London is nervous. At the same time European capitalism, with the British dominant among the old imperialist nations, seeks to develop its economic independence of the United States. This is not an easy task. The British deny any clash with Wall Street’s dollars on the continent. But the fact remains, the Yankee dollar and the British pound sterling are clashing on every continent, notably in Latin America, in Mexico, in China, as well as Europe; everywhere the powder of imperialist an- tagonism is exceedingly dry awaiting ignition by the sparks of war. British efforts toward “uniting Europe” are prepara- tions for war. Such unity, however, must also take into con- sideration the powerful Communist Parties in Western Europe, leaders of the revolutionary workers, that strive to build another form of unity, the Soviet Union of Europe. America’s workers are directly interested in seeing that the guns of Wall Street imperialism are silenced when turned against the Bolshevik Revolution in Western Europe. Amer- ican labor can only support a Europe united under the ban- ners of a triumphant proletarian dictatorship. More Drivel About the Supreme Court It is inevitable that the poison press should brew an- other choice concoction, in an effort to stupify masses of workers, out of the recent decisions of the United States su- preme court on New York City’s 5-cent fare case and the little affair of Harry Sinclair, oil bandit supreme. Bernarr Macfadden’s Evening Graphic drips with drivel on this ques- tion as follows: “The highest judicial body of our land is supreme, not only in authority, but supreme above the power of wealth, of politics and of other subversive influences, and acts as a safeguard to the American people in the protection of their constitutional rights.” First of all, the supreme court is an integral part of the government spawned by the capitalist social system based on private ownership. Under this regime the “constitutional rights” belong only to property. Perhaps Sinclair may go to jail for a few days. But the system of private ownership prevails, the system that made it possible for Sinclair to be- come a multi-millionaire, bribe the government through the Harding-Daugherty-Fall regime and steal vast natural re- sources. It is absolutely necessary for the capitalist govern- ment to maintain its “face” before the masses. Thus an example is made of a Fall, a Daugherty or a Sinclair occa- sionally. But this in no way eases the chains of wage slavery on the limbs of labor. It is intended to have just the oppo- site result; to strengthen those chains. That is just the ef- fect hoped for by Macfadden’s propaganda in his Graphic. Workers the nation over, however, will compare the careful attention given Sinclair, and the petty bourgeois sur- prise evinced everywhere that a rich man should go to prison, with their own treatment at the hands of the government; wholesale arrests and persecutions in every strike, the bitter daily struggle for bread, extreme and growing exploitation in the era of so-called capitalist “prosperity” and expansion. The parasite rich, for the first time in history, met with proletarian justice in the Bolshevik Revolution that estab- lished the Union of Soviet Republics, that at once became the nightmare of capitalists the world over because they be- held in its existence and growth their own doom. The only constitution that will protect and safeguard the rights of the toiling masses in the United States will be a Soviet Constitution written under the victorious banners of the American proletarian dictatorship. The “victory” announced by the Graphic over the “TI. R. T.” is just so much piffle. All the U. S. supreme court did was to refer the case back to the state courts. While the knockout drops being administered to the “people” by the Graphic are at work, the state courts will be able to legalize the increased fare of seven or more cents. Thus Macfadden’s Graphic becomes one of the best agents of Sinclair, the trac- tion interests and the whole capitalist system. Canada is, planning to build some more warships. Canada has raised the bars against the Freiheit, our Jewish Com- munist daily. There is a connection between these two facts. Capitalism in Canada is trying to keep the workers in ignor- ance of the growjng preparations for the next war. Work- ers in both Canada and the United States must join in the nd for the admission of the Freiheit to Canada, as one od of fighting off the capitalist straight jacket of ignor- e as to the growing war danger. AILY WORKER, NEW YORK, NGE TO THE CAFETERIA STRIKERS TURDAY, APRIL 15, 1929 : British Mass Terror in India: At the end of March Anglo-Indian police, armed with more than a hun- |dred warrants, descended on the headquarters of left wing trade unions, the Workers’ and Peasants’ | Parties and the Youth League in all the principal Indian cities except) Madras and, at one blow, arrested |most of the active working class and peasant leaders in the country. Calcutta, Bombay, Poona, Allaha- bad and Lucknow each had its day of police terror. A few extremely interesting facts show very clearly the true causes \at the bottom of this wave of terror jwith its arrests of workers and pea- sant leaders throughout India. Bombay Center of Raids. Most of the arrests took place in Bombay, where the Indian trade union movement has fought cut its jmost successful struggles. In_ this ‘connection the “Bombay Labor Ga- zette,” a government publication, jadmitted, in January of this year, |“The Girni Kamgar (left wing tex- tile) Union shows a phenomenal growth in membership, this union reckons a membership of 65,000." | Who are the trade unionists re- sponsible for this extraordinary suc- jcess? The same official source igives their names. The chairman is Alwe; the general secretary, S. A. Dange; the treasurer, S. V. Ghate; the vice-presidents, S. H. Jhabwala jand B. F. Bradley; the assistant sec- retary, K. N. Joglekar. All these leaders have since been arrested. All those arrested—in the other |Indian cities as well as Bombay— ere the most active workers in the Indian trade union organizations; all have played prominent parts in the great strike movements in past years, Another reason for the govern- ment’s action is the growing influ- ence of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Parties among the Indian masses. Three of those arrested, Mirajkar, Pendse and Joglekar, were candi- dates of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Party in the recent Bombay muni- cipal elections. In spite of the lim- ited number of workers who enjoy the ballot, he received from 3,900 to 4,000 votes, only a very littie less than the candidates who were elected. It must be remembered \that of Bombay’s 1,200,000 inhabi- tants, only 90,000 possess the bai- \lot, and of course among those who can vote are the labor aristocracy. It is obvious that, if all the workers could vote, the Workers’ and Pea- sants’ Parties would receive a tre- mendous majority. Hence the gov- ernment has every reason to wish |to crush this movement. | Where Conference is “Conspiracy.” The warrants for the arrests were issued from the district of Meerut, near Delhi, and it is probable that the “conspiracy” which they charge refers to the conference of the Work- ers’ and Peasants’ Party which was recently held there. It must also be remembered that | in India many things are illegal and are severely punished though they | imay be perfectly legal in England | itself, Jor example there is the | At present, | | The Anglo-Indian Red Raids and the Reyolu- tionary Trade Unions ease of Hasrat Mohani, chairman of the All-India Moslem League, who |in 1922 was sentenced to two years’ imprisonment for a speech in which he demanded complete independence jfor India. The speeches at the Workers’ and Peasants’ Party con- ference in Meerut in October, 1928, rally anded the indepen- cence of India, the removal of the various state boundaries, the na- tionalization of land and of the in- struments of production, ete. According to the latest report: the trial of all the class war prison- ers will take place at Meerut in the iniddle of April, The attorney, Da- van Chamanlal, has undertaken to defend all those arrested. The ma- confinement in the Meerut prison. The prisoners have against this action and against their treatment as criminals instead of political prisoners. The Outstanding Prisoners. The following list of the most outstanding of those arrested by the MOSCOW, U.S. S. R., (B: —The exports of the U. the a Februa: ry million roubles compared with 41.6 million roubles in February 1928|- and 52.2 million roubles in January | 1929. The February imports amount- ed to 37.4 million roubles against |63.1 million roubles in February 1928 and 51.8 million roubles last| | January. | The February foreign trade across the European frontiers resulted in a favorable balance of 11.3 million! « a | ber-Februa: Exploit Indian, British Workers Great Gain in Exports of Soviet Union During Year .)roubles compared with an unfavor- .| able balance of 21.5 million roubles in February of last year anda 7 | favorable balance of 400,000 roubles last January. The total turnover of the Soviet foreign trade across the European frontiers for the first five months of the 1928-29 business year (Octo- ry) amounted to 536.6 million roubles, of which 280.4 mil- lion roubles reptesent exports and} 251 million roubles respective figures for period last year. imports, the the same Loading castor oil beans at Cocanada on the Indian coast. The men are allowed a mess of rice three hours a day. With this they nourish y of them are now in solitary | protested | the strength to work the eleven hour day for which they are “given” one rupee, about thirty-seven cents. They sleep wherever they happen to fall anywhere out of the way on the deck. Cocanada is on the eastern coast of India, not far from the northern mouth of the Godavari River in Madras Presidencyy é Z “ Anglo-Indian government during the present mass terror, with a record of their functions and activities in the labor movement,’ sheds light on the meaning of the new wave of ar- rests in India and the intentions of the Anglo-Indian authorities, Among those now in Indian prisons are: 8. H. Jhabwals, general secretary | of the Great Indian Peninsula Rail- | way Workers Union, with a mem- | bership of 41,000 and organizational | | secretary of the All-India Railway- men’s Federation. He has official connections with numerous Indian trade unions. The municipal com- missioner in Bombay threatens him with legal prosecution for “inciting the municipal workers.” S. A. Dange is.general secretary of | the street carmen’s union of Bombay and of the Bombay Textile Workers | Union, with a membership of 65,000, nt secretary of the All-India Trade Union Congress and promin- ent member of the All-India Work- lers and Peasants Party. He has | been active for several years in the |labor movement. Until 1924 he was editor of the “Socialist” in Bombay, | then he was sentenced to four years |in prison at the Communist trial in Cawnpore. S. S. Mirajkar, secretary of the | Union of Workers of the British India Steam Navigation Company, secretary of the Workers and Peas- ants Party of Bombay and candidate in the recent municipal elections in | Bombay. S. V. Ghate, vice-president of the Municipal Workers Union of Bom- bay, treasurer of the Bombay Tex- tile Workers Union and member of the Central Committee of the All- India Workers and Peasants Party. D. R. Thengdi, former chairman | of the All-Tadian Trade Union Con- |gress, chairman of the Kirkee | Arsenal Workers Union in Poona, ;member of the All-India Congress- Committee. He has been active for a number of years in the proletarian | movement in India and is one of the founders of the Indian trade union movement, P.C. Joshi, secretary of the Work- jers and Peasants Party of the | United Provinces, memler of the | Central Committee of the All-India | Workers and Peasants Party and editor of the “Kranti Kari,” a work- (ers and peasants paper. M. G. Desai, a young student and | journalist, editor of the “Spark,” a labor paper founded recently in Bombay. Philip Spratt, a young English- }man, was prosecuted a few (years ago for his revolutionary ac- | tivities in India but later freed. Last April he was sent by the Ben- gal Trade Union Federation to lead the strike of jute workers in Chengail. He took an active part in the railway workers’ strike at Lilooah, in the jute workers strike at Bauri and in the iron and steel workers strike at Jamshedpur. Workers and Peasants Party in | Jhansi. B, F. Bradley is vice-president of the Bombay Textile Workers Union. Kalam ‘is a functionary of the, - Internationat GOR BOOK Copyright, 1929, by Publishers Co., Inc. BILL HAYW All rights rese.ved. Republica- tion forbidden except by permissicn. Clash With Sarah Conboy; the Call Sabotages the Paterson Strike; the Children’s Strike and A Children’s Town This is part of what has gone before: Haywood has described his life, which started in the Mormon city of Salt Lake, in 1869, amid scenes of hardship and violence, through a long career of labor at farming, cow punching, ete, but mostly at mining. He has told of the struggles of the Western Federation of Miners, which he led from the age of 29 until the year 1905. This included the bloody strikes of Telluride and Cripple Creek, the “desecrated flag” incident, and the trial of Moyer, Haywood and Pettibone on a framed-up charge of murdering a governor, Haywood has told of world-wide speaking campaigns for defense and organ- ng the I. W. W., of conducting the Lawrence, and Now he is talking about the Paterson silk ization, of organiz Mesaba Range strikes. strike, as you start reading below. * By WILLIAM D HAYWOOD. PART 8. HE silk strike extended to many other places. tucked away in the mining camps of Pennsylvania and elsewhere, When a strike broke out at Hazleton we sent Jessie Ashley and Margaret Sanger there as organizers. I svoke at meetings in many silk arid textile centers—Passaic, Hazleton, Hoboken and surrounding * * We found silk mills towns. The American Federation of Labor came to Pat- erson during the strike and held a meeting. It has always been my opinion that it was to break the ranks of the strikers, if possible. Sarah Conboy, an organizer of the United Textile Workers, a “per- fect lady,” but somewhat too fat, said, when ad- dressing the meeting: “If that Bill Haywood gives me any back talk I’ll scratch his other eye out.” The socialists of New York offered a plan of settlement to the Paterson strikers. They had selected a commission, one of whom was Jacob Panken, who became a judge in 1918. But the strikers could not see from the outline given what place they were going to have in the settlement, so the suggestion was not accepted. Through thé management of the Doherty mill the strikers were approached with a plan of settlement on the basis of the strikers taking over the mill and guaranteeing the stockholders five per cent interest on money invested. This proposition would have involved dis- cussion about watered stock and other questions that the strikers did not feel they were competent to handle. * IN the early period the strike was scarcely noticed by the New York papers but after the pageant they gave us more attention, One time the strikers wanted to put a half-page advertisement in the New York Call, official daily newspaper of the socialist party, but for some unknown reason the advertisement was questioned and not published. The man with the strongest influence with the New York Call was Morris Hillquit. I remembered then what he had said in our debate the year previous about how he would fight on the barricades for socialism. But that meant only that he would fight if the socialists were counted out at the ballot box. We came to see that he did not even mean that. When ten socialists were elected to the New York Assembly, several years later, they were illegally dispossessed of their seats in the assembly. It was then that Morris Hillquit mounted a barricade of law books and fired well-worded briefs to the capitalist enemy, which proved of no avail. * * * T a strike meeting one day at Haledon it was raining. I spoke to a great audience which stood sheltered under umbrellas. When I asked the strikers to indicate their feeling by raising their right hand, up went that multitude of umbrellas. It looked as if the earth itself were rising up through the mist of the rain. There were many meetings of the strikers’ children, One big meeting was held in Turn Hall to discuss the school strike. While the children were framing their demands one little lad sang out: “No home work, Bill. Put that in.” These children got together, organized a strike committee, ap- pointed their speakers, elected a treasurer and collected money to be used for their needy members. ~ * Ces 7 these children and to others throughout the United States I used to tell a story about “Kid’s Town.” I did not know then that I would see a kids’ town in real life or a children’s home conducted by themselves as I have seen in Russia. The story I told was about a city where the people were all children, There were no grown-ups to keep telling them: “Don’t, don’t, don’t.” I told the children that the world is young and ever-changing, explaining to them the ele- mental forces continuously at work, the glaciers ever moving, the effects of earthquakes, volcanoes and cloudbursts, the erosion of the earth’s surface and the reaction of heat and frost. That these great things, with the assistance of microbic life, were always making new out of the old. This is true of everything on the earth. I told them that the hardest thing to change is the minds of old people, and some people become old while young in years. It is they who make the world seem old. It is they who fasten on the people besotted gov- ernments, bigoted religions and frightful diseases. Generation after generation they precipitate disastrous wars. All of these terrible things the old give as a heritage to the children of the world. The story about “Kids’ Town” to me grew bigger and more teresting every time I told it because the children with their bright, keen imaginations lent many original and attractive ideas. Their young minds could readily grasp the advantages of communal life. But quite as important were the things they did not want in their city. No boy would think of being a policeman and soldiers wouldn’t be needed. They were not going to fight with other children. They thought they could get along without prisons or banks, and noxe of them said anything about churches. pee et 1 Na children of Paterson knew who made the tools and machinety, who built the houses, who grew all the foodstuffs, who made all the clothes, and they knew, too, who enjoyed the use of all these things produced by the working class. And they would answer contemptu- ously, when asked: “Why, the bosses?” One thing of interest was that the children everywhere wanted cities as close to nature as possible. They expressed their love of the green grass, the flowers, trees and singing birds, Often they made the suggestion that instead of common shade trees that the trees of their city should answer the double purpose of shade and good things to eat—fruit and nut trees. Instead of hedges of briary bramble they would have berry bushes. The educational worth of the strikes of the Industrial Workers of the World more than repaid for everything that the speakers, organ- izers and organization put into them, * Did you ever know that Haywood wrote poetry? .In the neat issue is a dramatic greeting to the African strikers, written by Hay- wood in free verse. You can get Haywood’s book free, too, by send= ing in one yearly new or renewal subscription to the Daily Worker, ay *