The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 9, 1929, Page 6

Page Six DAILY WORKKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, APRIL 9, 1929 Baily Sis Worker Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. $8.00 a year three months three months Union § $6.00 a year Address and daily Worker, York, N.Y. The A. F. of L. and the Negro. The Intérnational Labor News Service is ropaganda medium of the American Federation of Labor. Joseph A. Wise, member of the Typographical Union No. 16, of Chic fs one of its most active correspondents, specializing in mal- icious anti-Communist slanders. This much needs to be understood in order to properly rate the vicious attack on an “inter-racial dance” given by the Young Workers (Communist) League in Chicago, written by Wise and sent out by the I. L. N. S., in which it is declared that: “The male part of the crowd was largely made up of Negroes, with a sprinkling of Whites, Chinese, Filipinos, Mexican Indians and mongrel: The A. F. of L. propaganda that slanders the unity of the five races clearly explains the obstacle that the Green- Woll regime is today in the effort to build the solidarity of the American working class that is constituted of all these races. The clipping that came to the Daily Worker was taken from the Colorado Labor Advocate, the official organ of the Colorado State Federation of Labor, also of the Denver Trades and Labor Assembly. It no doubt appeared in many other A. F. of L. organs. Two other interesting paragraphs are as follows: “Two large banners bearing the following slogans conspicu- ously adorned the walls: ‘Full social equality for Negroes’, and ‘Fight against race prejudice.’ “These slogans epitomize the inducement held out to men of the colored races to join the Communist Party.” Since the A. F. of L. thus reveals itself as being opposed to the fight against race prejudice, it must be in favor of race prejudice, with its Jim Crow laws, the segregation of Negroes, and really revealing the reason why the A. F. of L. takes no steps to organize Negro workers, in fact discrim- inates against them on every hand. It takes its stand with the lynchers, who hang and burn in the name of social in- equality, for the preservation of so-called “white supremacy The A. F. of L. news service indicates that it feels “political and economic equality” are sufficient. But these are the masks under which the A. F. of L. completely betrays the Negro working class. In this article the A. F. of L. has completely unmasked itself insofar as its real attitude toward the Negro is concerned. Here is enough to blast every hypo- critical utterance on the Negro question that may ever come from the lips of President William Green or Vice President Matthew Woll. x0, Santo Domingo Grows Suspicious. General Charles G. “Hell and Maria” Dawes, who loaded the so-called Dawes plan on the backs of the German work- ers, is having a difficult time persuading the people of Santo Domingo to take him seriously. The Dominican press openly states its well-founded fear’ that the American budget experts brought to the island by the former vice president, who is himself a big Chicago banker with a shady past, especially in the Lorimer scandal, may simply be conducting a survey to determine what further could profitably be taken under American control as security for another loan. The collection of Dominican customs revenues has al- ready been under the control of the United States government for the past 25 years, to provide interest for the repayment of $20,000,000 rolled up in loans already extended to govern- ments, most of which have been set up by the Wall Street- Washington regime as its pet puppets. After Lindbergh and Hoover, Dawes comes to the West Indies and Latin America to cash in on the “good will” tours of aviators and presidents. The chains of great finance, properly adjusted according to the Dawes method, are ex- pected to make the American semi-colonials easier victims of the Yankee imperialist pickpockets. But there are many indications, as in Santo Domingo at the present time, also Nicaragua, that the workers and peasants of Latin America intend having something to say about this enslaving program of the dellar financial experts. Santeri Nuorteva Is Dead. Santeri Nuorteva, who gave unstintingly of his strength to the revolutionary movement in three countries—the United States, Finland and Russia—is dead in Leningrad. He suc- cumbed to the same disease of the heart, brought on by over- work that has found many victims among the leaders of the Bolshevik revolution. Nuorteva will be long remembered in the United States. Here he not only labored among the Finnish workers, as writer, speaker and organizer, but he did much to bring them closer to the American workers. He was himself as active in the English-speaking as in the Finnish-speaking movement. After the victory of the Bolshevik revolution he labored with Ludwig C. K. Martens, Soviet Trade Representative in this country, to establish relations between the new Workers’ Republic, the fruit of the conquest of power by the proletarian dictatorship in Russia, and the United States, the seat of the new capitalist strength transferred from Europe. Deported with Martens to the Soviet Union he gave of his ability as an organizer in the period of reconstruction that followed the defeat of the numerous civil wars and in- terventions. His final years, however, are inextricably bound up with the miraculous growth of the Karelian Soviet Republic, the Soviet outpost on the borders of white Finland. Karelia is known for its forests, rivers and lakes. Out of these has grown a developing water power now being used to turn the wheels of paper mills that will in time make it unnecessary for the Soviet Union to purchase paper stocks abroad. Thus Soviet Karelia is helping in the building of a socialist econ- omy. During this period Nuorteva has been its president. Norteva did his best to fight off the fatal illness that was claiming his life. He stood among the throngs in the Red Square in Moscow, witnessing the Red Army’s celebra- tion of its Tenth Anniversary in the bitter cold of mid-Janu- ary, much against his doctor’s orders. Thus he always re- fused te spare himself. Nucrteva is dead. He helped ad- vance the revolution. STR ARAB ET - = ea —— WHEN MATTHEW We Hlag RVD WOLL SEES RED— Rens So Tey THE PES emery UF rhig- née er feviey ¢ mane v OENITHOOD Stra Defend By KARL REEVE. Tendencies toward the concentra- tion of the functions of the United States government in the hands of} the president have already been clearly manifested since the instal- lation of Herbert Hoover and his millionaire cabinet. The basis is be- ing laid for the doing away with the mask of false democracy which is now irksome because of war pre- parations and the world rivalry for international markets. The Hoover government is taking all measures to facilitate the transfer from the form of false bourgeois democracy to open dictatorship. “Efficient” Courts. This preparation is emphasized in Hoover’s inaugural address, which shows that the naked and open rule of the imperialists is being made a reali Hoover declares that both the civil and criminal laws must be modified and that all of the dead- wood must be cut away from the judicial system in order to insure rapid, severe action against law- breakers, Hoover declares his intention “to re-establish the vigor and effective- ness of law enforcement.” He speaks of “the entire federal machinery of justice, the redistribution of its functions, the simplication of its procedure, the provision of addi- tional special tribunals, the better selection of juries, and the more ef- fective organization of our agencies of investigation and prosecution that justice may be sure and that it may be swift.” Fascist Methods. The call for special tribunals, for the betterment of agencies of in- vestigation and prosecution has a familiar ring and we may find simi- lar statements by Mussolini and the Balkan dictators, where fascism has been established by these very meth- ods. Hoover’s message is nothing more nor less than the opening call for the preparation of a fascist gov- ernment. | Now in the period of war pr |parations, the democratic forms | which cloak this oppression of the More | workers and mask the rule, of the} | capitalists with “democratic” trim- | mings are becoming a nuisance, an | impediment to capitalist dictator- ship, and are to be thrown over-' s' board. | This preparation for the increase in the efficiency of capitalist jus- tice, for the outlawing of all work- |ing class organizations, permeates | all of the present activities of the government. One of the points of | attack on the working class is to be seen in the drive against the for- eign-born workers. New restriction |of immigration and deportation jlaws have already been passed by | the session of congress recently ad- | journed and the special session to be called this month, will consider | further measures against the for- |cign-born, Senator Blease is advo- | cating the “voluntary” registration of aliens as a preparation for es- | pionage against foreign-born, The | Johnson bill advocated extension of |the grounds for deportation and re- | moval of the time limit within which aliens can be deported for illegal entry. The deportation bill already passed provides a jail sentence, mak- ing it a criminal offense, to enter the United States illegally. Davis on “Selective” Immigration. Secretary of Labor Davis in his | report, advocates “an entirely new | code” of immigration, which includes | ‘selective immigration.” Davis points out “that already immigra- tion officers are at work in foreign countries weeding out undesirable aliens.” wee ing the Forei Open Dictatorship of Bosses to Bring Fascist Methods He selective policy, subjected to the in- spection s all re! immigration to the United States would be of the high- est type available.” He demands that “discretionary powers should be given to the administrati he recommends, what has now be- come a law, that “a penalty should be attached in addition to deporta-| ; tion” for those entering the United! States illegally. He calls for the further restric- tion of immigrants from Mexico and Canada and for a revision of the} deportation laws “to make them more adequately meet the needs of | the government.” He declares, “the practice of the service is to take into custody for deportation all aliens of the criminal, immoral and anarchistic classes whose _ illegal presence is indicated.” He calls upon all employers to demand an immi- | gration certificate from foreign- born workers. He declares that some large employers of labor already de- mand such certificates, and con- cludes, “the extension of this help- ful practice is being urged by the department in the hope that em-) ployers of foreign-born labor gener- ally will assist the government in the enforcement of the immigration v, through refusal to give em- red illegally” and he s “involves the enrollment of aliens under the direction of naturaliza- tion officers.” Purposes of New Measures. While Secretary of Labor Davis advocates, “a 100 per cent; ystem abroad, so that in| officer,” | clearly indicates the measures de-} manded by the government against the foreign-born, some of which} have already become law, the “Hon- | orable” Robe Carl White, assistant | secretary of labor, is more frank in} divulging the purposes of these laws. | This honorable gentleman declares | that the registration of the foreign- | born “would enable our government | to locate and deport the undesirable | aliens—the anarchist, the red, the criminal, and immoral. Among these there are thousands who must be regarded as moral lepers, for they have come here for evil’ pur-| poses. They are destructionists, and | thousands of them are playing their | nefarious game within our gates, planning and laboring for the de-| struction of other governments, and | hoping ultimately to destroy this| great republi¢ of ours. The need for an enroliment law is immediate.”| As a further reason for registra-| |tion and restriction of immigration, | poe honorable gentleman asks tne| oratorical question, “Do you know that we have in this country an or- ganization calling itself the Amer- ican Young Workérs Communist League, and that it is teaching small children disregard and hatred for} our form of government?” Against Radical Workers. These statements were made in a speech delivered but a few weeks ago in Yale University, and the as- sistant secretary of labor goes into great detail to show that the native born white American is of a higher standard and “we must be cautious |as to the quality and quantity of Worker Scores | Author of ory published in the Daily | Worker, “Azure Cities,” you ask for i or reaction to these . I want to say, in the first place, I not only have criticism against the stories, but against the writer, Alexcy Tolstoy, just as much as I would have against any bour- geis intellectual writer. There are many kinds of these mental opium peddlers of different varieties. If I remember rightly, and I think I |do, Alexey Tolstoy is one of the | many bourgeois white guard emi- \gres who went abroad after the | proletarian revolution, There he, |like many of his kind, lied, vilified and slandered the workers’ govern- ment of the Soviet Union, | But when the imperialists with | their lackeys, including these intel- lectuals, failed to crush the Soviet | Union, then of course there was no | more of the hundreds of millions in money for military and lying propa- |ganda purposes and the so-called intellectuals began to feel the pinch of hunger. Lucky for these people | that the workers’ government in- vited some of them back to Russia, provided they would behave them- selves in a good manner. Well | Alexey Tolstoy is one of these peo- |ple. He is back writing stories as | good as he can, | Your question is: ja typicel citizen of the Soviet Union? My answer is no, many |times ho. Buzheninov is not only |not a typical citizen of Soviet Rus- [sia, but he is * Is Buzheninov a not a proletarian cit-| Tolstov, “Azure Cities” , izen of any other part of the world. | He is a typical citizen, of course, in the minds of nebulous bourgeois intellectual writers. The workers of my class don’t act that way, far from it. It. is the imaginary acts of bourgeois writers who act and dream that way. It is not the proletarian. Now comrades, I am sorry I had to write such a long letter in order to say what I wanted to say.. Kind- ly publish this in the Daily Worker, as it would give me encouragement to write some more at other times. I am a worker as you can see by my writing. | ERNEST BERSIN. ee me (While agreeing with much of Comrade Bersin's letter, it must“not be forgotten that Alexey Tolstoy, whatever his sins in the past, is now functioning as a_ citizen of the Soviet Union and writing sympathet- ically of the life there. He is one of the most popular writers in the U.S. S. R., and his works have been issued by Gosisdat, the state pub- lishing house. It must also be re- membered that very few of the new Soviet writers are actual Commun- ists. Most of them are writers of a transition period, who have grown out of the pre-reyolutionary bour- geois world and still retain many elements of bourgeois ideology. The Daily Worker would like to hear the opinions of other workers concerning “Azure Cities” or any gn-Born |the plunging of the United States| ;tator in the food administration at By Wm. Gropper immigrants whom we permit to en- ter.” He advocates sharper immi- gration laws because “the parlor| pink, the ultra radical, the Bolshe- vik, the Communist, were products of foreign soil and for years con-| | fined to foreign soil. . .because they | are hostile to our principles and na- tional philosophy, we owe it as a duty to our country to keep them} out. . .we are too prosperous and/| contented to listen to the wild social | theories of other lands.” It becomes plain that the meas-| ures advocated by Secretary of La-| bor Davis, a further restriction of immigration, the registration of for- | eign-born workers, the selection of immigrants in their own countries, the increasing of the powers of the | secretary of labor to administer the laws, more severe deportation laws, | ete, are advocated to be used) against the foreign-born because! they have a revolutionary tradition, | because they are more class-con-| scious, because they are enlisted in| basic industries. It becomes clear | that these measures are being} passed by congress and are being) prepared by Hoover and his cabinet | as an attack on the working class, | as an attempt to split and divide} the workers, and to persecute, de- port and imprison one of the most militant, advanced and portant | sections of the ‘working class, and) attempt to shatter the unity of the| working class. Thus, the govern- ment, throwing away all democratic! subterfuges, is changing our laws during a period of war preparation} in order to be able more easily to} exploit v-~kers and in ordc= to keep | them in subjection, and try to pre- vent them from protesting against into imperialist war. Spies Expose Dictator. Let me quote from a capitalist in- formation service, the Whaley-Eaton Services, which are “offered to a select clientele and are available to persons of discrimination,” and have “the support and confidence of rep- resentative business men in all parts of the union.” In a report entitled, “The New Epoch Under Hoover,” this service points out that one of the most significant changes inaug- urated with Hoover is this tendency toward dictatorship. It says, “He was a dictator in his relief work in Europe and he was almost a dic- home.” The report then refers to the U. S. senate and declares that one of Hoover’s tasks will be to subjugate the senate to his dictatorship, “what a knock-down this senate will get if it undertakes through sheer obstinacy to oppose the construc- tive programs of Mr. Hoover.” The report continues, “Mr. Hoover does not have to be a dictator in the sense that Mussolini is a dic- tator; the test is coming just as cer- tainly as the tide or rain and it will be . fine thing if it comes early in his administration at the ap- proaching special session.” The workers must awaken to the seriousness of the situation. They must answer the attacks on the for- eign-born w -kers, they must fight against the preparation for a fascist dictatorship, which is but a part of the preparation for the imperialist war. The International Labor Defense is now conducting a campaign in defense of the foreign-born work- ers, and is defending John Topals- canyi against deportation charges. Topalscanyi has just had his citizen- ship papers revoked by the federal court in Pittsburgh. and is facing other of the stories by Soviet writers we are publishing.—Editor.) ii, deportation because of his member- ship in the Communist Party. yu: | speakers at this meeting but an indictment had been “Marseillaise” would chill the blood . 3 Copyright, 1989, by Internationad Publishers Co., Ine. BIDE 4 HAYWOOD’S tion forbidden except by permissicn, et) Outwittine the Police to Make a Speech: A Judge Gets Excited; Socialists Pass A Criminal Syndicalist Law In installments already published Haywood tells of his toil as a child, of working at various trades in the Rocky Mountain region, of the great strikes he went thru, of jail and murder frame-up and labor organization. He tells of helping to form the I. W. W., of its strug- gles, of his delegation to Europe and of meeting Lenin there. In the last issue he tells of campaigning for funds to defend the workers placed on trial after the winning of the Lawrence strike. Now read on. Ce ee By WILLIAM D HAYWOOD, PART 81. NOTHER enthusiastic meeting was held in Carnegie Hall where much interest was aroused and a large sum of money raised for the defense fund. After the meeting a group, among whom was Jack London, went to a restaurant: where I spent a pleasant evening with the famous author. The second strike at Lawrence was about to take place. A meet- ing was arranged on the Boston Common. Special trains had been chartered from Lawrence, Lynn, Haverhill and other towns surrounding the Hub. I was to be one of the issued for me at Lawrence and a warrant was out for my arrest. It was almost certain that if I went to Boston by train I would be arrested at the sta- tion and prevented from speaking at the meeting. So some of the Fellow Workers came for me in an auto- mobile. We drove to Boston from Providence and when we got there went direct to the State House, which stands above the Common, and drove into the arch of the building where we waited until my time came to speak, I walked down through the crowd to the platform. As soon as I was in the body of the people it was impossible for the police to reach me. After my speech was concluded some one indicated the direction where the automobile was standing and I asked the crowd to make a pathway for me, I walked hurriedly through this great throng of people to where I thought the automobile was standing. Some one said, “This way, Bill.” I got into a car. I said to the chauffeur, “Step on the gas.” Then I found that I was in the hands of police officers. They took me to the police station. where my friends im- mediately gave bail and I was turned loose. * Tas arrest interfered somewhat with my plans as it was necessary for me to go to Lawrence to plead, When my case came up in the court there, after the indictment was read, the judge said, “Guilty or not guilty?” My reply was, “Guilty of nothing except trying to help the workers of Lawrence get a little more bread.” The judge flared up and said, “Mr. Haywood, we want no speeches * * in this court. If it occurs again you'll be guilty of contempt. An- | swer the question that is asked of you, ‘Guilty or not guilty?’” I said, “Not guilty.” The judge mentioned a date on which my trial would be set. But this. like several other perfectly good indictments, went down in his- tory. I was never tried under it. I returned to Massachusetts when Ettor and Giovanitti’s trial came up at Salem. The first thing I did was to try and have our lawyers establish the rights of the prisoners by having them seated in the court room somewhere other than the cage in which they were impounded according to the custom in Mas- sachusetts. The law provided that a man was presumed to be in- nocent until found guilty. I contended that these men seated in the cage, built in the center of the court room, were surrounded by all the evidence of guilt even before the trial began. The trial ended with the acquittal of Ettor, Giovanitti and Caruso. A great demonstration was held in Lawrence as a reception for the prisoners when they were released. Ettor and Giovanitti spoke at this meeting. Shortly following the Lawrence strike the textile workers of Little Falls, New York, went on strike, and made a set of demands which they submitted to the manufacturers of that place. Ben Legere and Matilda Rabinowitz were the chief organizers. When I arrived there Legere and others were in jail, and Matilda was acting as chairwoman of the strike committee. She was a little thing but filled the position with much credit to herself. The strike was a miniature repetition of the great Lawrence strike. in, wage N 1912 the Socialist Party held a convention at Indianapolis. The delegates were of an altogether different caliber than those who went to make up the convention of 1908. The class struggle meant nothing to many who were there supposedly representing the work- ing class. There were seventeen or more preachers who could scarcely disguise their sky-piloting proclivities, There were many lawyers and some editors. A meeting was arranged for me in Tomlinson Hall. In describ- ing the Lawrence strike, in my address; I neglected to mention the fact that to Congressman Victor Berger was due the credit for the investigation of the strike that took’place before the Rules Committee of the House of Representatives in Washington, D. C. Victor Berger was sore to the bone. Hillquit, too, had not gotten over the fact that his offer to act as a lawyer for the men on trial for murder in Lawrence had not been accepted. To these leaders and their henchmen in the convention the time seemed opportune to amend the constitution of the Socialist Party, which they did with Article 2, Section 6, providing that: “Any member of the party who opposes political action or advocates crime, sabotage or other methods of violence as a weapon of the work- ing class to aid in its emancipation shall be expelled from membership in the party.” It was Reverend W. R. Gaylord who introduced the resolution against sabotage direct action and violence. He said, “We do not want any of it. We don’t want the touch of it on us, We do not want the hint of it connected with us. We repudiate it in every fiber of us.” Victor Berger expressed himself as follows: i “T desire to say that articles in the Industrial Worker of Spokane, the official organ of the I.W.W., breathe the same spirit, are as anare chistie as anything that Johann Most has ever written. I want to say to you, Comrades, that I for one do not believe in murder as a means of propaganda. I do not believe in theft as a means of ex- propriation nor in a continuous riot as a free speech agitation. Every true Socialist will agree with me when I say that those who believe that we should substitute ‘Hallelujah, I’m a Bum’ for the ‘Marseillaise’ and the ‘International’ should start a ‘bum organization’ of their own.” It was a base, libelous, uncalled-for charge made by Berger against the Industrial Worker. He knew that the I.W.W. had never advo-~ cated murder as propaganda he knew that it had never advocated theft as a means of acquiring the capitalists’ property, he knew that the organization which he was slurring was Marxian in its concept. He had had a chance to learn something of its methods and tactics in con- ducting strikes, he knew the merits of the Lawrence strike, he had heard the children when they testified in Washington, he knew that the strike had been a great victory for the workers, and he knew that at the time he was speaking Ettor, Giovanitti and Caruso were in prison charged with murder. His speech in the convention in support of Article 2, Section 6, was a covert stab in the back at the men who were facing trial. Berger: if he ever saw a song book of the I.W.W., knew that with the satirical song, “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum” were also printed the “Marseillaise,” the “International,” and many other revo- lutionary songs. { If these songs were of American production the chorus of the in Berger’s veins. * In the next issue Haywood continues to compare the Hillquit- ° Berger Socialists with the framers of the criminal syndicalism laws, and then tells of the grewt Paterson strike of 191%. Get “Bill Hay- wood'’s Book” free, sent as a premium to you if you send in @ one year subscription to the Daily Worker, either new or renewal, po |